Vietininko ir prielinksnio „į“ su galininku sinoniminė vartosena

LIETUVIŲ KALBOTYROS KLAUSIMAI, XXVIII (1989) KALBŲ RYŠIAI IR SĄVEIKOS ELENA VALIULYTĖ SYNONYMOUS USE OF THE INESSIVE AND THE PREPOSITION į WITH THE ACCUSATIVE 1. General remarks 1.0. The semantic structure of forms expressing a locative (spatial) meaning—cases with and without prepositions—consists of two types of semantic features: 1) orientational meaning, which indicates the position of the localized entity in relation to another entity (the landmark), and 2) the meaning of motion¹, indicating whether the localized entity moves or remains stationary. The inessive and the construction with the preposition į have identical orientational meaning—they denote the interior of a landmark (interior meaning)—but fundamentally different meanings of motion: the construction with the preposition į indicates movement, whereas the inessive, by contrast, indicates absence of movement (usually a state); cf. grows in the forest and went into the forest. On the basis of their interior (orientational) meaning, these forms constitute a strong semantic opposition, whose distinguishing features are movement | absence of movement. However, there are cases in which this opposition is neutralized, i.e. the aforementioned forms are used with the same verbs, e.g.: got stuck in the clay | in the clay. 1.1. The locative inessive and the construction with the preposition į and the accusative have fundamentally different semantic combinability; cf.: the table stands in the room and the father entered the room. The construction with the preposition į is used with verbs of motion (verbs prompting movement or a change | alteration of position). The inessive, by contrast, is used with verbs of non-motion (verbs of position, existence, process, or a specific action). According to the theory of logical classes (semantic contexts can be understood as logical classes), the semantic environments of the inessive and the construction with the preposition į stand in a relation of mutual exclusion²: where one word form is used, the other is generally not possible; cf.: the table stands in the room (but not into the room) and the father entered the room (but not in the room3). Nevertheless, even in literary language there are contexts in which both of the aforementioned locative forms are used alternatively (i.e. interchangeably), e.g.: the cart got stuck in the soil | in the soil, placed the stick in the corner | in the corner, the agitators gathered in the forest | into the forest, sowed rye in the soil | into the soil (cf. Russian Владимирский 1972, 19 ff.). 1 Šiuos terminus į lietuvių kalbotyrą įtraukė J. Kilius (žr. Kilius 1972, 23; 1977, 40). 2 Dėl loginių klasių ir santykių tarp jų žr. Plečkaitis 1978, 99 tt. 3 In certain dialects, for example in the Klaipėda region, the construction with the preposition į is used in the inessive’s position under the influence of German (e.g., was to Nida), or the southern Aukštaitians (for other reasons alone) use the illative analogously (e.g., I was townward). Elsewhere, conversely, the inessive is used with the meaning of the construction with the preposition į (or, correspondingly, the illative), e.g.: The sister went out in a strange land. Rdm (see Laigonaitė 1957, 30—33; Zinkevičius 1966, 200—201, 418). Since these are not facts of literary language, they will not be discussed here. 12⁴ 179 How can the alternation of such forms and their variable government be explained? This apparently depends mainly on the meaning of the verbs. It may be assumed that there are verbs whose semantic structure meets the semantic requirements imposed on the context by both the locative and the construction with the preposition į, although at first glance these might seem incompatible. Several groups can be distinguished among the verbs that alternate between the locative of the same noun and the construction with the preposition į. 2. The verb to sink and words with related meanings 2.1.0. The verb klimpti in sense (1), “to descend into a soft or loose mass”4, has several synonyms: smegti (1), grimzti (2), smukti (2), sėsti (5) (see Lyberis 1980, 184). The semantic structure of these verbs consists of the following shared semes: 1) motion, 2) direction of motion, and 3) sphere of motion. These determine their semantic and syntactic combinability. The meanings of the verbs under consideration are realized in combinations with dependent nouns denoting a viscous, loose, or soft mass (or containing such a seme), e.g.: mud, bog, algae, dirt, clay, sand, snow, snowdrift; puddle, quagmire, swamp, marsh, meadow, field, earth, etc. However, these nouns may take either of two grammatical forms: the locative or the accusative with the preposition į, e.g.: the cart sinks in the field | into the field. The use of the construction with the preposition į in such an environment is systematic: it is motivated by the verb’s motion seme. The locative with the verbs in question is non-systematic. As already mentioned, the semantic combinability of these forms and the construction with the preposition į is fundamentally different: the construction with the preposition į is used with motion verbs, whereas the locative is used with non-motion verbs. However, this law of semantic agreement is not absolute. In a sentence, the locative, as a generalized form expressing location, is also possible with a motion verb, but alongside another, necessarily required (obligatory) locative form; compare: 1) the cart drove into a ditch in the forest and 2) the cart sank into the snow in the forest. This locative is not directly related to the verb but belongs to the sentence as a whole—it is its determinant (cf. Шведова 1964, 77 ff.). The sentences being compared are not entirely identical in structure. This is shown by the different possibilities for their transformation. The construction with the preposition į cannot be eliminated from sentence (1) without making it ungrammatical, whereas such a reduction is possible in sentence (2); compare: the cart drove in the forest (ungrammatical sentence) and the cart sank in the forest (grammatical sentence). These structural differences between the sentences in question are determined by the semantics of their verbs. Although both verbs belong to the same semantic group—that of motion verbs—they nevertheless differ in certain features: the semes of direction of motion and sphere of motion. The verb važiuoti denotes horizontal motion (over land), whereas klimpti denotes vertical motion (downward through a viscous mass). The motion meaning of the latter verb (because of the nature of the direction and sphere of motion it denotes) is not as prominent as that of verbs denoting horizontal motion. This probably explains why a locative without the construction with the preposition į can occur alongside it (that is, the verb klimpti). This 4 The numeral after the verb indicates the sense number according to DŽ. 180 verb combinations with the locative are of two kinds: in some, the locative can be replaced by the construction with the preposition į, while in others it cannot, e.g.: the cart sank in the forest (but not into the forest) and the cart sank in the snow | into the snow. This depends on the lexical meaning of the noun. The two forms used alternatively—the accusative with the preposition į and the locative—are usually found with nouns required by the semantic valency of the verb klimpti, that is, nouns denoting a viscous mass or containing such a seme (see 2.1.0). The compared combinations describe the same denotative situation, but in each case that situation is interpreted somewhat differently; compare the cart sinks into the field | in the field. Combinations with the construction with the preposition į, which foregrounds the motion seme in the verb’s meaning, emphasize the sphere of motion (the field) more strongly, whereas combinations with the locative, which implies the presence of an entity⁵, generally emphasize the entity being located (the cart) itself. This difference, however, is not significant, and combinations with the same lexical composition should be considered synonymous. Combinations in the klimpti verb group with the construction with the preposition į and the locative differ in frequency of use, stylistic differentiation, and, to a small extent, meaning. 2.1.1. The verb to get stuck realizes its basic meaning in combinations with nouns of specified semantics (see 2.1.0.) in two alternating forms: the accusative with the preposition į (or the instrumental⁶—in dialects) (a), and the locative (less frequently) (b). a) The wheels get stuck in the loose soil, cutting into it like ploughshares. BubnŽDŽ 31. = It’s hard going across the field—the legs get stuck in the clay. Ktk. b) Getting stuck in liquid bitumen, their faces black with ash, they rescued their friends, rescued the power plant. T 1986 108. However, nouns whose semantic structure does not contain a clearly expressed seme of stickiness are used with the specified verb in the locative case, and it is not possible to replace it with the prepositional į construction (except perhaps in literary language), e.g.: Cars get stuck on the thawed dirt road (rš). 2.1.2. Both of the aforementioned forms are also used with prefixed derivatives of the verb to get stuck—įklimpti, nuklimpti, suklimpti. a) Andrius got stuck in the ploughed field. His legs grew heavy. BubnŽDŽ 8. Children, don’t go wandering around the bogs: you could get stuck in the marsh and drown. We got stuck in a terrible clay bog. LKŽ VII 603. LKŽ VIII 338. I got stuck in the mud with all the wheels. LKŽ VI 93. = A mare got stuck in a little island pool; five wolves pulled her, while two waited for the hawks (riddle). Lš (LKŽ XII 59). When we were wading, we all got stuck in the ford. Ktk. b) A cow got stuck in a bog (marsh) by the lake. Mrk (LKŽ VII 603). The cart got stuck in the marshy, waterlogged hollow (translation). The animal got stuck in the spring in springtime. J. He got stuck while walking in the snow. Krkl (LKŽ VI 94). ⁵ In general, locative constructions with non-stative verbs may be regarded as the result of syntactic condensation: they imply an omitted stative verb (which can easily be inserted, e.g.: reads in the room ← reads while being in the room, and likewise the cart got stuck in the forest ← the cart got stuck while being in the forest). For this concept, see Мартынов 1985, 159. ⁶ The instrumental should be considered a semantic variant of the prepositional į construction; we will denote it with an equals sign (=). 181 In dialects⁷ there are also derivatives with other prefixes of the same verb – apk्लिमpti, pak्लिमpti, prik्लिमpti, पार्क्लिमpti. We have examples of their use with the inessive. The cart got stuck in the swamp. J. Balelėj the mare got stuck: five men pulled, two waited with a hawk (riddle). Pn (LKŽ VI 94). The doctor, having lost his way, also got bogged down in the swamp. Vr (LKŽ VI 94). (Cf. also: He spent his whole life wallowing in the mud (he never saw a good life). Ds (LKŽ VI 94). 2.1.3. A characteristic syntactic companion of the verbs discussed is the construction of the prepositions iki | ligi with the genitive. It occurs both alongside the construction with the preposition į (a) and alongside the inessive (b). a) They wade through the underbrush, sinking into the snow up to their belts. RadzPV I 135. The most important thing here is the meadow..., where in the summer heat, sinking into the sand up to the hubs, carts laden with hay or clover lumber along. RadzPV I 148. b) Their legs often sank into the snow up to their knees (trš). The horses sank into the swamp up to their bellies. Er (LKŽ VI 94). As we can see from the examples, the mentioned constructions with the prepositions iki | ligi have a restricted lexical composition: they consist of nouns denoting an inseparable part of an object (the action’s subject). The construction itself has a distinctive boundary meaning, determined by the nature of the action (the amorphous mass’s vertical movement): it indicates the boundary up to which the action encompasses its subject; cf.: A person sank into a snowdrift up to the knees and A person walked up to the snowdrift and stopped. Other boundary prepositions are also possible in this position, e.g.: A person sank into the snow above | higher than the knees, also halfway up the knees, level with the knees. 2.1.4. With the verb klimpti and its derivatives, both dependent forms are used interchangeably—the accusative with the preposition į (a) and the inessive (b)—with abstract nouns (e.g., misfortune, crisis, idealism, worries). In such a lexical-syntactic environment, the verbs have a figurative meaning and often form fixed expressions. They will not be examined here from this perspective, however; our concern is the syntactic structure of the constructions. a) The bourgeois countries are still sinking deeper into economic crisis. LKŽ VI 93. Kurapka himself cannot figure out how he got into debt. Krėv. A teacher has too much to do not to get bogged down in details, one way or another. Jabl (LKŽ VI 94). b) Ignas is bogged down in debt. Ašb. All our Machists became mired in idealism. LKŽ VI 93. 2.2.0. The verb smegti (1) realizes its basic meaning, “to penetrate deeply (into a soft object),” in constructions with nouns from the same semantic group as those used with its synonym klimpti (see 2.1.0.). These verbs differ in certain semantic nuances. In the semantic structure of the verb smegti, greater emphasis is placed on the nature of the action’s subject—its weight and heaviness—whereas with the verb klimpti the emphasis is on the nature of the place where the action occurs (its sphere of manifestation)—its bogginess, muddiness, and so on. The verbs can also “transfer” these semantic features to their lexical environment⁸ if they are not explicitly expressed there. For example, in the sentence As one walks, the legs ⁷ We consider derivatives dialectal if they are absent from DŽ₁. ⁸ Plg. U. Weinreich’o mintis dėl žodžių „pereinamųjų požymių“ (Никитина 1979, 115). 182 “stuck in a meadow” the verb klimpti, among other things, also signals that the dependent noun pievoje (or, more precisely, the denotatum designated by this noun) has the property of being boggy (since a meadow may also not be boggy). In the sentence Vežimas smėgo pievoje, however, the verb smėgti also conveys, among other things, that the subject (the cart) was heavy, weighty (which is why it sank)⁹. 2.2.1. With the verb smėgti and its prefixed derivatives išsmėgti, nusmėgti, prasmegti, susmegti, parsmegti (dialectal), as with the verb klimpti (see 2.1.1 ff.), the construction with the preposition į is more commonly used (or the inessive case—in dialects). Legs sink into the ground. I sink into the bog. J. The animals’ legs sink deeper into such manure and become very mired. LKŽ XIII 142. When the loaded cart sank into the mud, he pulled it out by himself. Šimk (LKŽ XIII 143). The runners sink into the snow up to their belts. Vien (LKŽ XIII 144). = Those wheels sank into the fallow field; they can no longer be driven out. Slm (LKŽ XIII 144). All the horse’s legs sank into the puddle. Vb (LKŽ XIII 143). There are many ash-, birch-, pine-, and spruce-wood logs, heartwood-rich, sunk into the mud and overgrown with stumps and grass. BM 67. 2.2.2. The inessive case is used only to a limited extent with these verbs. It occurs more often with past passive participles or compound perfect verb forms built from them, which have the meaning of a resultant state (see LKG 1971, 150) (a), and less often with simple forms (also in dialects) (b). a) Many legends have been created about castles, towns, and manors that sank into the ground. LTs IV 52. Felicija sat in bed, sunk into down pillows. SajND 116. b) The wheels sank completely into the mud. Pbs. What a swamp! I nearly sank there with the cart. Bsg (LKŽ XIII 144). 2.2.3. The verb smėgti can generally be replaced by the verb klimpti, for example: Legs sink | get stuck in the ground. The prefixed verbs, however, do not always correspond, e.g., the wheels sank into the snow, but not praklimpo, since this verb has a different meaning—‘to become boggy’ (cf.: After the rain, the soil became boggy). 2.2.4. When the subject of the action is a pointed or sharp object, the verb smėgti means ‘to pierce’. In this case too, it regularly takes a construction with the preposition į (or the inessive case—in dialects). A splinter pierces a finger. J. A nail got driven into his leg. Krš (LKŽ XIII 142). The knife, having slipped, pierced the wall. Sz (LKŽ XIII 143). = The axe pierced his leg. Auk (LKŽ XIII 145). The inessive case, by contrast, is expressed with the active participle form (cf. 2.2.2). After removing the shoe, they found a bullet embedded in the paw. Žem (LKŽ XIII 143). In dialects, the inessive case also occurs with personal forms of prefixed verbs. A fragment pierced his hand. Briž (LKŽ XIII 143). 9 That the subject’s properties are reflected in the semantic structure of this verb is more clearly shown by its secondary meaning ‘to pierce’, in which the subject is more specifically defined; cf. the definition of this meaning: “to penetrate deeply (said of a pointed object)” (DŽ₁ 722). 183 The verb pierced denotes a completed action and has a resultative-state seme: its meaning can be interpreted as “went in and remained.” The latter (i.e., the state) seme also supports the locative position, while this (locative) form, in turn, actualizes the seme in question. However, the position of the construction with the preposition into with this verb is stronger, since it is also supported by the verb’s morphological structure—the prefix corresponding to the preposition, in- 2.2.5. With the verb smegti and its derivatives, as with its synonym klimpti, constructions marking the boundary of motion may also be used—prepositions iki | ligi, virš, aukščiau and the genitive (cf. 2.1.3). The exiles sank into the snow up to their belts. Vien (LKŽ XIII 144). The [old man’s] legs sank into the threshing-floor bedding above the knees. Slm (LKŽ XIII 143). The extent of the action may also be specified by other means: by an adverb modifying the verb (a), or by an attribute modifying the subject’s case form (b). a) The wheels sank completely into the mud. Pbs. The animals’ legs sink deep into such manure and churn it up badly (rš). b) All the legs sank into the ford. 2.2.6. With the verbs indicated, the accusative of abstract nouns with the preposition į (or the instrumental) (a), or the inessive (b), is also used (cf. 2.1.4). a) A mother’s words sink into a child’s memory. TS 1901 4–5b. They sank into a religious quagmire (rš). = He is sunk entirely in debt (deeply in debt). Rgvl (LKŽ XIII 143). When we came to visit our parents, what could you do? We were buried in work (had a great deal of work) and had no time to entertain guests. Mžš (LKŽ XIII 144). b) We were sunk in debt (deeply indebted). Dkš (LKŽ XIII 144). The dependent noun may be used figuratively, and the word combinations themselves may become phraseologized. That knitting pattern sank into his head (cf. sank into memory). Šts (LKŽ XIII 143). Every word of that writer’s sank into her heart. Žem (LKŽ XIII 143). Words sank into my mind like nails. Vaižg (LKŽ XIII 143). Comparing the collocations of the verb drive with this lexical composition with those of the verb get bogged down, only a partial overlap is apparent; for example, one says sank into debt | sank in debt and sank into debt, and likewise disappeared into work | disappeared in work and got bogged down, but sank into memory, into the mind, into the heart, not got bogged down. 2.3.0. In its secondary meaning, the verb grimzti is synonymous with the verbs klimpti, smegti: DŽ defines it by reference to these verbs: “to sink, to become stuck (in mud, sand, snow).” In its primary meaning, the verb in question belongs to another synonym series (see 3.1.0). 2.3.1. With the verb grimzti and its prefixed derivatives įgrimzti, nugrimzti, sugrimzti, apgrimzti dialect., pragrimzti dialect., the construction with the preposition į (or the instrumental in dialects) is generally used (a), and the inessive less often (b). a) The stone sank into the ground. J. The money, along with the pot, sank into the ground. BsP I 102. The wagon wheels sank into the mud. LzP (LKŽ III 606). =The boat sank into the mud right up to its sides. Sr (LKŽ III 605). b) The castle standing there (on the mountain) is sunk deep into it. BsV 162. 184 2.3.2. Boundary-of-action constructions are also used with these verbs (cf. 2.1.3., 2.2.5). The boat sank into the mud right up to its sides. Sr (LKŽ III 605). 2.3.3. Combinations are formed with various abstract nouns as well (cf. 2.1.4., 2.2.6). a) The capitalist world is sinking ever deeper into contradictions. T 1953 45. The Valeišiai are sinking into debt. Avyž (LKŽ III 605). To sink into trouble. K I 308. = Varkalienė did not notice, having once again sunk into a whirlpool of heavy thoughts. Gud-Guz (LKŽ III 605). Another year sank into eternity. BŽ 195. b) He is completely immersed in his work. LKŽ III 605. Others are already deeply in debt. Kel 1933 69. An invisible chain connects us to past generations, sunk in the mists of the ages. VenclLL 352. 2.4.0. The meaning of the verb smukti (2), “to sink deeper, to bog down,” is secondary. The verb’s primary meaning—“to slip downward”—includes a fixed movement and its direction (downward). In the semantic environment characteristic of the verb klimpti (see 2.1.0), however, it acquires the same meaning as the latter, e.g., the legs sink into the mud. (In this case, the downward-direction seme is modified into the seme “deeper.”) 2.4.1. With the verb smukti and its prefixed derivatives išsmukti, susmukti, nusmukti, pasmukti, as with its synonym klimpti, two alternative dependent forms are used: the accusative with the preposition į (or the illative) (a) and the inessive (less frequently) (b). a) The legs are sinking into the mud; I can no longer walk. Kv (LKŽ XIII 209). As one walks, one’s legs sink into flooded ground, into the marsh, and the water squelches. J. The wheels sink into the furrows. J. I sank into the sandy soil. Kl (LKŽ IV 315). = The cart sinks into the puddle. Alks (LKŽ XIII 209). The machine sank into the mud, so they had to pull it out with two tractors. Then the whole wedding party sank into the ground. Klt (LKŽ XIII 214). LTs IV 649. b) I had sunk down in the meadows. AvyžKK 268. But in contexts with nouns denoting water or bodies of water, the verb smukti has a different meaning, namely “to fall” (realized in combinations with a prepositional į construction). They walked and walked, only to slip off the frozen ice and into the lake. Dkš (LKŽ XIII 211). They stood there and stood there, then all fell into the water. Kv (LKŽ XIII 214). 2.4.2. With this verb, as with its synonyms, constructions indicating the limit of an action are also used (cf. 2.1.3, 2.2.5, 2.3.1). I sank into the snowdrift right up to my ears! The cart sank into the mud up to its axles. Skr (LKŽ XIII 209). Kv (LKŽ XIII 211). Constructions expressing quantity are also used with an analogous semantic function. That stone has sunk a whole meter into the ground. The hut has sunk half a meter into the ground. Pln (LKŽ XIII 211). Ktk. The same constructions are possible with the other verbs mentioned above as well, for example: The cart sank (by) half a meter into the snowdrift. 2.4.3. Abstract nouns with the preposition į were found with the prefixed verb išsmukti (cf. 2.1.4, 2.2.6, 2.3.3.). 185 Oh, did he ever get into trouble! Rmš (LKŽ XIII 211). He had fallen into that drunkenness, but somehow managed to free himself from the booze. Vdk (LKŽ XIII 211). I got into that debt and don’t know how I’ll get out of it. Al (LKŽ XIII 211). The locative is possible with the past participle, cf. išmukęs varguose, skoloje. 2.5.0. Of the verb sėsti (5), only its fifth meaning is synonymous with the verbs discussed: in DŽ, it is explained using the synonym grimzti, while LKŽ also uses the verb smegti. This meaning is linked to the downward-motion seme of the same verb’s primary meaning, “to assume a sitting position”; cf. Sėdo ant suolo and Vežimas sėdo smėlynuose. 2.5.1. The verb sėsti (5) and its prefixed derivatives įsėsti, nusėsti are more characteristic of colloquial speech and dialects. With them, the prepositional construction with į (or the illative) predominates (a); the locative is very rare (b). The beets are so large and have sunk so deep into the soil that sometimes their leaves break off when they are being pulled out. BubnŽDŽ 20. = The stone was large, and now it has sunk deep into the puddle; only the top is visible. Vlk (LKŽ XII 447). The cart sank into the meadow, and the horses won’t budge at all. Alv (LKŽ XII 447). The ground has thawed, so the cart sank right into the meadow! Rod (LKŽ XII 447). Times passed, centuries passed; rains and storms brought down the towers, and the walls sank into the ground. Krev (LKŽ XII 449). In dry sandy places, the wheels sink up to their hubs. LKŽ XII 442. 2.5.2. Constructions indicating the limit of an action are also used with this verb (see the last example). 2.5.3. The verb sėsti, like smegti (see 2.2.4), in a context where the subject is a pointed, sharp object has the meaning “to pierce” and is used with a prepositional construction with į (or the illative). When it fired, the bullet lodged in his chest. Ml (LKŽ XII 447). Cf. also: When a tick latched onto his neck, he dug it out with a knife. Rdš (LKŽ XII 447). 2.5.4. When the subject of the action is a liquid or paint, the verb sėsti has the meaning ‘to soak in’. This meaning is also realized with a construction using the preposition į (or with the illative). The dye soaked into the shroud. Bt (LKŽ XIII 447). The ink soaked into the tablecloth, so that it cannot even be washed out. Up (LKŽ XII 447). 2.6.0. The verb klimpti and words of similar meaning, grimzti, smegti, smukti, sėsti (and their prefixed derivatives), form synonymous combinations with a construction using the preposition į and with the locative, e.g.: the cart got stuck (sank, slipped, settled) in the sand | in the sand. 2.6.1. In the specified lexical environment, the construction with the preposition į is regular and more frequent, while the locative is less common. It is used without restriction with compound perfect verb forms (or past participles) that have a resultative-state seme, which meets the semantic requirements of the locative for its context. 2.6.2. The locative is more characteristic of sentences with a generalized meaning, whereas the construction with the preposition į is characteristic of utterances with a specific, actualized meaning; cf.: We’ll grade the road; the cars get stuck in it and The tractor got stuck in the field. 186 2.6.3. The locative is more often used in dialects, whereas the construction with the preposition į is more common in written language. This reflects the general tendency for analytic constructions to become more established. 2.6.4. The ability of syntactic forms with different semantic valencies—the locative and the preposition į with the accusative—to combine with the verb klimpti and its synonyms (grimzti, smegti, smukti, sėsti) is determined by the specific semantics of these verbs. The downward movement into an amorphous mass that they denote can also be understood as the object’s location remaining unchanged, that is, as absence of movement. This is what accounts for the locative position. 2.6.5. In combinations with the aforementioned lexical composition, the construction with the preposition į has a somewhat modified orientational meaning: it denotes not the interior of a bounded object, but the depth of an amorphous substance. This is determined by the semantics of the dependent noun. In addition, the construction differs in its meaning of motion: it lacks the seme of approach and instead denotes movement downward into an amorphous mass. 3. The verb skęsti and words with related meanings 3.1.0. For the verb to sink (1), besides its synonym to submerge (1), the semantically related verbs are to dive (1), to plunge (1). They are all defined similarly in DŽ₁; cf.: to submerge ‘to descend in a liquid’, to sink ‘to submerge in a liquid’, to dive ‘to descend, submerge in water’, to plunge ‘to enter water, dive’. As the definitions show, the meanings of these verbs encode the following semes: movement, its direction (downward), and the medium of movement (a liquid, usually water). In this last seme, the verbs listed above differ from the series of synonyms to get stuck: their semantics encode a different medium of movement—viscous substances and loose materials (see 2.1.0). 3.1.1. The verbs skęsti, grimzti realize their meaning in constructions with the locative of nouns denoting water (and other liquids) or bodies of water (river, lake, pond, lagoon, ocean, pool, spring). A stone sinks in water. DŽ₁ 708. Dry wood does not sink in water. Ktk. When ships sink at sea during storms. SNėr. It sinks in water, gets bogged down in mud. J. 3.1.2. The locative is also used with prefixed derivatives of the verbs mentioned above. It is hard for that little feather to sink in the lagoon. Lnkv (LKŽ XII 845). A church has sunk (gone under) in our lake. Tvr (LKŽ XII 845). And the little boat sank down into the depths of the sea. JV 194. The net sinks completely in the deep pool. Sr (LKŽ III 605). In the evening the raft sank in the Minija River. TP 1881 1. 3.1.3. The construction with the preposition į (or the illative) is rarely used with the verbs under discussion (a), except for the construction į dugną ‘to the bottom’ (and the illative dugnan) (b). a) The axe quickly sank into the depths of the lagoon. Šd (BM 212). Note how far the test tube had sunk into the water. LKŽ III 605. = The little fish were sinking into the depths of the lagoon. Lel (LKŽ XII 843). Yesterday the bucket sank into the well. Lš (LKŽ XII 844). b) And the breeze rose, and it capsized the little boat: and the maiden sank to the bottom of the sea. Stn 5. The wreath is already sinking to the bottom of the sea. KlvD 144. 187 The construction to the bottom differs from the others in its semantics: it has a clear endpoint meaning and brings into focus the approach (to a landmark) seme in the verb’s meaning (cf. 2.6.5). In general, the construction with the preposition to and the specified verbs is possible when describing situations in which the subject’s approach to a landmark is clear, cf.: The sun sank into the sea (but not in the sea). With abstract nouns, however, the preposition to occurs more frequently. Both into darkness and into silence the bright days sink. GustPP 65. In this lexical environment, the verb too has a changed—figurative—meaning. For more examples, see 3.1.8. 3.1.4. In meaning (2), “to die by drowning, to drown,” the verb to sink is used with the locative of nouns belonging to the same semantic class as those in meaning (1) (see 3.1.1). The distinguishing feature of these meanings is the nature of the action’s subject, cf. The ship sank in the sea (meaning (1), the subject is an inanimate object) and The fisherman drowned in the sea (meaning (2), the subject is a living creature). Gelbėk mane jauną vandenėly skęstant. JD 1531. Jūrą perplaukęs, klane nuskendo. NdŽ. Tai dalelė mano — valiai būčiau balelėj paskendus. Prng (LKŽ XII 844). 3.1.5. The construction with the preposition to and the verb in this meaning occurs in some dialects (e.g., those of Klaipėda) under the influence of a foreign language (German). I’ve drunk so much liquor that I’d drown in that puddle. Plik(LKŽ XII 844). Your father’s father drowned in the lagoon—aren’t you afraid of drowning? Prk(LKŽ XII 843). 3.1.6. The verb to sink in meaning (3) is also used with nouns belonging to the same semantic class as those used with the verb to get stuck (see 2.1.0). The syntactic valency of these verbs, however, differs. The latter characteristically occurs with a construction containing the preposition into (see 2.1.1 et seq.), whereas the verb to sink takes the locative. In autumn and spring people are almost sinking in the mud (trš). The horses sank into snowdrifts up to their chests (tsp). The cow was covered in manure [without bedding]. Rs (LKŽ XII 843). That leg was sunk in the hay; I pricked myself with a pitchfork. Erž (LKŽ XII 843). Cf. also: Those were the only kinds of pastures there were; you used to graze in places like those, unlike nowadays, when cows are immersed in clover. Mšk(LKŽ XII 843). In these contexts, the verb to sink has the stative meaning “to be immersed” (it can be replaced by the cognate, specialized stative verb to be immersed, e.g.: people are sunk | immersed in mud). It is precisely this meaning that determines its syntactic valency. 3.1.7. The verb to sink has a somewhat different stative meaning in contexts where the subject is an immobile object, e.g.: the meadow is submerged in water, the road was buried in dust, the palace was engulfed in flames, the room is filled with smoke. This meaning, too, is realized in constructions with the locative. As we can see, the subject in the stative meaning is an immobile object, but the sphere of the state itself may “shift,” cf.: the meadow is submerged in water “water flooded the meadow,” the room is filled with smoke “the room filled with smoke,” the road was buried in dust “dust rose over the road.” 3.1.8. Abstract nouns are also more often used in the locative with the verb to sink (and its prefixed derivatives), but the accusative also occurs with the preposition 188 the locative case with į (or the illative). Volume 12 of LKŽ records synonymous combinations with the following nouns: work, debt, hardship, sleep. For I was completely immersed in work. Būg (LKŽ XII 845). He tried to sink even further into his work. Paukšt(LKŽ XII 844). – It is not good when a person sinks too deeply into those jobs. Kps (LKŽ XII 845); I have sunk completely into debt; I don’t know how I’ll get out of it. We were drowning in debt. Dkš (LKŽ XII 844). – The worst thing is how [we] have sunk into debt. I sank into debt. Gl (LKŽ XII 845). Having sunk into all kinds of hardships, [he] grew grey-haired. Krš (LKŽ XII 845). – You sank and were lost in hardship. Lkm (LKŽ XII 844). It is dark and quiet in the cottage; you would think all the corners and edges had sunk into sleep. Paukšt (LKŽ XII 844). – I lay down and sank into sleep. LKŽ XII 845. What about those children—they are just sunk in sleep. Mlt (LKŽ XII 845). There are many examples of the locative case, for example: sank in affairs, worries, trivialities, dreams, grief, superstitions, injustice, memories, thoughts, lies, reverie, and so on. Alongside some locatives, a construction with the preposition į could also occur, for example: sank in affairs | into affairs, in trivialities | into trivialities, in superstitions | into superstitions, but only: sank in thought. 3.2.0. The verbs nerti (1), nirti (1) differ from the verb skęsti (1) in the activity of the subject (cf. A person dived [intentionally] into the sea and A person was drowning [involuntarily] in the sea) and in the pace and intensity of the action. In LKŽ this feature is included in the definition of the verbs (cf. “to go in, descend rapidly (usually into water)” (see Vol. 12, p. 682), whereas it is needlessly omitted in DŽ₁. The derivative meaning of the aforementioned verbs—“to go, run, flee, rush quickly” (e.g., The children rushed out through the door. DŽ₁425)—also shows the importance of this feature. 3.2.1. The verb nerti and its prefixed derivatives pa(si)nerti, nunerti, sunerti, inerti, as well as the verb nirti (and its derivatives panirti, numirti), unlike the verb skęsti, regularly occurs with the preposition į and the accusative (or illative) of nouns denoting water or bodies of water. The pike dived into the water. Bor (LKŽ VIII 683). He can dive right into the depths. Lž (LKŽ VIII 683). – The oars splashed as they plunged into the water. All the frogs dived into the water. The youngest fisherman dived into the water. Oh, I shall turn into a speckled little pike; oh, I shall dive into the wide seas. The birds plunged into the river. The wagon plunged into the ditch, and for a while it could no longer be seen or heard at all. The well-sweep plunged into the well. =He himself plunged in all at once, chest-deep [lovin, snorting as he washed. LKŽ VIII 812; LKŽ VIII 684; LKŽ VIII 813; LB 147; Skr (LKŽ VIII 684); Vien (LKŽ VIII 684); J.; Balt(LKŽ VIII 812). The locative is rarely used with these verbs. The fishing-line sank in the water. Dov(LKŽ VIII 813). And from the edge it kept swimming and swimming, then sank in the middle. JD 76. 3.2.2. With the verbs mentioned, both forms alternate—the accusative with the preposition į (or the illative) (a), and the locative (b)—with nouns belonging to the same semantic class as those used with the verb klimpti (see 2.1.0.). In this case, the aforementioned verbs belong to the latter semantic group. 189 a) Kajus felt as if he had plunged into a snowdrift. Balč (LKŽ VIII 683). I leapt from the beam into the barn and died in the straw. LKŽ VIII 813. The stump stood... having sunk its dead roots deep into the earth. Balt (LKŽ VIII 683). = You just stick out a leg and plunge into the mud. Dbk (LKŽ VIII 683). b) At times he would sink into the snowdrift up to his chin. Šimk(LKŽ VIII 684). Žvilgs kaliosas nuniro dumble. LKŽ VIII 813. It seems you could just lie there and lie there, immersed in the grass, listening to the quiet rustling of little beetles.BubnŽDŽ 82. 3.2.3. Both forms are also used with abstract nouns. The construction with the preposition į is more frequent. a) Wishing to forget himself, he immersed himself in everyday concerns.Avyž(LKŽ VIII 664). After returning to Lithuania, he immerses himself even more deeply in the cultural and literary life of that time.LKŽ VIII 684. He plunged into work like a fly into honey.Pn(LKŽ VIII 684). He sank into vague, sweet dreams, so alien to his nature.LKŽ VIII 813. = Had he drunk too much mead, that he had sunk so deeply into sleep? Sruog. b) When immersed in such work, one has to keep walking. Pp(LKŽ VIII 684). The priest chuckles into the pillow and soon sinks into the realm of dreams.ČiurŠ₁ 140. 3.3.0. The verb skęsti and its synonym grimzti are regularly used with the locative, whereas verbs of related meaning, nerti, nirti, are used with a construction containing the preposition į. 3.3.1. However, with abstract nouns, the verbs mentioned above can alternatively take either form: the locative or the accusative with the preposition į (see 3.1.8; 3.2.3). In this lexical-syntactic environment, the verbs have a figurative meaning. 3.3.2. The verbs nerti, nirti meaning “to get bogged down” also form constructions with both forms (see 3.2.2), as does the verb klimpti. 4. The verb dėti and words with related meanings 4.0. Prefixed derivatives of the verb dėti (1) (meaning “to cause to occupy a place”), padėti, sudėti, and verbs of similar semantics, pa(su)guldyti, pa(su)statyti, pa(su)sodinti, pa(su)kabinti, pa(su)pilti, pa(su)kišti, su-krauti, sustumti, uždaryti, su(pa)talpinti, etc., can form synonymous constructions with the prepositional į construction and with the locative, cf.: put the broom in the corner | in the corner, hung the coat in the wardrobe | in the wardrobe, threw the rake into the fence-side strip | in the fence-side strip. This is due to the complex semantics of these verbs: they have both motion (change of location) and state (position) semes (moreover, the state is the outcome of the motion, and in that sense is resultative). The motion seme (which is more prominent) determines the position of the prepositional į construction, while the state seme determines that of the locative. On the other hand, these dependent forms bring out the corresponding semantic features of the verbs they modify: the prepositional į construction highlights the motion seme, whereas the locative highlights the final phase of motion (the resulting state). 190 4.1.0. However, the verbs mentioned above form synonymous constructions only with nouns of a particular lexical meaning and, in part, morphological structure. Constructions with the preposition į (or the illative in dialects) are regular. 4.1.1. Constructions with the nouns kampas, kertė, denoting a place bounded on two sides. Put the broom in the corner.Grz(LKŽ V 628). He threw the shoes into the corner. = He poured the grain into the corner.Ktk. b) I placed the stick in the corner.Šll(LKŽ XII 698). They seated the guest in the corner, while they themselves sat down to the sides.Stk(LKŽ V 629). Whenever I complain about some boy, he immediately punishes the offender: sends him out the door or makes him kneel in the classroom corner, by the stove. VaičnLMP 9. With non-prefixed verbs, the accusative of the indicated nouns is used with the preposition į, e.g.: Throw the rubbish into the corner.LKŽ V 628. He puts the pupil in the corner.DŽ₁ 738. 4.1.2. Constructions with nouns bearing the prefix pa-, denoting a place bounded on one or several sides (pasienis, patvorys, pakraštys; pagirnis, pašalys, palėpė, etc.). a) She lay down at the edge; they laid her by the boundary so she would not fall. ŠŽ 252. Pile the firewood into the attic.Klov(LKŽ IX 253). = Put the bundle of flax in the attic. Ob (LKŽ IX 253). Hang the scythes in the shed.Dglš (LKŽ IX 187). Pour some sand by the boundary.Ds (LKŽ IX 382). Pile the chopped firewood in the attic.Sdk (LKŽ IX 253). Pour the sand by the forest edge.Ds (LKŽ IX 87). Stack the flax in the straw shed.Ds (LKŽ IX 179). b) We will pile the firewood in the shed. DŽ₁ 527. The cat, having no time then, put the letter in the attic and forgot about it. BsP II 197. Put the spoons by the boundary. Brž (LKŽ IX 381). I poured the hops into the loft above the barn. Vv (LKŽ IX 253). Hang the scythe in the tool shed.Ut (LKŽ IX 253). He hung the bacon in the very loft, where the cat cannot get to it.Všk (LKŽ IX 95). Shut the hens in the coop so they don’t get drenched.Ds (LKŽ IX 182). Hang the clothes in the shed so they don’t get rained on. Užv (LKŽ₁ II 1015). They pushed the benches together by the boundary—and then the dancing began. Cv (LKŽ IX 467). However, nouns of the same morphological structure denoting broader spatial concepts occur only in the locative with verbs of the semantic group in question, e.g.: he put the bundle by the edge of the forest, tied the horse by the bushes. 4.1.3. Word combinations of the lexical composition under discussion (see 4.1.1; 4.1.2) with the prepositional į construction (or the illative) and the locative are synonymous. However, they differ in their frequency of use. The prepositional į construction with the verbs indicated is regular, whereas the locative is much rarer. (Most of our examples of locative use are from dialects. But they may also be suitable for the literary language.) However, this case predominates with passive past participles or compound perfect forms formed with them, which have the seme of resultant state (for this meaning, see LKG 1971, 148 ff.). They are all good, only the eleventh is very bad, tiny, shrunken, set right in the corner. ŠŽ 272. The winnowing fan is placed by the forest edge. Er (LKŽ IX 87). The hen was tossed aside, tucked away in the attic (a broom). Dbč (LKŽ IX 254). The straw is piled in the shed. 191 Ml (LKŽ IX 187). Chests have been placed against the wall. J. Vizgirda glanced at his magazines and books, piled at the edge of the bench. Radv PV I 66. The pack frames still lie abandoned by the fence. ŽemR I 85. These constructions may prompt the use of the locative with personal forms of the corresponding verbs as well, cf.: placed in the corner | put in the corner, laid in the loft | put in the loft, piled in the kitchen | piled into the kitchen. 4.1.4. The passive past-tense participles of verbs belonging to the semantic groups indicated (see 4.0), or compound perfect forms formed with them, are used with the locative of nouns of other meanings, for example, those denoting containers or rooms (chest, cupboard, granary, barn, etc.). My provisions are stored in that chest: bread, cheese, butter, meat for the journey. LKŽ XII 1076. He already felt it then... as he chose a tie from the whole pile, neatly hung in the wardrobe on the inside of the door. VencIGD 322. A large bunch of lilac branches, placed in a pitcher and flowering down to the last blossom, covered half the window. KatMAR 159. The wind is trapped in the barrel, and the barrel is stopped up with a roller. Only our little sister accompanies the one laid in the white coffin. The whole summer crop has been piled in the barn. SV 8. BsO 44. Ktk. All his savings are deposited in the bank. Up (LKŽ XII 118). The grain has been poured into the sleeping quarters. Trg (LKŽ VIII 136). The little fir trees are brought, packed tightly in trucks. LM 1985 51 15. In the middle of the square stood a horse harnessed to a sleigh. AzyžKK 175. Širmelis neighs, shut in the stable. Tilv (LKŽ₁ II 298). Personal verb forms, however, are generally used with the accusative of nouns having the indicated meanings and the preposition į ‘into’, for example: put into a chest, placed in a pitcher, piled into a barn, packed into a truck, harnessed to a sleigh, stuck into a barrel, etc. However, cases of synonymous usage also occur, cf.: A long time ago Adam hung his head in the wardrobe instead of his hat (| into the wardrobe). GrušRŠ 87. On a pole the meat is shifted and dried in the chimney. J. – Bring the hooks; we’ll hang the meat in the chimney. Skd (LKŽ₁ II 1016). We’ll lay the young man in the granary, and put the little horse in the stable. NS 1066. I’d put the horse in the day-yard. Dkk (LKŽ I 345). – He put the horses in the stable and gave us a meal. He paid ten dollars for the bast shoes and put [them] in the window(| in the window). The horses need to be shut in the stable. – Shut the hens in the henhouse. Gs (LKŽ VIII 189). Eiš (LKŽ XIII 699). Ds (LKŽ II 298). – Ds. It should be noted that the material available to us is not exhaustive. Synonymous constructions can be described systematically once the valency properties of verbs have been investigated10. 4.1.5. As noted above, the locative position is strongest with passive past-tense participles (or compound verb forms formed with them), owing to their meaning of resultant state (see 4.1.3, 4.1.4). The question arises whether the locative with passive participles can be replaced by a prepositional į-construction (when it is also used with personal forms of the same verbs, cf.: stored in a chest and put into a chest). It seems that it can. Cf. analogous examples of this construction (i.e., with passive participles): A bottomless tub, with broken staves, has been placed in the well. MasAMB 398. Such proposals most often ¹⁰ A dictionary of verb valency is being written by N. Sližienė. 192 apply to me, because I am seated in the first row and have nowhere to hide. SajND 6. (The prepositional constructions with į in these sentences can easily be replaced by the inessive.) Replacing the inessive may be difficult when this case is linked by double syntactic relations; for example, in the sentence Širmelis žvengia tvarte uždarytas ‘Širmelis neighs in the stable, shut in’, the inessive is supported by both the verb žvengia ‘neighs’ and the participle uždarytas. ‘shut in’. 4.2.0. The words rašyti, žymėti ‘write, mark’ and their prefixed derivatives11 may conditionally be assigned to the discussed semantic group of verbs (see 4.0.); with them, the inessive (a) and the preposition į with the accusative of certain nouns (b) are also used synonymously (e.g., knyga, bloknotas, sąsiuvinis, lapas ‘book, notepad, notebook, sheet of paper’, etc.). a) The teacher took out an antediluvian little park and wrote something in the book. MikeLLE 81. And there was much else there that had not been written down in any books and that we will never know. SimonGI 7. Commissioned by the St Petersburg Academy of Sciences, Volter collected our tales and songs and recorded them on discs. VencLL 363. Jūrenas noted something down in his notepad again. AvyžKK 191. b) He managed to write them briefly on five slips of paper. BalčTVN 252. When the shoemaker realized that he was already being led to that place, he told the murderer, who came up and wrote it on the door with chalk. BsP III 14. The chairman made notes in the notebook. Kat MAR 160. With a noun denoting planar objects, however, the inessive may be synonymous with a construction using the preposition ant. The most beautiful and the most disgusting words are written on this wall. Lankt MDT 52. He wrote the conditions of the problem on the board. AvyžKK 225. He used to write... on blank sheets torn from books in the prison library. VencLGD 168. I wrote it on paper like that, then stuffed the paper into a bottle. BubnŽDŽ 25. There was much grace in the words written on that paper! BalčAP 26. Long, long years of life wrote aches and tears on that face... BilR I 220. In former times he used to write numerals in chalk on the board. She is that same little schoolgirl again, having written a word incorrectly on the board. BubnŽDŽ 33. Lying down, Stepukas marked on the paper the more interesting things he had seen during the journey. Marc. Linguists had long ago drawn attention to the construction rašyti ant lentos ‘write on the board’. It was considered nonstandard and corrected to the inessive (rašyti lentoje ‘write on the board’). After some time, it was “rehabilitated” (see Piročkinas 1986, 210 ff.). But recently it has again been proposed that the inessive be reinstated (see Piročkinas 1986, 211). In our view, both constructions are appropriate in literary language. It is important to note that this pair of synonyms is not isolated in the language system (cf. also Paulauskienė A., Tarvydaitė D. 1986, 95). More pairs of this kind (i.e., inessive | ant + genitive), whose acceptability in literary language should not be in doubt, can be cited, e.g., grows on the mountain | on the mountain, lives on the shore | on the shore, met on the road | on the road, lies on the plain | on the plain, etc. This question, however, requires special investigation. 11The verb rašyti is defined as follows: “to draw graphic signs (words, numerals, etc.) on paper or elsewhere” (LKŽ XI 214), while DŽ 652 gives it together with the word vaizduoti ‘depict’ (instead of brėžti ‘draw’). The more general word dėti ‘put’ could be included in the definition. 13. 678 193 5. Verbs sėti ‘to sow’, sodinti ‘to plant’ 5.0. The verb sėti, meaning “to scatter seed onto soil prepared for plants to grow” DŽ₁ 695 (and derivatives with the prefixes pa-, su-, už-, į-), as well as the semantically related verb sodinti (defined as “to dig a plant or its seedling into the ground, embedding it there so that it will grow” DŽ₁ 726) and its derivatives with the prefixes pa-, su- likewise form parallel constructions with two locative forms: the locative and the accusative with the preposition į, cf.: pasėjo linus dirvone | į dirvoną, daigelius sodina dirvoje | į dirvą. This indicates that the verbs in question have a complex meaning comprising motion and state semes (cf. 4.0). In addition, their semantics also includes a fixed purpose seme, “so that [it] will grow.” 5.1. This variant syntactic valency of the verbs sėti, sodinti (and their prefixed derivatives) in the literary language most likely derives from different dialects. As far as can be judged from the material we have collected, the locative is more characteristic of the dialects of eastern Lithuania (a), whereas the prepositional construction with į is more characteristic of those of the west. a) He sowed spring wheat in the garden. Tvr (LKŽ XII 462). I sowed flax in the fallow field. Rm (LKŽ₁ II 588). Our flax was mostly sown in the hired workers’ stubble field. Sml (LKŽ XII 98). I sowed flax on the cleared land. Kp (LKŽ VII 406). I sowed a little flax in the sheltered spots. Ds (LKŽ IX 418). Perhaps we’ll have to sow clover in the marshy field; it grows very well there. Rk (LKŽ IV 315). Sow my yellow flax in the black-soil field. Kš (LKŽ IV 413). Whatever you sow in such a field will grow. Srv (LKŽ I 243). He had sown so much flax in the fallow fields! Pg (LKŽ₂ II 589). Only buckwheat is sown in sandy soil; nothing else grows there. Ktk. Barley should be sown in the potato field—it will sprout well. Srv (LKŽ I 940). When it isn’t a year for flax, you sow it in the best soil and it still doesn’t grow, and that’s that. Vb (LKŽ XII 462). Don’t even plant potatoes in the marshy field; they’ll rot anyway. Ktk (LKŽ IV 315). I planted potatoes in the white soil this year; we’ll see how they turn out. Srv (LKŽ I 507). It’s no good planting potatoes in the same place. Plm (LKŽ XIII 277). We sowed barley into the silt left in the meadow. Žeml (LKŽ III 715). They sow flax in newly broken land. VIkv (LKŽ X 169). He had no experience sowing in newly broken land. Šlu (LKŽ X 169). I had no fallow plot, so I had to sow rye in the recently ploughed field. Vvr (LKŽ XI 555). I sowed two bushels in the fallow field and half a bushel in the field sown after the previous crop. Up (LKŽ I 345). I sowed in the field after the previous crop, but it did no good. Dkš (LKŽ I 345). I would sow green rue plants in two new gardens. JD 76. I planted many snowdrops in my garden. Yl (LKŽ₁ I 908). Both locative forms also occur with the verb sėti in the sense “to plant” (of potatoes). (As is known, the word in question has this meaning in Samogitian dialects; see LKŽ XII 459 ff.) I sowed them in a wet place—the potatoes rotted. Tl (LKŽ XII 463). There, in that hollow, it’s not worth sowing potatoes; they’ll rot anyway. Škn (LKŽ VII 645). Where will those potatoes grow? We’ve been sowing them in the same spot for several years. Kair (LKŽ XII 459). I sowed potatoes in the same place, and the soil has been sown out. Vkš (LKŽ XII 462). Don’t sow those potatoes in the barren patch. DūnŽ. 5.2. In written language, especially in specialist literature, the locative forms indicated with the verbs sėti, sodinti (and their prefixed derivatives) are used to some 194 differentially. The construction with the preposition į is used when the emphasis is on the sowing or planting itself as a process (a), whereas the locative is used when what is meant is not the process itself but its result—cultivation (b). a) Sowing in untilled stubble fields is practiced in our republic as well. KolK 1986 36. Conditions are such that forest crops can be sown in soils similar to those used for grain crops. KolK 1971 36. In spring, grain is sown with special seed drills into soil prepared in this way. KolK 1986 36. Four fifths of it will be sown into black fallow, clover fields, or fields following winter grasses. T 1986 198. Sprouted potatoes are planted in sufficiently dried and warmed soil (when the bird cherry is in bloom). KolK 1971 38. Sprouts 8–10 cm long are separated from the tuber and planted in watered soil. KolK 1984 51. Seedlings of early varieties are best planted in the field once the bird cherry has leafed out. Potatoes and beets are planted in furrows. DŽ 908. b) When planning a green conveyor, vetch-oat and other mixtures should be sown in soils with varying moisture levels. KolK 1971 37. In light soils, forage lupins or mixtures of them with oats are best sown instead of spring vetch or hairy vetch. KolK 1971 37. The custom of planting this tree on a homestead had probably already begun to be forgotten. Individual trees and shrubs are planted in squares, at forest edges, and near buildings. RiepšMP 126. You planted yourself in the garden; I raised you, little hop, little green hop. DrskD 256. I planted grapes in heavy loamy soil. KolK 1986 52. The locative and the construction with the preposition į highlight different semes in the meanings of the verbs sėti ‘sow’ and sodinti ‘plant’. When combined with the locative, these verbs have a meaning equivalent to that of auginti ‘grow’, whereas with the construction using the preposition į they correspond to the meanings of berti ‘scatter’ and diegti ‘set in’, cf.: pasėjo linus pamiškėje = augina linus pamiškėje ‘sowed flax at the forest edge’ = and pasėjo linus į juodžemį pabėrė linus į juodžemį ‘scattered flax into black soil’. In general, the locative is more characteristic of statements with a generalized meaning, while the construction with the preposition į is more characteristic of foregrounded, specific statements, cf.: Buckwheat is sown (| grown) in sandy soil and (Šimet) sowed buckwheat into sandy soil (near the forest). 5.3. The choice of the locative or the construction with the preposition į may also be determined by linguistic factors—namely, the meaning of the noun. Nouns denoting arable land or soil (clay, sand, black soil, peat) are usually used with the preposition į, whereas those denoting defined places (vegetable garden, orchard, forest edge) are used in the locative, cf.: sowed flax into black soil, into acidic soil, into wet earth, and sowed flax at the forest edge, in an orchard, on a plain. The choice of a locative form may also depend on the syntactic structure of the sentence: the construction with the preposition į is used in sentences containing a quantity phrase that characterizes the object. You will sow about fifteen pūrai of rye in that field. Krkl (LKŽ₁ II 587). So many centners of potatoes are planted per hectare. In such a context, the verbs sėti ‘sow’ and sodinti ‘plant’ acquire the additional seme ‘contain’, which in turn supports the construction in question. 5.4. The noun kalnas ‘hill’ is used with the verbs sėti ‘sow’ and sodinti ‘plant’ with the preposition ant (not į!) and, rarely, in the locative. 13* 195 Last year the potatoes were sown in the low-lying plot—they drowned; this year I sowed them on the hill—they burned up. Rdn (LKŽ XII 463). Little sower, little plowman, carry me to the little hill; sow me in the ground, in the little hollow. Nč (LKŽ VI 148). Father did not come: he was sowing rye on the hill. Klvr. Rarely they sowed wheat on the hill. BsO 324. This locative has an archaic character (see Piročkinas 1986 211). With the preposition ant, other nouns denoting elevated places or objects are also used, e.g.: I sowed flax on the embankment (d.)¹². You sow on a stone—you bake on a board. Šll. However, prepositional constructions with ant found in dialects (usually Eastern Aukštaitian), with nouns denoting flat surfaces (soil, plowed field, field, etc.), are not acceptable in the literary language. My dear father, my own dear one, sow flax on my little plot of land. Dv (LKŽ IX 201). If you sow on a recently plowed fallow field, you will have no bread. Vžns (LKŽ XII 458). Would you sow peas on a recently plowed fallow field? Kp (LKŽ XI 555). We always sow rye on the stubble field. Ds (LKŽ V 344). Having sown rye on poor soil, lay down the straw… J. Constructions of analogous lexical composition used with verbs of state are likewise to be assessed from the point of view of the norm, e.g.: This year good flax is growing on the white soil. Klvr (LKŽ I 507). In the literary language, the locative is used; cf. it is growing on white soil. 6. Verbs talpinti, tilpti 6.0. The verb talpinti ‘to make something fit’ is a prefixed derivative of the verb tilpti. Their semantic relation is causal: the state denoted by the base verb tilpti, ‘to have enough room’, is the result (consequence) of the active action expressed by the derived verb talpinti. However, the syntactic valency of these verbs is analogous (see below). 6.1. The verb talpinti (as well as its prefixed derivatives sutalpinti, patalpinti, partalpinti dialectal) can alternatively take either a locative or a construction with the preposition į, e.g.: he fit the hay in the barn | into the barn. This shows that the verb has both motion and state semes (cf. 2.1.0.). Admittedly, in this case motion is not explicitly expressed. The verb in question has a generalized meaning that encompasses several specific meanings, as is evident from the context, cf.: he fit the hay into the barn = stacked it…, he fit the flour into the sack = poured it in…, he fit the things into the suitcase = put them in…, etc. In DŽ₁, the verbs talpinti, patalpinti are given with a locative, whereas sutalpinti is given with a construction involving the preposition į. However, in dialects both dependent forms are used with these verbs: the locative (a) and the construction with the preposition į (b). ¹² In dialects this noun is also used with the preposition į, e.g.: I sowed flax into the embankment. Akm. 196 a) If grain or fodder could not be stored in those sheds, then they piled it in the field. Dauk. The small Seimas had accommodated itself in the magistrate’s palace. Simon. You didn’t fit all the things [in the wagon]. Kps. b) What would there be to eat, if you couldn’t fit it into one pail [of milk]. DunŽ. Don’t pack [the things into the suitcase]; we’ll put them in separately. Krš. We were accommodated in barracks. Plšk. The rye is good this year; we won’t be able to fit it all into the granary. Vkš. I’ll probably manage to fit the hay into one end of the barn. J. Maybe we’ll fit [the rye into the sack]? Rs. He opened [it], drove the birds into the yard and into the barns, wherever he could fit them. BsP III 270. The reflexive form susitalpinti is generally used with the locative. Will we all perhaps fit in one room in winter? PnnA. How did you susitalpinot fit in such a tiny room? Prn. Perhaps everyone can fit in that house. Jdr. Not all [the children at school] can fit in the morning; the others go in the afternoon. Krš. I wonder if the two of us will fit in one bed. Vkš. This verb can be replaced by the verb sutílpti. 6.2. The verb (su)tilpti, unlike its derivative (su)talpinti, which denotes an active action, has a clear stative meaning, ‘to have enough room, to fit’. This meaning determines the use of the locative with the verb in question. The vessel holds three liters. DŽ 851. Those horns hold from half a bottle to three bottles of wine. LT II 114. Two cats won’t fit in a sack. LTR (Grv). Great wisdom fits in a little head. LTR (Srd). Everything he had brought fit into the pockets of his worn black coat. PocRM.58. Monika’s dowry fit in a small chest. CvŽM 21. All those slaves with golden trays did not fit in their house. BalčTVN 225. We all fit on the bus. NdŽ. In the old days, everyone used to fit in one house. Dglš. However, the prepositional construction with į is also used with this (i.e., stative) verb—a usage that is more difficult to explain. This is apparently due to analogy with the cognate verb talpinti, with which the construction in question is clearly semantically motivated. We’ll take as much as will fit in the cart. DŽ 851. Will that little thing fit in the box? Vrb. All his tools fit in one little bag. Prn. Everyone fit into the manor. VIkv. The milk from one cow won’t fit in the milking pail. Vkš. One of your legs couldn’t fit into that pot. BalčTVN 12. As is well known, each dependent form brings out different semantic features of the word it determines. The construction with the preposition į has a directional seme, which can also be conveyed by the verb. Indeed, this construction is more readily used with those verb forms that denote a state not yet realized: an active action is needed for it to come about. The construction with the preposition į specifically points to that action; cf.: will it fit into the box = is it possible to fit it into the box, it cannot fit into the pot = it cannot be fitted into the pot. Thus, with the verb (su)tilpti both dependent forms are motivated. 197 7. The verb rinktis 7.0. The verb rinktis and its prefixed derivatives susirinkti, prisirinkti also form parallel constructions with the locative (a) and the preposition į construction (b). This indicates that they have a complex meaning involving the semantic components of motion and state. a) The children were already gathering in the yard. BaltrTK I 39. The Samogitians would not worship their own gods, nor would they continue gathering in the forests beneath the sacred oaks. VienR IV 101. All the geese had already gathered in the barn. Grž (LKŽ IX 324). Clouds are gathering, drifting along the edges. From the fields the brothers head into the green forest. BorNA 64. And once more, to defend their freedom and avenge their troubles—as in their ancestors’ days—the Lithuanians gather in the forests. KorsPj 55. The Lithuanians would gather with their families in the sacred forests or groves. RiešMP 31. In the sentences cited, the locative can easily be replaced with the preposition į construction, and vice versa; cf.: gathered in the yard | into the yard, head into the forest | in the forest. 7.1. The synonyms of the verb rinktis also form analogous parallel constructions. Crowds upon crowds flooded into the town (| in the town). ŽemR I 314. The sparrows gathered in the tree (| into the tree) and looked around for the cat. MašAMB 217. The bees gathered into the hollow. Ig (LKŽ₁ II 862). 8. Concluding remarks 8.1. The locative with a locative meaning and the preposition į construction have the same orientational meaning—they denote the interior of an entity (e.g., in the forest – into the forest)—but fundamentally different meanings of motion and, correspondingly, different semantic valency. The typical environment for the preposition į construction is motion verbs (or verbs containing such a semantic component), whereas the locative typically occurs with non-motion verbs (usually verbs of state). 8.2. However, there are some verbs with which both of the aforementioned forms—the locative and the preposition į construction—are used interchangeably. This indicates that the semantic structure of these verbs contains features that satisfy the contextual semantic requirements of both the locative and the preposition į construction. Some verbs can be interpreted semantically in two ways; in others, a complex meaning involving the semantic components of motion and state can be discerned. 8.3. The locative and the preposition į construction are used alternatively with the verb klimpti and its synonyms (see 2). These verbs can be interpreted in two ways: as expressing motion (more often) or non-motion (less often). The motion denoted by these verbs—a shapeless mass moving downward—can also be understood as a change in the entity’s location not occurring (in comparison with horizontal motion), and in that sense as non-motion. 8.4. The verb dėti (and words with a similar meaning), as well as the verbs sėti, sodinti, talpinti, rinktis, can take either the preposition į construction or the locative because of their complex semantics. Their semantic structure includes the components of motion and state. The former (i.e., motion, a change in an entity’s location) is more prominent and determines the position of the preposition į with these verbs, while the latter is potential (it denotes a state as the result of completed motion) and determines the position of the locative. 198 8.5. The locative is used freely with compound forms (or participles) of the specified verbs that have the grammatical meaning of a resultative state. 8.6. The locative and the construction with the preposition į highlight different semes of the verb being determined. The construction with the preposition į brings the motion seme to the fore, while the locative highlights the state seme. However, from the point of view of communication (information), these differences are usually not significant, and the forms mentioned are used interchangeably, cf.: cf.: sowed rye into moist soil | in moist soil. 8.7. It may be assumed that this variant syntactic valency of the verbs mentioned entered the literary language from different dialects. ABBREVIATIONS BubnŽDŽ — Bubnys V. Alkana žemė. Po vasaros dangum. Nesėtų rugių žydėjimas. V., 1977. DrskD — Druskininkų dainos / Užrašė J. Balčikonis. V., 1972. DūnŽ — Vitkauskas V. Šiaurės rytų dünininkų šnektų žodynas. V., 1976. DŽ₁ — Dabartinės lietuvių kalbos žodynas. V., 1972. GustPP — Gustaitis A. Pasiglostymo palaima. V., 1987. KolK — Kolūkiečio kalendorius (The Collective Farmer’s Calendar). LanktMDT — Lankutis J. Justino Marcinkevičiaus draminė trilogija. V., 1977. LKG — Lietuvių kalbos gramatika (Grammar of the Lithuanian Language). Vilnius, 1965–1976. Vols. 1–3. LM — Literatūra ir menas (Literature and Art; weekly magazine). PocRM — Pocius A. Randai medyje. V., 1968. RadzPV — Radzevičius B. Priešaušrio vieskeliai. V., 1985. RiepšMP — Riepšas E. Miškas ir žmogaus poilsis. V., 1981. SajND — Saja K. Už nevarstomų durų (Behind Unlatched Doors). Vilnius, 1978. SV — Sužeistas vėjas: Lietuvių liaudies mitologinės sakmės (The Wounded Wind: Lithuanian Folk Mythological Legends) / compiled by N. Vėlius. Vilnius, 1987. SŽ — Stebuklingas žodis: Lietuvių liaudies pasakos / Parengė K. Aleksynas. K., 1985. VaičnLMP — Vaičiūnienė T. Literatūros ir meno pasaulyje: Atsiminimai. V., 1986. VenclLL — Venclova A. Literatūra ir liaudis. V., 1974. vert — language of translation. Other abbreviations are as in the academic Lietuvių kalbos gramatika (Grammar of the Lithuanian Language) or the major Lietuvių kalbos žodynas (Dictionary of the Lithuanian Language). LITERATŪRA Kilius J. Vietos prielinksnių ir linksnių sistema bendrinėje lietuvių kalboje // Mokslo kalbos problemos. V., 1972. P. 23—44. Kilius J. Orientacinių reikšmių struktūra lietuvių kalboje (Apie vietos prielinksnių ir linksnių reikšmes) // Kalbotyra. 1977. T. 28(1). P. 40—49. Laigonaitė A. Vietininkų reikšmė ir vartosena dabartinėje lietuvių kalboje. V., 1957. Lyberis A. Sinonimų žodynas. V., 1980. Lietuvių kalbos gramatika. V., 1965. T. 1; 1971. T. 2; 1976. T. 3. Paulauskienė A., Tarvydaitė D. Gramatikos normos ir dabartinė vartosena. V., 1986. Piročkinas A. Jono Jablonskio kalbos taisymai. K., 1985. Plečkaitis R. Logikos įvadas. V., 1978. Valiulytė E. Prielinksnio į reikšmės ir vartojimas dabartinėje lietuvių kalboje // Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai. 1964. T. 7. P. 97—117. Zinkevičius Z. Lietuvių dialektologija. V., 1966. Владимирский Е. Ю. Система предложно-падежных конструкций с пространственным значением в современном русском литературном языке: Автореф. дис. …канд. филол. наук. М., 1972. 199 Мартынов В. В. Функциональная грамматика и категория языка // Проблемы функциональной грамматики. М., 1985. С. 155—161. Никитина С. Е. О семантическом варьировании русских предлогов // Семантическое и формальное варьирование. М., 1979. С. 108—147. Новиков Л. Н. Семантика русского языка. М., 1982. Шведова Ю. Н. Детерминирующий объект и детерминирующее обстоятельство как самостоятельные распространители предложения // ВЯ. 1964. № 6. С. 77—93. СИНОНИМИЧЕСКОЕ УПОТРЕБЛЕНИЕ МЕСТНОГО ПАДЕЖА И ПРЕДЛОГА į С ВИНИТЕЛЬНЫМ ПАДЕЖОМ Резюме Семантическую структуру форм локального значения образует совокупность семантических компонентов двух видов: ориентирующее и двигательное значения. Местный падеж и конструкция предлога į с вин. п. имеет тождественное ориентирующее значение — обозначает место внутри ориентира и совершенно различные двигательные значения: предложно-падежная конструкция указывает на движения субъекта, а местный падеж — наоборот — на неподвижность (обычно на его местонахождение). Данные формы на основе ориентирующего значения образуют сильную семантическую оппозицию (дифференциальные признаки — двигательные значения); ср.: miške ‘в лесу’ — į mišką ‘в лес’. Однако встречаются немногочисленные глаголы, которые могут альтернативно сочетаться и с местным падежом, и с предложно-падежной конструкцией, образуя синонимичные словосочетания, ср.: vežtimas klimpo į dirvą | dirvoje ‘воз увязал в почву / в почве’. Соответствующей альтернативной синтаксической сочетаемостью отличаются глаголы: семантического ряда klimpti (į purvą | purve) ‘вязнуть (в грязь / в грязи)’, kristi (į kampą | kampe) ‘класть (в угол / в углу)’, а также глаголы sėti (rugius į dirvą | dirvoje) ‘сеять (рожь в почву / в почве)’, sodinti (bulves į drėgną žemę | drėgnoje žemėje) ‘сажать (картофель) во влажную землю / во влажной земле)’, talpinti, tilpti (į kambarį | kambaryje) ‘поместить, вместиться (в комнату / в комнате)’, rinktis (į mišką | miške) ‘собираться (в лес / в лесу)’.