scieee AI-readable full text Open interactive document viewer

Lietuvių kalbos kuopinių ir vardažodinių vietų pavadinimų darybos raida

Saulius Ambrazas

Full text

LITHUANIAN KALBOTYROS QUESTIONS XXXIII (1995) GRAMMATICS IR LEXICOLOGY SAULIUS AMBRAZAS "LITHUANIAN LANGUAGES COOPINII IR GLOSSARY PLACES DESCRIPTIONS ACTIVITIES RAIDA Collective names Collective names (nomina collectiva, hereinafter — NC) is one of the oldest categories of iš action, inherited from the Indo-European protolanguagiš e. In Lithuanian, as in many other related languages, it is rapidly ir disappearing. ji After the morphological category of the number was formed, group names became a kind of language surplus. They are made in Lithuanian as su verb affixes, derived iš from the verb ending *-a-, adjective suffixes *-no-, *-to-, *-I-. Be therefore, the names of properties (nomina gualitatis) sometimes acquire a quantitative meaning. Vedic with *-a- -a In the Lithuanian language, the group names with the old verb ending -a have almost disappeared. There are only barely recognizable relics. Of these, the most notable are the Vedic dlksna/alksnd "alderwood" Skd; Smln; As; Vdk; Grg; VšR; "bala, klonis, slėnis" BB 1 Mak 9,45; Mžk (LKŽ 1° 104, cf. la. dlksna "swamp place", see Būga 1961:407; ME I 67), kdrkla "karklynas" Ms; 291), nearby "neighbors" JD 850; JV 413. Based on watermarks Léndra NmZ; Sln, Svéndra Vdk A. Vanagas (1970:44) reconstructs the derivatives *léndra "lendrynas", *švėndra "švėndrynas". The nouns daūsos are also possible objects of the same nature: * dausas (cf. sl. dszs "spirit", see Būga, 1958:553—554), derva (cf. s.sl. nom.pl. dreva "trees": nom.sg. drevo "tree", also gr. 6ė0ov "tree trunk, wood", go. triu "wood, tree", etc.), nagd "canopy" (cf. s.sl. foot "koja") : ndgas (Adjective 46), house (plg. Article 10 simple "place of stay, residence; pasture", see Schmidt such 1889:39), numerical derivatives as dvejé-pas (Brugmann 1911:234), kettid-lika, pronouns of the genitive forms of what, this, and so on. ir (Valeckienė 1984:205 et al.). That once in the Baltic languages company names su *-ūder was still a living verb type, suggests Prussian language. For, in Elbing's dictionary, there are few nouns of ta the group nature of the unnounable genus su *-a-, e.g. woven "burna" (Munt) 89 (plg. s.sl. ousta "burna" ir s.ind. osthah "lip"), slayo "horns, shelves" (Slete) 307 (plg. lie. sldjos) : slayan "pavaža" (Sletekuffe) worth 309, "doors" (Thére) 210 (plg. s.sl. door "gate") ir etc. (Mažiulis 180 1981; PKEZ I 124-125; ĮĮerrapes:1991). -ai Recently, there are again attempts to revive G. H. Mahlowo (1879:49, 81) ir J. Schmidt- (1889) 's hypothesis, according to which forms like lie. wolves, well, when, it is derived from the iš endings of pack su names *-a-/-9- (plg. pr. worth lie. ir Gate, lo. loca greta loci locus : "place", gr. x£Xevda grex£ievta ido: "path"). Antai V. Ilič-Svityčius (1963:53—55), as it used to be J. Schmidtas, wrote that some Lithuanian root nouns nom.pl. forms o (especially pluralia tantum) accent indicating the old corporate names su *-regurgitation (e. g. : flax iš * Linen, fibers iš *pluosa ir kt. ). A. Valeckienė (1978:69—81, 93; 1984:208—217, 220—221) presented new arguments supporting the origin of the pronoun genitive form tat iš *tū+-i. The origin of the latter pronoun is explained somewhat differently by A. Rosinas (1988:183-188). B. Stundžia (1981) found that a significant part of the Lithuanian language (i)o root plural oxytonic pronunciation place names (especially in western Highland and Zemgale dialects) derived from baritone pronunciation air € root personal names (e.g.: Burbai: Būrba, Lapiai: Lūpė). It is possible that they may be of Kuopines origin, because in some dialects the Oxytonic (i)o stem nom of personal names. In the plural forms with -(i)ai the name of the family is indicated (e.g.: dveji, treji Dūdai, Gudeliai "two, three Dūdės Gudėlio families- "). In addition, in dialects, common nouns with -(i)at sometimes have a copulative meaning (e.g.: liepai "linden" Št: liepa, liepos; siuvėjai "sewing family" Ldvn; Jrb: siuvėjas, siuvėjai). Based on this, it is concluded that in the Lithuanian language, in addition to the simple plural, there once existed a coop plural, derived from old kuopiniy names with *-a/-s-. A similar hypothesis was previously raised by J. Otrebskis (GJL III 28). M. L. Palmaitis (1989:126—128) lies. limes "linden" type forms linked with pr. Stai Gennai"the women" (die Weiber) III 9312 and the corresponding nom. pl. forms in Greek and Latin (e.g. gr. xwpat, lo. terrae). According to him, they are not new creations, as previous researchers thought, but archaisms, derived from kuopiniy names with *-a-. In addition, it states that both pronouns and o stem nouns nom.pl. forms with *-ei/-oi (e.g. lietuv. jiė, vilkai) developed from adverbs having a neutral group meaning, cf.: lie. gerai, namié, pr. labbai "gerai" (wol) III 49165, bitai "vakare" (Abends) III 1133, sl. dobra "good", gr. oixot "house". Thus, it is increasingly clear that the eastern Baltic languages nom.pl. forms with -ai (or at least some of them, especially plurals, e.g. lietuv. linai, lat. lini) may have come from group names with *-ū-/-9or other forms of group nature. This is consistent with the long-held assumption that the Indo-European protolanguage did not originally have morphological plural forms, but that they were formed later, especially from group names with the ending *-4-/-8- (Schmidt 1889; Meillet 1934:291—292; Tponucrutt 1946; Lehmann 1958:189 etc.; Famxpenunse, HBanos 1984:281—283 etc.). The verb ending *-padėjo laid the foundation for the appearance of several derived Lithuanian suffixes 181 -(i)ava, -auja, -(i)uva, perhaps -I, o iš Part 1 -0-jas, -o-tas. -(i) with Su an open end -(i)ava, which is typical of water names in Baltic languages (Vanagas etc. ir 1970:101 su lit.), made several squad names, e.g.: brolavė Upp; Str; Ds, broliava "brotheir rs and sisters" Dglš (LKŽ I? 1069), géniava "flock, herd, multitude" J; Upn; Uzv (III 482), Sasava "a bunch of little kids? MI (XIV 537), garbage "garbage, garbage” Rms (XIV bitch 928), "a bunch of dogs, ar isdykeliy evil people" Svnč; MI; Dv; Slk; Str; Lbv (LKŽ XV 354), Devil's mouth (detectable from WP 156). | Priesaga -(i)ava kil stem iš eu/ou/u, extended stem ū forms (ŽD 381; Maxiojnuc 1967:39—41). -new Adverbs -ava newer version -new (PDR 88—89) must be NC intended for use in (LKŽ IV 105—106), Shunauja "a bunch of dogs, ar bad guys, angry people" (XV plg. 352, bitch), wiggling "a place with many wolves, a cold place" (Senkus 1972:150). -(i)uva Su suffixes -(i)ava in apophonic variant -(i)uva (Maxionuc 1967:40—41) made the NC devil "devil; the devil; a devil's work" (plg. velniava), common in 16th—17th-century ir writings based on western Highland a. Zemgale ir dialects, dialectal Vedic: broliuva Market, clothing "brotheir rs and sisters" Ktk (LKZ I? 1072, cf. brolavė), sesuva "seseria" Dglš (XII 438). -I —The suffix -ija in Lithuanian is the most important means of making collective names. This type of vedic most often denotes a group of persons, its totality, e.g. in the ancient scripts NC kavalerija "riders, their totality" Lex 71; C I 425; N; [K]; LL 57. However, quite a long time ago the Vedic words with -ija began to denote the concentration of plants or other natural objects in one place (as did the Vedic words with the suffixes -ynas, -ynė, see pp. 183—185). For example, in the dictionary of K. Sirvydas the derivative ožuolija "ožuolynas" SD is already recorded! 19 (t.p. Ds; Tvr; Grg; Dgls; Dsn; Prng —LKŽ I? 535). Such derivatives are now mainly found in the Žemaičių dialektas, e.g.: grybija "place where many mushrooms" Sts (e.g. Mrc —LKŽ III 584), išlynija "land near a stream, a stream" Užv (IV 206), kerpijos "place where many lichens grow" Sts (V 619), lapija "place where many leaves" Tv (VII 148), lazdijd "place where hazel trees grow" Grg (VII 148). 213), "a place where many poles, ditches" Varn (VII legion 614), "lion, lion" Sts; Kal (VII 614), molija "clay earth, clay" Trk; Slnt; Užv; Kv; Vvr; Vkš; "molly seabed" Plng (VIII rust 337), "ruddy" Kv; A Brs; "ore deposit" S. Dauk (Stone XII 707), "smiltynas" Grg (XIII It has a wide range of locally-bred breeds. In some dialects, the derivative seniūnija is used "seniūno valdomas kaimo vienetas" (a village unit managed by a seniūnas). Grz; Grv (LKŽ XII 395). It is possible that the iš dialectic į writings entered 182 ir the derivative kingdom. Antai V. Krėvė In "Proverbs ir and Proverbs" wrote a sentence kį iš Nedzinges: The blind ir deaf kingdom is not ir afraid of lightning. F. Spechto's releases A. In Baranauskas dialect texts the derivative valstija is recorded with the meaning "county". BM 24. XIX a. ir in some later writings this derivative is used in the meaning of "state". K. The (1958:113) state's name suggested the word "Union of Boats". This was the origin of the now usual term United States (Dambriūnas 1960; 1966). According to those folk tales creating a common Lithuanian su language suffix -it has begun to do other administrative ir terms. Jau XVIII a. In the literature of Lithuania Minor the derivative vyskupija is used (Būga 1958:545; Skardžius 1960:19). The feathers of S. Daukanto, apparently, belong to the Vedic duchy, stewardship, sovereignty. In the dictionary of A. Juška we find the word "Vedic voivodeship". There are several other vedic forms of this type used in common language, e.g.: eigulija, girininkija, novasėdija, tėvonija (DaiktvDr 401; Keinys, 1975:52). Class names suffix su -it has counterparts in many related languages (Brugmann 1966:647; Hirt 1927:176; Meillet 1934:285; Lohmann 1932:12 and others). Don't lie. brotherhood "brothers and sisters" Všt (LKZ I? 1070) approximately corresponds to sl. *brat(r)oja "brothers- ", gr. vpūarpiū "genealogical tribe; brotherhood". However, the affix *-(i)ia may be secondary, arising from the stem i by joining the verb ending *-a-, cf. lit. hydr. Worm Al: worm "worm", s.ind. kulia "stream, stream": *kuli-(reconstructed based on the hydronym Kuli-shi, related to lit. kūlis "stone", see Schmid 1990), also gr. part pla and par pa. Vedic with *-(i)io- -ias The fact that the Vedic names with *-(i)iaū may have originated from the old group names with *-ū-, rather than from the adjectives with *-(i)io-, is shown, among other things, by the fact that adjectives with the affix *-(i)iohave almost disappeared in the Iobaltic languages (ŽD 80; LVG 276—277), while the group names with *-tį ū are productive. On the other hand, the affix *-(1)ioir is also probably of secondary origin, arising from the expansion of the stem i (or other forms with -i) into the stem forms o (Benveniste 1935; Wackernagel, Debrunner 1954:816 with lit.) or from the mixing of the stems i and o (cf. Mažiulis 1970:152). In Slavic, Germanic, and Indo-Iranian languages, the group names are often made with the affix *-(i)io-. In the Baltic languages, however, there are very few derivatives of this type. The pure suffix -ijas in Lithuanian language seems to have only LC cattle, which is related to sl. * in the head "number of animals" (Maprsruos 1973:24). -ojas, -ynojas In dialects there are only a few group names with the suffix -ojas, e.g.: liepdjas "linden" V. Krév (LKZ VII 426), riešutėjas "hazel" Kė; Vvs (see also riešutėjis Lzd; Sn —LKŽ XI 580), samandjai "bunch of moss, placed 183 between the walls" B. Sruog; Pn (In the XII 90). Žemaičių dialect there is still a Vedic su double suffix -white, e.g. balyndjas "bait" Plng (And? 596), Birch "birch" Užv (And? 777), kelmyndjas 'kelmynas' J; Ms; Sint (V 525), Zuvyndjas "pond where fish are raised" S. Dauk (plg. Zuvynas "t.p. " J). In the Latvian language of the appropriate verses su -ūjs is much more, e.g.: berzajs "berzynas", smaltajis "smėlynas" (LVG 284). Probably in the suffix *-a-ioslypi kuopiniy in the name *.ū-, extended by an adjective affix *-io-, plg. lie. I'm sorry, ir I'm sorry. dlksnayse 'alksnynas'. -Roje Adverbs -ojas option -rojé turi NC dpusrogé ‘apusynas’ Prk (LKZ Į“ 276), plg. apusdtas, apusrdtas (p. 186). ; Vedic su *-no- -ynas Adverbs -ynas Vedic most often denotes plant ar otherwise natural objects, less often living beings pools in one place. This is often the case in the old scripts, e.g. K. "Screen shots of the crash: Splash! 19; SD? 45, Raspberry SD? 162, death "dead nursery" 175, pine forest sp! 12; SD? 21, 30, 414, ropynas SD? 395, Rosewood 383, toasted "an anthill" SD! 83, grassland 13, grassland SD* 32. Adverbs -ynas derivatives have ne only a company, but a ir local meaning. The latter meaning is particulaiš rly prominent in the derivatives made by: a) from some nouns with suffix -umas (or -uma), e.g.: gilumynas "deep place" Nč (LKŽ III 304), vispumynas "sticky place" Mrs; Truck; Kb; Rud (VI 958), thicket (widely distributed); b) from adjectives, e.g.: klampijnas "a sticky place" Ns 1851,2; Vkš; Rm (VI 955), tank "tankyard" Rms; Pn; Ms; 811) (LXXVIII). Therefore, some researchers quite rightly distinguish this type of derivatives from the synchronic point of view to place names (DaiktvDr 396—397; Vidugiris 1969:155; Keinys 1975:50—51; Range 1977:129). However, historically they are concreted squad names (ŽD 266—267; GJL II 199). This is shown by the derivative ZvaigZdynas (recorded from DP 542as) which has retained the pure kuoping value. In addition, in common language with the suffix -ynas people like to make new group names, e.g.: balsiyjnas, garsijnas, žarnijnas, etc. (DaiktvDr 419—420; Keinys 1975:52—53). The name of the group is derived from adjectives with the suffix -ynas, which is derived from adjectives with the suffix *-i-no-(e.g. lie. blue, s.s.l. zvérins, lo. ferinus "beast", lo. fiberinus, s.g.a. bicibin "beaver- ", zr. Brugmann 1906:274 tt. ). This type of Vedic noun transformation into collective names began quite a long time ago. ir Mat squad names su *-there are not ne only Balts, but ir Slavs, o iš Part in ir Latin (Brugmann 1906:278, 649; Lohmann, 1932:15). Lithuanian suffixes -ynas Vedic especially close to Slavic Vedic su -ina, 184 which also often denote forests, cf. lie. birch sl. ir *original "birch" (Slawski 1974:121, 123). -yna Suffix of squadron su names -yna, directly corresponding to sl. -ina, in lietuviy there are only a few. A long-standing family tradition. (but plg. pr. seimins "family" (LAUGHS) III 834 ir iš Part 1 p.p. seeds "family member, slave"). Other very rare, e.g. clay "molynė" N; "moldova" MZ; N, pusnyna "pusnynas" R; MZ, pushing Search results for "pine" MŽ; N; N 336; RD 5, udm "peat" RB Ez 47,11; MZ; N; K, sgslavijnos "sąšlavos" JV 40; NdZ. It is possible that this type of Vedic texts ir existed in Prussian, plg. place name Spandyno (Gerullis 1922:253). Su with a new paradigmatic variant of the suffix -ynas/-yna -ynė, which arose due to the productivity of the ė stem, most often in Lithuanian noun derivatives of similar meaning are made as with the suffix -ynas. They have long been typical of the West Highland dialect. In the 17th-century dictionary of Lithuania Minor, Lexicon Lithuanicum, there are even more noun derivatives with the suffix -ynė (7) than with the suffix -ynas (5): klampynė 85a, kadagynė 102a, elksnyné "alknynas" 30, drebulynė "drebulynas" 33, beržynė "beržynas" 18, aužuolynė "ąžuolynas- ", skroblynė "skroblynas" 27. On the other hand, in the dictionary of K. Sirvydas we find only one derivative of this type kelmynė SD" 51. The local significance of the -ynė suffix is more characteristic than that of the -ynas suffix. In the Lithuanian-- German dictionary, F. Kuršaitis clearly distinguishes the meanings of these types of works, e.g. karklynas "ein Haufen stehenden Weidegestrauchs” and karklijnė "ein groBer mit Weidegestrauchs bewachsener Platz”, rendrynas "ein Haufen stehenden Rohres, ein Rohrteich” and rendrynė "ein Rohrbruch, ein Platz, aus welchem sich viel Rohr befindet”, riesutynas "ein Haselgestrauch or ein Haufen von Haselgestrauchen” and riešutinė "ein groBer mit Haselmusstrauch bewachsener Platz”, skroblynas "ein Buchenwaldlichen” and skroblyné "eine mit Buchen bewachsener Platz”. Only in describing the Vedic meaning of pusyne, it is said here that it means the same as pine forest. In addition, with the suffix -ynė slightly more than with -ynas in the Altai dialect, place names are made from adjectives. In addition to the widely used Vedic klampijnė, tankijnnė, having corresponding suffixes -ynas, dialects use the Vedic dykyné "poor field" Bsg; Brt (LKZ II“ 537), gilyné "deep place" Kt (III 299), sausyné "peat meadow" Rk (XII 217), slapijnė "wet place" Dbk; Vžns; Sdk; Rk; Ggr; Ds; Prng (XIV 1019). In the dialects of the Kaps and the Zanavyks, the suffixes -ynė are Vedic, made from personal names, often denoting people's dwelling or inhabited places, e.g. : Dubickijnė "Dubicko inhabited place, farm", Glytijnė "Glyto inhabited place" and others (Senkus 1972:168). In this case, a large amount of water is used to maintain the solids in the ground. In the meantime, there are very few noun place names with -ynė here. For example, in V. Vitkauskas- 's dictionary of mud dialects (DinZ) we find only 5 derivatives of this type: maurinė, varputijnė, motinijnė "mother's farm", 185 Curly-tailed chard "kemsyné” (next to 47 the appropriate suffixes -ynas derivatives). B. It is rarely found in the jų northern part of ir the country, in the vicinity of Mosėdis. On the other hand, the most common dishes in the Žemaičių dialect, bų mainly soup su names suffix -ynė, e.g.: pomidorinė "potato soup", burokijnė, lapijnė "beetroot soup", kopistjné "cabbage soup", kiaušijnnė "egg soup", ir etc. (LKA I Žemėl. No. 29. P. 83—84; III. No. 125. P. 138—139), which may also be derived from company iš names. Apparently, company names suffix su -ynė in the highland ir Zemgalish dialects was specificated in a different way. Aukštaičių (especially in the western) dialect, they acquired a local meaning. This may have been influenced by the names of the places of action su with homonymous suffixes -ynė (most likely caused by iš -inė for verb suffixes su - have an influence, cf. DaiktvDrR 64, 214). Meanwhile, in the Žemaičių dialektas adverbs -ynė Vedic began to mean the names of dishes. -one In the Lithuanian language we find only one other group name su suffix -one, e.g. : virgin Trgn, virgin "mergos" Al, moliena "molynė" Lzp; LT III 512(Bs); LTR(Upn); Sn (LKŽ VIII 27, 337), Wheat Sl; Plv; Uzp (XI 341). Place names may be of a collective ir nature su -iena, marking the growing places of cultured plants, e.g.: poppy, potato, cabbage, ir etc. (ŽD 288; DaiktvDr 400). Different origins are names of meat with homonymosu us suffix -one, e.g. : lamb, beef, etc. ir These are the names of the owners of the attribute (nomina attributiva). More group names with the corresponding suffixes -iens, -iena are made in Latvian, e.g.: egliens "fir tree", cielmiens "celderwood", skaidiena "chip" (LVG 322—324; BKGF 79; MLLVG I 132, 137). There are no names in the English language with the suffix -in. ; - Yeah. In the Žemaičių dialektas, the verb mergiena has a variant with -ėna mergėna "mergos" Grg (LKŽ VIII 27), cf. aukšt. lamb and ground beef Avena, high. beef and ground. and so on. -ainė The following dialectal derivatives with the suffix -ainė (the -iena is an apophonic variant of the idea *-eino-/-oino-): dirsainė "bread with dirsémis" JR 39 (cf. dirsainis, -ė "dirsinis" S.Dauk; Skr —LKŽ II? 584), ratainė "pašiūrė vežimams kitų daiktų laikyti" ir What? Tl (XI 237). In Latvian there are a lot of group names with -aine, e.g.: eglaine "spruce", alsknaine "alknynas" (LVG 327; MLLVG I 86—87). : The name comes from su the verb suffix *-eino-/-oinobiita in the ir Priesy language. This is shown first of all by the derivative seweynis, i.e. brother-- ar in-law "kiaulide" (Stop) E 229 (plg. Lo. six, gr. ¥ ir la. suugns "parsas", s.s.l. Lead ‘piaulinis’, zr. Trautmann 1911:425—426; SV 46, 246; The smaller 1981:279) ir iš part of the village, c. pr. Alkayne, Alkeyne ir lies. Alkas, la. Go, go, go. garlic "the temple", pr. Probability : of occurrence "goose" (None) E 719 ir kt (Gerullis 186 1922:252). -ina The adjective suffix -ina has a neighbor NC "a bunch, a bunch" J. -ine Only one other derivative with su newer suffix -inė can be partly iš assigned to the category of collective names: rūkinės (detectable from R; MŽ II 76), kopustiné "kapūstynė" N& (LKŽ VI 357), krūminė "krūmynė" Tvr (VI 699), kupstiné "kupstuota vieta" Rdm (VI 936), pataliné "patalynė" Mrj) (IX 602), mdlkiné "malkų pietuvė" S. Dauk; Sk; "a pile of dumped things" J; Skn; Sd (VII 801). However, most often the Vedic su -inė has a clear local meaning (see section 4.4). p. 190). Vedic with *-to- -ta With the suffix -ta, directly derived from the Indo-European adjective suffix *-to-/-ta-, made NC bėržta "birch" J; (See also the variant bėržtva I.) -(r)otas The derivative suffix -(r)otas has only a few NC, e.g.: alksnétas "alksnynas" J I 96, apynodtas Kv; Rt; Sdv, wrapped "hoppy garden" J; JD 219, cut J; Kp; Ds; Pg, apusrétas "eukalyptus" J; Krz; Kv; Ms; Brs; Užv; Gl, burnished "birch" Jd; Srv; Pc (LKZ I“ 105, 218, 277, 283, 778). According to K. Būga (1958:160 et al.), some of the Baltic-speaking place names, e.g. lie, are also of kuopinés origin. 2000: Liepalotai: liepūlė, Pušalotas: pušalė, pr. Rickayot: Ricky "Lord" (Herr) III 3713. This type of vedic could have appeared to the group names with the old ending *- by joining the suffix -tas, e.g. alksnétas and dlksna/alksna (see p. 179), as well as beridtas and bėržta. -ytė In some eastern and western Altay dialects the -ytė derivatives have the same meaning as the -ynas, -ynė derivatives, e.g.: alksnyjtė "alksnynas” J; Sd; Rs; Pg; Klov; Rgv (LKŽ I? 105), oak "young oak forest" J; Kp; Ram; Grk (I? 535—536), birch Rm; Rgv, birch "young birch forest" Rs; Grk (I? 777), eglijté "fir grove" J I 694, karklytė "a place with a harrow" Rgv; Rm (V 294), kelmytė "kelmynė" Grk; Kp; DI (V 526), kemsytė "kemsuota meadow" Vdšk (V 564), lazdijté "place where hazel trees grow" Er (VII 214), liepytė "linden bushes" Rgv (VII 426), molytė "molynė" Kur; Ēr (VIII 340), rendrytė "cane" Rm (VIII 655), samanytė "place covered with reeds" Er (XII 90). The water names Beržytė Bsg, Javijte Btg, Kelmytės Vad, Žilvijtė Slv (Vanagas 1970:44) were derived from this type of vedic names. Based on the place names Apsite, Kelmite, Zvirgzdite, etc., it is believed that the corresponding suffix of the 187 su -ite was previously in ir Latvian (LVG 388; BKGF 97). Further derivatives of this type can be linked to su Germanic group names with the suffix -ide (<*-itio-), e.g. vid.de.jam. pfluogide "pair of plowed oxen", geveteride "parents" (May 1967:149). Su suffix *-itio- (<*-ito-+*-io0-), whose reflexes, baltic germany be languages, ir have still Slavic languages, beginnings probably were made names of iš feature holders (attributive noun). Later they received different ir meanings, among jų ir coopinę (aut. 1991:18—19). Vedic su *-men- -menė, -mė Sometimes attribute names with suffixes have a copulative sū meaning -menė, -mé, derived from iš *-men-, e.g.: smallmen "small things" BM 433; Trgn (next to "childhood, infancy" Dgt; Aps — LKŽ VII item 978), "small children" Zem; J; Užv; Vkš; "smaller livestock, animals" S. Dauk; Slv; Neck; Up; "insignificant, insignificant people" Stk (XII 221). -(i)uomené In the dialect of Aukštaičiai, company names are su used with the suffix -(i)uomenė, e.g.: kar(i)domené, didiomené, jauniiomené, etc. (LKA III Zemél. no. 126, p. 139—140). P. Skardžius (ŽD 237) believed that this suffix originated from the adjective suffix -uom.-, extended by the suffix -enė. For example, he, like K. Būga (1959:338), associated the vedic diduomenė with the vedic diduomis "didikas" found in S. Daukanto writings; Vedic tikrūomenė "real people" Grz is associated with pr. starintickroms "ruthlessly right" (eueriger) III 3713. However, this is quite doubtful, because the suffix -uom in Lithuanian language has, it seems, only two Vedic: the mentioned with big and whole "universal", known only from the writings of S. Daukanto. So they can be innovators. In addition, the suffix -enė is not used in the Lithuanian language. The hypothesis of J. Endzelynas (1979:408—409), according to which the Lithuanian suffix -uomenė derives from *-omen-(*-menvariant) and is related to the Vedic forms of that suffix in Germanic languages, seems more plausible, cf. go. dat.sing. aldēmin "senior age", s.angl. ealdom "honoring the elders". This view is supported by the fact that some -uomenė Vedic suffixes in the Eastern Highland dialect have retained a special meaning, e.g.: jeundomené "youth" Ds (LKZ IV 315), small farm "childhood" Ds; Str; Svne; Tvr; Brsl (VII plg. 978, 100 mg/ day). This allows us to consider the suffix *-omen as a *-menvariant of the suffix su *-omen, with iš which the names of characteristics were initially made ir only later, already in Lithuanian soil began to make coop names. The -uomenė suffix in dialects has several variants. -(i)umencé in the Žemaičių dialect in some Vysočian Snektos instead of adjectives ir 188 -ysta/ystė Place names with su the suffix -ysta/-ystė appeared at the beginning of our writing due to the influence of Slavic languages. In Lithuanisu an language suffix -ysta/-ystė have long been used as names of features, which are not inclined to specify places and usually do ir not mean anything. This is quite different in Slavic languages. Here, once, the names of properties were widely made with su a suffix -"Structure. However, during the period of written jų tradition greatly decreased, a jų considerable part acquired various specific meanings, among jų ir location value (Auerbach 1973:6 tt. su lit. ). For example, the old Slavic derivative korl'evsstvo, which * originally iš meant "king's power", in very ancient times acquired a local meaning ir (9CCHA XI 8). Following his example, the pioneers of our writing made the Lithuanian Vedic karalysta/karalisstė, which was often used in 16th—17th century writings. The Polish term paristwo "state, sovereignty" in the old writings was translated by derivative sovereignty DP 3744, 542244, 58638; SP II 20419; SIG II 7319 (it is also used in later writings) and sovereignty DP 22,3, 31139; MP 5, 42, 62a. Similar meaning had the derivative priesthood DP 22b1, priesthood "rulership" DP 20349, 52628, 542a15; "princedom" SD* 138 (e.g. PrG 67(1715); 1975) 1914 – Peter V., Polish politician (d. księstwo, rus. xux»xcecmeo. In dialects, however, "priekšnieks"/"priekšniece" means "punisher" (LKZ VI 894). The term "duchy" was first used in 1641 by King Vladislav I of Poland and Grand Duke of Lithuania in his decree: dideje Kunigaykflti[fteje Lietuwos. The derivative ercikysté: Erciky[tes Prufu (PrG 58) is used here to describe the state of Prussia, which arose from the Crusader Order. It is also found in later writings of Lithuania Minor (Lex 21, 38a, 48a; N; K). In the 16th-17th century writings we find older variants of this Vedic: hercigysta BB Pat 28,2, hercikysta VlnE 1729, hercikystė Mž 934, hercigkystė PrG 57(1639). In the present common language, they correspond to the later reorganization of the duchy. According to the Polish wojewodstwo "vaivadija" at the beginning of our writing were made Vedic voivodeship DP 48415, voivodeship SD" 195; PrG 57(1639); C II 202 (also available in later writings). The derivative byskupysta (7X) is used in the Postila of M. Daukša for the meaning of "diocese- ", and its variant byskupystė (5X) has the abstract meaning of "bishop's duties, rank" (as in Mž 299). In the 17th century this derivative acquired the present form episkopgsté and denoted "the duties, the rank of the bishops" (SD* 17; SIG I 76a12; Q 93). At the time, the derivative episcopal (see p. 190) had the meaning of place, but it was later replaced by bishopric (see p. 182). The Vedic episcopate in the meaning of "bishopric" was used only by M. Valančius, who wrote the work "Žemaičių episkopatas". This is why he uses a witch to do this. This was encouraged by the l. byskupstwo, denoting both the duties of the bishop and the territory under his control. Thus, the above-mentioned place names with the suffix -ysta/-ystė are pamorphemically translated from Slavic languages. In this they differ from the same-meaning suffix -ija of the Vedic kingdom, duchy, bishopric, etc., made according to Lithuanian word-making tendencies (see p. 182). 195 -ė Iš the names of specific properties could have given rise to noun pronouns in the verb ending tų su -ė, e.g.: bendrė "common meadow, common field" J; Plg (LKŽ I? 750), depth/depth "deep lake river ar place" (widely spread, reported since SE 16126), Gruine "naked, unsuitable meadow" Long; Skrd; Plv; Grš (LKŽ 3rd 659), Clerks "klebonija" Rod (Level VI 21), "levelness; a woodland area; laukymé’ (widespread; this derivative also has attribute meanings: "equality" Msn; "Equality for uniformity" Jz — LKZ VII niosale 463—464), "a secluded place" Grz (VIII 959), gaseous "flat" R; K; Dv; "peat, grass" O) 515; V. Kudir; VI; Vlkv; Jrb; Plv; Yes; Vik (X 238). Conclusions 1. Coop names are a very old, disappearing category of work. Yeah. The Lithuanian language paradigm for the construction of group names has a) iš been formed in the su following ways: *-a-; b) iš adjectives su *-(i)io-, *-no-, *-to-; c) iš sukonkretéjusiy properties names. 2. In Lithuanian, the old group names in the verb ending are almost su disappeared *-a-, which was still quite abundant in Prussian. Iš working limbs *-could have developed a very old ir Indo-European suffix -ija is the — most important means of making group names in Lithuanian —and the newer suffixes -(i)ava, -auja, -(i)uva, partly -0-jas, -o-tas, with which group names are made rarely. ; 3. in Slavic, Germanic, Indo-Iranian languages the group names are often made with the adjective affix *-(i)io-. In the Baltic languages, however, there are very few derivatives of this type. | 4. in the Baltic, Slavic and partly Latin languages the group names have been made with the suffix *-i-no-. Especially the Baltic and Slavic languages are close in this respect. In Lithuanian, the suffix -ynas, and in the Slavic (especially southern) languages the suffix -ina are used for the names of forests. Only the form of these adverbs differs. In Lithuanian with the suffix -yna, exactly corresponding to sl. -ina, make just a few derivatives. The most widespread variant of the ė-stamp is -ynė, with which initially the name of the squad was made, and then they became more specific: in the Vysočany (especially western) dialect it got the meaning of place, and in the Zemgaly — mainly the meaning of meal. 5. Lithuanian (different from Latvian) in the language of the company names su *-ei-no/-oi-noyra reti. Jų was in ir the Prussian language. 6. Rarely in Lithuanian language, group names are made with ir su adjective suffixes -ina, -inė, -inis. 7. Lithuanian language group names su suffix -ytė corresponds to nų Germanic derivatives su -ide (<*-itj0-). „8. Su derived suffix *-0-men-, common to ir Lithuanian Germanic languages, as Ir su primary attachment *-men-, iš initially used to make names of characteristics, later used in Lithuanian o to make group names. ji In Lithuanian, some other names of ir properties, especially those with 196 *-mo-, have acquired a copulative meaning. 9. noun place names are a completely new category of creation, formed in the Lithuanian language soil with the specification of the names of groups and features and the emergence of special suffixes -idė/-ydė, -udė from the root * dhėa. In addition, this process was encouraged by the Slavic languages, in which suffixes -»n'a, -»nica, -išče were used to make place names even before the beginning of writing. Directly from the Slavic suffix -snica came the Lithuanian suffix -ynyčia. On the other hand, probably due to the influence of Vedic names with the suffix -snica in the Lithuanian language, the names of places (especially barns) have begun to be made with the suffix -ynykas/-- ininkas, which may also have come into the Baltic languages from the Slavic languages. The Slavic derivatives with -sn’a could encourage Lithuanians to make the names of rooms with the suffix -inė. Administrative terms with the suffix -ysta/-ystė are derived from Slavic derivatives with -(»)stvo, cf. lit. Kingdom and sl. *korl’evistvo, princely and 1st ksigstvo, r. xusacecmeo, etc. They differ from the names of places of the same meaning with the suffix -ija (e.g., karalija, kunigaikštija, etc.), made according to the Lithuanian word formation tendencies. Abbreviations Arn —Arniėnys, Molėtų r. BKGF —Endzelynas J. Sounds and forms of Baltic languages. V., 1957. "Urbutis V. DaiktvDr.". —Grammar of the Lithuanian language. T. 1. V., 1965, pp. 251-473. A.S.A.R.S. – Abbreviation for Ambulance Service. Lithuanian language verb derivatives. V., 1993. DūnZ —Vitkauskas V. The Northeast Dūnists' Dialect Dictionary. V., GJL II-III 1976. —Otrebski J. Grammar of the Lithuanian language. T. 2-3. Warsaw, 1956-1965. KZ —Journal of Comparative Linguistics in the Field of Indo-European Languages, begr. by A. Kuhn. Berlin etc. LEW —Fraenkel E. Lithuanian etymological dictionary. Heidelberg; Göttingen, 1962. LKA —Lithuanian Language Atlas /Ats. red. K. Morkūnas. T. 1-3. V., LKK —Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai. V. 1998-1999 1977—1991. Dictionary of the English Language. T. 1-15. V., 1956-1991. LKZK —Lithuanian language dictionary. LVG —Endzelins J. Grammar of the Latvian language. Riga, 1951. LZ — Petrauskas. J. A. Laziny's dialectal dictionary. V., 1985. ME —Milenbachs K., Endzelins J. The Latvian Language Vocabulary. Riga, 1932-1933. P. 1-4. MLLVG1 —Grammar of Modern Latvian Literary Language. S.1. Riga, 1959. The etymological dictionary of the Prussian language. T. 1-2. V., 1988-1991. PrG, Prussian government gromates, threats and tales to Lithuanian peasants. V., 1960. SV —Endzelins J. Old Prussian language. Riga, 1943. 2001. "Lietuvių kalbos žodžių formavimas". V., 1943. 3CCSA —BTHMOJIOTHHUECKHĒŪĖ CJIOBADb CJIABASHCKHX S3b5IKOB, I|lpocjiaBaHcCxuft poun. Legs. 1—19. Mocrsa, 1974-1990. Other abbreviations are the same as in the great Lithuanian language dictionary. 197 LITTERACY 1. Ambrazas S. Formation ir of nouns in Baltic Slavic languages (differences of the ir old community). — Baltistica. T. 27(1), 1991, p. 15—34. fi į 2 Ambrazas S. The development of the Lithuanian language characteristics in the construction of names (1. The main types of work). — Lituanistica. No. 3(11), 1992, p. 22—34. 3. Auerbach I. Nomina abstracta im Russian des 16. Jahrhunderts. Munchen, 1973. 4 4. Bammesberger A. Abstract images in the Baltic Languages. Gottingen, 1973. ; ; 5. Benveniste E. Origins de la formation of Indo-European names. en Paris, 1935. 3 i 6. Brugmmann K. Floor plan of the comparative Grammar of the Indo-European languages. Bd. 1. T.1-2. Strasbourg, 1906—1911. 7. Būga K. Selected Writings. T. 1—3. V., 1958—1961. 8. The usage L. of words is corrected. — Mother tongue, 1960. No. 1(7), p. 19—20. = | 9. Dambriūnas L. United States American States ar United States American United States. — Mother tongue, No. 3—4 (33—34), 1966, p. 35—39. 10. Eckert R. Baltic Studies. Berlin, 1971. 11. Endzelins J. A selection of works. S. 3. D. 1. Riga, 1979. 12. Fraenkel E. Zur Suffix Substitution im Lithuanian. — KZ. Bd. 63, 1936, S. 201—204. 13. Gerullis G. The old prussian Place names. Berlin, 1922. 14. Grinaveckis V. On the vowel change of Lithuanian dialects in the heterosyllabice al m,n environment. — Baltistica. 2 Annex, 1977, p. 74—82. 15. Hirt H. Indo-European languages Grammar. Bd. 3. Heidelberg, 1927. 16. Keinys S. The creation of Lithuanian terms. — LKK. T. 16, 1975, p. 7-56. 17. Lehmann W. P. On earlier stages of Indo-European nominal inflection. —Language. Vol. 34. 1958, pp. 179-202. 18. Loh mann J. Genus and Sexus. Gottingen, 1932. 19. Mahlow G. H. Die langen Vocale a, is o. Berlin, 1879. v 20M aziulis V. Relationship between Baltic and other Indo-European languages (declination). 21. Mažiulis V. Monuments of the Prussian language. T. 2. V., 1981. TIL M eid W. Germanic Linguistics. Bd. 3: Word formation. Berlin, 23. Meillet A. Introduction a I’étude comparative des langues indoeuropéenes. Paris, 1934. 24. Palmaitis M. L. Borussica. "Baltistica." T. 23(2), 1989, pp. 126-133. 25. Prellwitz W. Studies on Indo-European etymology and word-pleading; —Contribution to the Kunde of the Indo-European languages. Bd. 1887, pp. 26. Range J. On the development of the word formation category “nomen loci” in Baltic and Slavic languages. "Baltistica." Annex 2. 1977, pp. 124-130. 27. Rosinas A. Pronouns of the Baltic languages. V., 28. 1988. Schmid W.P. On the Vedic FluBname Kulisi —Croatica. Slavica. Indoeuropaea. Vienna Slavic Yearbook. Supplementary volume 8 /Ed. von G. Holzer. Vienna, 1990, S. 205—207. nL Schmidt J. Die Plural forms of the Indo-European Neutra. Weimar, 30. Senkus J. Kapsy-zanavyky dialect noun construction traits. — LKK. T. 12. 1972, pi MB 1 ika work y features to Skardžius P. A plethora of questions. — Mother tongue. No. 1(7), 1960, p. 32. Slawski F. The Praslavic Language. —Słownik praslawiański. T. 1. Wroclaw etc., 1974, s. ownl go pried 198 33. Specht F. Lituanica. - KZ. Bd. 63, 1936, pp. 68–98. 34. Stundžia B. Plural personal nouns oikonimai and jy meaning for reconstruction of conjugation and pronunciation systems. - LKK. T. 21. 1981, p. 185—197. 35. Trautmann R. The Old Prussian Language Monume1911. nts. Gottingen, 36. Urbutis V. Theory of word formation. V., 1978. 37. Urbutis V. Aesthetics of Baltic Etymology. V., 1981. 38. Valeckienė A. The origin of pronouns in the Lithuanian language. — LKK. T. 18. 1978, pp. 69-98. 39. Valeckienė A. The grammar system of Lithuanian language. Family category. V., 1984. 40. Vanagas A. Hydronyms of the Lithuanian SSR. V., 1970. 41. Vidugiris A. Zietela dialect noun. - LKK. T. 11, 1969, p. 147—182. 42. Vitkauskas V. Some Morphophonemic Dialectisms of North-Eastern Žemaites Mudsmen. - LKK. T. 17, 1977, pp. 97-108. 43. Wackernagel J, Debrunner A. Ancient Indian grammar. Bd. 2. T. 2. Gottingen, 1954. 44. Zinkevičius Z. Lithuanian dialectology. V., 1966. 45. Good xk oB a 4 P. OCHOBEI CpaBHHTeJIbHOfi TDAMMATHKH CJIABSHCKHX a3pikoB. ĒoHeTHKA H cnoBoobpazosanue. Mocksa, 1984. 46. TamMmxpenunpsze T. B, Ura unos Bau. Be. Unnoesponefickuit assix u mHaoeBponeusl. T. 1. T6uaucu, 1984. 47. Her Ta pes B. WU. Pednexcrs manoesponefickoit popmer cobuparensHOCTH Ha *-ū-B 6anTufickux H CJIABSHCKHX saskax. —VI International Baltist Congress, October 2—4, 1991. V., 1991, pp. 103-104. 48. M nnn ųu —CBuTrTwrrųu B. M ViMenHas aknueHTyaLLHAS B GaJITHŽŪCKOM H cjNaBaHCcKOM. Mocksa, 1963. 49. Map Ts HoB B. B. IlpacjiaBaHcKas1 u 6anTo-c/IaBIHCKAS NepHBALMSA uMeH. Munck, 1973. 50. Max o auc B. K 6GanTufickomy H nHOoOeBponeickOMy JLATHBY €d.4. - Baltistica. T. 3(1), 1967, pp. 29-45. 51. Tpoucku- #ti V. M. K ceMaHTHKE MHOXXECTBEHHOI'O YUCJIA B rPeYeCKOM H JIATHHCKOM A3bIKaAX. —YvyenHsble sanucku JIT YOU. Cepus dunonoruyeckux HaykK. Legs. 69. T. 10, 1946, c. 54-72. THE DEVELOPMENT OF NOMINA COLLECTIVA AND NOMINA LOCI IN LITHUANIAN Summary The following chronological strata of nomina collectiva in Lithuanian have been established: 1. the oldest nomina collectiva with the derivative ending *-a-(cf. Lith. dlksna "alder grove; bog; valley”, Latv. dlksna "marshy area”), which have laid a foundation for some derivative suffixes: *-ij-a-(cf. Lith. brolija "brothers and sisters”, Slav. *bratsja "brothers", Gk. @paTpia and © OAT ”Kinsfolk; kin; brothers and sisters”), *-ou-a-(cf. Lith. broliava "brothers and sisters”), -a-io-(cf. Lith. liepdjas "lime-grove- ”; Latv. alksndjs "alder grove” and Lith. dlksna), *-a-to-(cf. Lith. alksndtas ” alder grove”); 2. derivatives with the adjective affixes *-no-(cf. Lith. beržiynas, Slav. *berzina "birch-grove”), *-to-(cf. alksnyjté "alder grove”, MHG pfluogide "a pair of oxen”), *-ijo-(cf. Lith. bovine "cattle", Slav. * (po)golveje "a number of animals”); nomina gualitatis concretized 199 3. in Lithuanian; the suffix -the is community especially productive (cf. Lith. youth "youth" and "young people"). Nomina loci derived from nouns are new a Lithuanian derivative category based on nomina collectiva. The main role its formation in was played the suffixes by -ide/-yde (horse stables/horse stables "stable") and -udė which originated from the root dhė- * “lay, put down, place”. The development of nomina loci was stimulated the impact by of Slavic languages. The suffix -inicia (cf. Chicken house "hen-coop") is a borrowing from Slave. - One. On the other hand, it is highly possible that Lithuanian nomina loci with suffixes -worker/worker (cf. arklingkas/arkliniiikas "stable”), -other (cf. aviné "sheepfold”) were formed under the influence of Slavic derivatives with the suffixes - "Nica, -on'a. Lithuanian administration terms with the suffix -ysta/-ysté are loantranslations from Slavic derivatives with the suffix - Everything. (cf. karalystd/karalysté and Slave. *korl’evsstvo kingdom”). 200