Lietuvių kalbos deminutyvų darybos raida

LITHUANIAN KALBOTYROS QUESTIONS, XXXIV (1994) LITHUANIAN LANGUAGES ARTICLES IR JŲ INVESTIGATIONS - | Saulius AMBRAZAS LITHUANIAN LANGUAGES DEMINUTIVES ACTIVITIES RAIDA : “a Lietuviy language, like Balty ir languages in general, is famous for deminutyvy (ma biniy daiktavardziy) abundance variety. ir Many fall into this category. of relational verbs have equivalents in other related languages. In other words, they are not equally distributed in the ir Baltic dialects. These differences are often old, inherited from the iš distant past. The dialects of the Indo-European languages have been ų very different since ancient times. i Most of Sm the deminutive adjectives of the language are derived iš from determis natyvy *-k-, *-L, *-s-, *-t-, 4, the rest came from adjectives, names of possessors iš of characteristics, names of characters. one another jų borrowed iš from Slavic languages. Vedic su determinative *-k- | r -ikas, -ika, -ikė In Lithuanian, diminutive su suffixes - Time is just leftovers. Ailtai J. Gerulis ir Ch.S. Stange (1933, 25) wrote du derivatives of this type iš Small Lithuanian fishermen's dialects: potdikas "pot", staldikas "small stable", in the dictionaries of Lesser Lithuania we find the Vedic brolikas "brother's son? 295; N; [K] ("cousin" V. Kudir — LKZ I? 769), Kingfisher "bird wars lius, dwarf" B 944; R; N; K II 367, Stirnic "stirninas" N, [K], jaw "sandwicN, h" plg. still a servant "servant" DP 160353. A F. In Nesselmann- 's dictionary the diminutive karvika is su recorded with the suffix ”karvelé” - Tka. : Now in dialects deminutyai su -which is also very rare, e.g.: bernikas?” pusberni- = s’ Wolf (LKZ I? 769), Galium * "menkas galelis” M1 (III smotic 66), "a piece" Zr; RtZ (XV 105), Sunikas "bj A cruel, angry dog" Pln; "Dog, you bastard" J; K1 (XV 361). In the dialect of Zietelos recorded su vediniy ne sudurtipriesaga -ik-utas, e.g.: bernikutas “boy”, paršikūtas ’ "Piggy (Vidugiris, 1969, 151). Once in the Western part of Lithuania deminutives su - time could have been ir la Biau paplite. This shows the suffix - a paradigmatic variant - Okay. Su ju in a considerable part of the ir Žemaičių dialektas, in some of the western Highland dialects, deminutives are made quite often, e.g.: katikė "katytė", mergaitė "mergytė" lazdiė p "stick" (LKA Map III No. 116, p. 131). This type of derivatives are ir J. In the Songbook of Rēza (see section 4.4). Table 1). In Latvian deminutives su *-also rare. Jų occurs only in ka 130 some western dialects, e.g.: pusika "half", aūnikis "little lamb", ganikis "little shepherd" (DL 297—298, 300—305). On the other hand, in the Prussian texts, the Vedic with *-iko predominates among all the deminutives: acc. sing. gannikan "dziewczynkę" (Frewlein) III 10525, madlikan "maldelę" (Gebetlein) 7919, nom. sing. malnijkiz "child" (Kindlein) 1135, stundiz "hour" (Stūndlein) 569, acc. sing. vijrikan "man" (Menlein) 10524. The deminutive meaning may have been used in the past by the Vedic gunsiz "the knob (from beating)" (Bule) E 162 (cf. lit. gūžis PKEZ I 422—423 with lit.), geytko, i.e. geytiko "bread" (Brot) GrG 12 (cf. geits "bread" (Brodt) III 539 —PKEŽ 1 342—344), instirs "thumbs" (Dume) E 114 (cf. lit. inkštis BB 2 Mos 29,20; Teis 1,6, lat. tkstis "thumbs- ", cf. Eckert, 1974, 232; 1983, 83), kuliks "bag, bag" (Bitel) E 487 (cf. lit. kulikas, kulis, lat. kule "etc." PKEZ II 299—301) and perhaps menig "moon" (Monde) E 8, which V. Maziulis (1981, 288) reconstructs as *meniks and considers as a deminutive made from ide. *men-, plg. lie. moon "moon" Prn; Gs; Ktč (LKZ VII 20): month. Thus, the deminutives with *-iko-(< i + *-ko-) were probably the most characteristic of the dialects of the western Baltic languages, which had been influenced by Slavic languages since ancient times. This type of Vedic is very common in Slavic (BomxkoBuy, 1984, 206—245) and, apparently, Tocharian (MBanas, 1958) languages. They are still found in ancient Greek, Indo-Iranian and other languages (Chantraine, 1933, 385—386; 1966; Wackernagel, Debrunner, 1954, 311-318 and lit.). -etka The suffix *-iko has an apophonic variant *-eiko-. Initially, it was also used to make diminutives, cf. živeika "žuvelė" Zt (Būga, 1959, 140). Now the suffix *-eiko is most commonly found in various proper names of Baltic languages (DaiktvDrR 139 and lit.). -ykas(-a) In the Zietela dialect, deminutives with the suffix -yka are common, e.g.: sesgka "sister", ausyka "ear", kaliyka "bitch", etc. There are also derivatives of the masculine gender with -ykas, e.g.: lieZuvykas "little tongue", brolykas "brother" (Vidugiris, 1969, 149—150). This type of derivative is also found in some other southern dialects, e.g.: sdulyka "sun" Arm; Žrm; "Sunrise" Rod (LKZ XII 200). The word brolykas with the meaning "brother's son" is recorded in the Lesser Lithuania dictionary Lexicon Lithuanicum (401). A deminutive can also be a derivative thing, which has retained the older meaning of "part" in ancient writings. Vedic brolykas (see also the place name Brotijkai "Mosėdžio valsčiaus kaimas” ŽD 131) and daljkas have corresponding Prussian names: nom. pl. bratikai "brothers" (Brūder) III 895, dellijks "part" (Artickel) 3916, acc. sing. dellikans (Stück) 655. 131 In Latvian we find two derivatives with the suffix -ica/-ice: matica/matice "mother-in-law", masica/masice "the husband- 's sister; sister's daughter" (DL 298—300). In Slavic (especially Eastern and Western) languages, deminutives with -iks are productive (Bomxosuų, 1984, 229—231). Some of these types of Vedic texts are reconstructed for the Praslavic language, cf. broliykas, pr. bratikai and sl. *brat(r)iks (Slawski, 1974, Maprsruos, 91; 1973, 27). It is possible that the suffix *-iko entered the Baltic languages from the Slavic languages, where the nouns of the £ root were once widespread, later expanded the suffix *-ko- (aut., 1991, 29-30 and lit.). -(i)ukas(-- €), -(i)uka Deminutives with this suffix are now widespread in almost the entire area of the Lithuanian language, with the exception of the very northern part of the Žemaičių dialect (LKA III map No. 116, pp. 130—131). However, in the 16th—17th century writings we have not found any such verses, except for the unclear ežerukai (KreBe) Lex 56. They are also rare in the collection of Lithuanian folk songs prepared by L. Rėza at the beginning of the 19th century (see table) and in the writings of S. Daukanto (Subačius, 1993, 152—153). Not all of these dialects of the Lithuanian language have had this type of vedic from ancient times. In Latvian, Vedic with *-ukoproductive only in some eastern dialects, e.g.: suniks "puppy", deluks "son", bgrnuks "child" (DL 276—286, map No. 3). In Prussian, the suffix *-uko has the derivative wosuz "goat" (Bok) E 675 (see li. ož(i)ūkas- ), which has lost its deminutive meaning. In Slavic languages, diminutives with *-ukonė are clearly distinguished from other derivatives with *-ko-, e.g. * domsks "house", *synsks "son" (Belič, 1901, 137; Slawski, 1974, 93—94; Vaillant, 1974, 352—355). Corresponding Old Indian derivatives made from u-root nouns (e.g., shishukah "child": sshishus "child") are assigned to derivatives with the suffix *-ko-, with which deminutives from various roots are often made here (Edgerton, 1911; Wackernagel, Debrunner, 1954, 515—540 and lit.). Thus, *-uko-(< u + *-ko-) could have become a separate suffix in the soil of Baltic languages. Deminutives with *-uko are most common in eastern and central Lithuania, where there are many water names with *-uko (cf. Vanagas, 1970, 193—194, 418). In the past, in Lithuanian, there were feminine deminutives with the older suffix -uka in addition to the Vedic with -ukė. This is indicated by the derivative varnuka "young crow" N, partly antuka "bird of the songbird family" MZ; B; N; [K] (plg. sl. *otska "anti"). In addition, in some dialects there are pleasant girls' names with -(i)uka, e.g. : Mar(iJ)Juka, Onuka (Būga, 1958, 270; Senkus, 1972, 154). They are already recorded in the grammar of J. Čiulda (35). Deminutives with -uka are also found in Latvian dialects, e.g. kuluka "bag", Annuka (DL 286—287). -ukis(-a) In Lithuanian dialects of Vilnius region, deminutives with the suffix -ukis, -a have been observed, e.g.: akmuikas, vanduikas, akmuika, sesuika, skyluika. P. Skardžius 132 (1937, 131—132) believes that this suffix arose from the mixture of the suffixes -ukas and -ykas (see also Vidugiris, 1969, 149—150). -tokas, -tokė In the eastern and southern Highland dialects of the Lithuanian language, the frequent deminutives with the suffix -iokas mainly denote medium-- sized objects, persons, animals, e.g.: berniukas, anciokas, akmeniokas (ŽD 133—134; DaiktvDr 279—280). Another example of this type of derivative occurs in the western part of Lithuania. For example, J. Senkus (1972, 152) recorded the Vedic poršiūkas "vidutinis parsas" from the dialects of Kapsai and Zanavykai. In the eastern dialects of Latvian there is also the corresponding suffix -aks in the Vedic, cf. lie. Boy and la. Bernaks, lie. The horse and the la. kumelax. However, they are more rare than in the eastern Highland dialect of Lithuanian (DL 289—294). In Slavic languages, the *-(i)akodeminutives of the palindromic suffix (in Polish kočiak "kitten", in German xonusax "bad horse", in Czech synak "son", see Brugmann, 1906, 501; Gaters, 1955, 47) are relatively recent. For example, in Polish they appeared only in the 17th century, when the old vedic with -ę disappeared (Rospond, 1979, 185). In other Slavic languages, the suffix *-úko has been used since ancient times to make names of persons and things (Vaillant, 1974, 326—329). In other Indo-European languages, in the early periods of their development, the suffix *-uk was used to make adjectives, and in some cases to make names of persons with special qualities (Brugmann, 1906, 498—500). Therefore, it is possible that the deminutive with the suffix *-ako-(< a + *-ko-) began to be used in the proto-Baltic languages, especially in their eastern dialects. In Lithuanian dialects one other deminutive with the -tokas variant of the prefix -ioké has been observed, e.g.: mergioké "little girl" Grv; "adolescent" ts (LKŽ VIII 29), girl "little girl" Sr (VIII 24), toad "no child or animal" (Senkus, 1972, 152). -ėkas(-a), -ėkė Lithuanian deminutives with the suffix -ėkas, -a are used only in some Altay dialects (ŽD 126; DaiktvDr 283) and have meanings of smallness, less often minority, pleasure, e.g.: arklėkas "small horse" Arm; Dv (LKŽ IP 302), bernékas "boy, boy, boy" Ob; Asv; Bn; Arm; Lz; "vaikėzas” Rds; Nmn (I? 768), kostuvekas "poor small kostuvek" Arm (VI 382), krūmėkai "poor bushes" Ob; Kp (VI 698), colt "adult colt" Dv; Rdm (VI 867—868), laukékas "small field" Dv (VII 179), meitelekas "girl" Krsn (VII 1019), motinékd "mother" Rod (VIII 369), parsekas "piglet" Rdm; Vs; Shred; Rod; Lz; Mrj; Svne; Dv (IX 430; LZ 185), ponékas *" ponas (mink. r.)” Kp (X 427), sduleka "sun" Bn; Rod; Pls (XII 196), puppy "puppy" Rod; Pls; Dv; "mažas netikes suo” Ob (XV 357), žydelėkas "žydelis (menk.r.- )” Ob (LKZK). In Latvian dialects (especially in Latgale) deminutives with -eks are more common than the corresponding Vedic ones with -ūks (DL 295—296). Therefore, Lithuanian and Latvian are very different here. 133 But one other derivative su *-īko- (< € + *.ko-) is common to Lithuanian i and Latvian, cf. lie. boy and la. berneks "child", lie. Puppy la. ir sunėks "bad dog" This type of vedic also appeared in the proto-Baltic language. r "Bad cow" Pls (LKŽ V 355) has a newer suffix! - Yeah. -aka, -ekas(-a), -ek-šis(-ė) The derivative kalvaka "hill" with suffix is recorded in F. Nesselmann's dictionary -aka. to In Latvian dialects and folklore, one more diminutive with a similar suffix -aks has been observed, e.g.: sunaks, telaks "coarse, cruel man (in proverbs)" (DL 124). In the Southern Highland dialect of the Lithuanian language, deminutives are sometimes made with the extended suffix -ek-šis, -ė, (cf. pp. 141—142) e.g.: bernėkšis "bad ber-! nas”, akvėkšis "bad axe", Zmonéksé "not a good wife" (DaiktvDr 285; | Grinavečikis, 1991, 230). The corresponding unexpanded suffix -ekas, -a has the derivative lydėkas, pike (see Latin lidęka, lidaka, lidaks "pike" ME II 477, Lithuanian lydis), see also Lithuanian. melek-ėlis "growth on the back of the palate, tongue” and la. | apples (ME II 613—614). Deminutive with suffix *-oko-/-eko-(< o/e + *-ko-) is also found in some other related languages, e.g. s.ind. ašvakah "little horse", gr. petoaf "girl" (Gaters, 1955, 48). a | | The data discussed suggest that in the proto-Baltic language, diminutives were widely made with the suffix *-ko-. It has long since begun to climb various trunks. Therefore, in some proto-Baltic dialects the Vedic with *-i-ko-, in others with *-u-ko-, in others with *-a-koir etc. are more common. The *-ko-/-kdeminutives of the suffix are very old, they are common in many Indo-European languages (Ewald, 1924) and have counterparts in other so-called nostratic (boreal) languages (Mnnuu-Cutery, 1971, 14). It is possible that this type of vedic initially had not a minor but a broader individualizing meaning, cf. s.sl. kamyks "a certain stone": kamy "stone", pl. bone "nucleus; game dice": košči "bones", lie. ožka, sl. goat "ožka": goes. *ag'-"goat", av. pasuka-"- domestic animal": pasu-"animal" (cf. Knobloch, 1958; Otrebski, 1967, 219—220; Orpem6exun, 1968, 135—136). This would explain why with *-ko-/-knuo in ancient times not only deminutives, but also noun verbs and names of the owners of a characteristic are made (aut., 1991, 27—28 ir lit. ). Vedic with determinative *-I- -elis(-¢€) This suffix has become the most important Lithuanian deminutive verb 134 measure (Brender, 1925; DaiktvDr 254-265). Vedic with it predominate in 16th-17th century writings (see table), they are present in all dialects of the present Lithuanian language. Deminutives with the suffix -elis, -ė are usually made from two-syllable nouns, e.g. kalnélis: mountain, tėvėlis: father, vistele: chicken, etc. However, in the Žemaičių and some eastern Highland dialects (Ignalina, Švenčionys, Breslaujos, Apso, Lazūnų neighborhoods) there are suffixes -elis, -ė derived from and from polysyllabic nouns, e.g.: vainikélis "crown": wreath, dobilėlis "clover": clover, siuvėjėlė "seamstress": seamstress, etc. (LKA III map No 117; pp. 131-132). In many dialects of the suffix -el, -ė the accented vowel e is elongated. However, in the southeastern part of the Žemaičių dialektas and in some dialects of the Žemaičių aukštaičiai it remained short, for example: berž'ėlis "berželis", trob'ėlė "hut" (LKA II map No. 11, p. 30). The vowel e is short in some southern Altay dialects. However, here the -ėlis adverbs have not a minor but a major meaning, e.g.: bernėlis "strong boy", axvėlis "big axe", svetėlis "big guest" (Grinaveckis, 1991, 230). In addition to the latter, in this dialect are used minor derivatives of the suffix -el with the long, but often altered e (p. 136). It is possible that not all dialects of the -el, -ė Vedic suffixes have been widely used since ancient times. For example, water names with -elis, -ė are very rare in some of the western Highland dialects (Vanagas, 1970, 113—124, 396). In Latvian dialects, the diminutives with the corresponding suffixes -elis, -e are much fewer. They are most typical for the western and central part of Curonian Spit and Ziemgale. In addition, this type of vedic here often has a softened consonant before the preposition (e.g. s—š, z—žir, etc.). Therefore, some Latvian vedic words almost completely coincide with Lithuanian ones, e.g.: maišelis: maiss "bag" (cf. lit. maisiņš), vistele: vista "chicken" (cf. lit. wvistélé- ), aZelis: azis "goat" (cf. lit. goat) and so on. (DL 246-270). As a result, A. Bielenstein (1863, 308—309) and A. Leskienas (1891, 481) believed that the Latvian deminutives with -elis, -e had arisen as a result of the influence of the Lithuanian language. However, J. Endzelynas (1909, 376; LVG 343), V. Rūkė-Dravinia (DL 259—262) doubt this, because this type of vedic is used not only near the Lithuanian border, but also farther away. In addition, not everywhere the suffixes -elis, -e Vedic have a softened consonant, cf. sunelis "dog", maiselis "bag". On the other hand, no influence of Lithuanian language can be seen in such derivatives as čaurumelis "skylutė- ", čučelis "karvuté" and so on. In Prussian with the suffix *-eli, the derivative patoweli "stepfather" (Stiffater) E 179, with a specific non-deminutive meaning (cf. lit. patėvis), and the personal names Madelle, Jannel, Katell and the place names Grubelle, Scadelle, Wirbelle (Gerullis, 1920, 250; Trautmann, 1925, 175; SV 48). There is no clearly deminutive meaning here. This suggests that deminutives with the suffix *-elio have only become common in some Baltic languages. * 135 -elys With the suffix -elis variant -elys made a child "vaikpalaikis, vaikagalys” Graz; Kt; Kbr; Alcohol; Ldvn; Brb; Kv; Auk; Azr (LKŽK). -ėlis(-ė) In a large area of the Altai dialect, the suffix -elis, -ė has the variant -élis, -ė. With it, deminutives are widely made from polysyllabic nouns, e.g.: vainikėlis: vainikas, akmuolėlis: akmuo, lelijėlė: lelija, etc. (LKA map III. No. 117). In some Southern Highland dialects, with the narrowing of the vowel e, the suffix -elis, -ė has been pronounced very similarly as the suffix -ėlis, -ė in the vedic forms made from two-syllable nouns, e.g.: dun'kt'ėl'- is "cover" (LKA II 30—31). In Latvian dialects, deminutives with suffixes -elis, -e are very rare and are usually made from two-syllable nouns, e.g. sunelis "dog", vistéle "chicken" (DL 270—271). Thus, perhaps the suffix *-élio originated from *-eljolonging and narrowing of the vowel e in the crossed position. Also from a synchronic point of view, -elis can be seen: -shade morphological change (Akelaitiené, 1993, 83-84). * -elius, -élius In some ancient writings the prefix -elis, -ėlis in the Vedic has the form of the zu stem, e.g.: karalelus DP 35443-4; Ev 1312-13; SE 2267, litelus DP 39843, poterelus SD* 281 (Jonikas, 1952, 100; Palionis, 1967, 131). The deminutive with -elius still occurs in the Zemgalian dialect today. For example, in the northern part of the Žemaičių dialektas, the derivative žmogėlius is used quite widely (it has already been used by S. Daukanto; in addition, it has been recorded as Gl; Dv —LKŽK), cf. the names of unmarried men Butkėliai || Butkėlis, Intėliai || Intėlis, Ružėlius || Ružėlis Vkš, Bružėlius || Bružėlis Klk (LKA III 120). -alis(-ė) Deminutives with this suffix are made in the western part of the Žemaičių dialect, where the Kurians once lived (LKA III map no. 117, p. 132). In some dialects (e.g., Pagramančio) this type of derivatives have a diminutive meaning (e.g.: krantalis "bank", miestalis "town", pelkūlė "peat", see Jonikas, 1939, 34), and in others (e.g., Švėkšnos, Salantų) — a derogative meaning (e.g.: staldlis "bad table", mergdlé "big girl, unsuitable girl", see Jonikas, 1939, 34). ŽD 175; Salys, 1992, Derived from Prussian podalis "puodpalaikis" (Bosetop) E 351, 75, 337). which corresponds exactly to lie. puoddlis. The Prussian personal names Pretralle, Micalle, Waikale and others are also made with the suffix *-ali (Trautmann, 1925, 176; SV 48). 136 Furthermore, these diminutives can be associated with very rare Latvian derivatives with the suffix -ala/-ala, e.g.: mdmaja "mommy- ", naktal-ina "nightie- ", žūrkal-ęns "young rat" (DL 276). The prevalence of water names and place names with *-oli suggests that the Vedic forms of this suffix were the most characteristic of the Curonian language (see Būga, 1963, 244; Endzelin, 1934, 134; Vanagas, 1970, 84—90, 392). Deminutives with the suffix *-olo-/-elo-(< o/e + *-lo-) are also found in Slavic (cf. lit. brolélis, broterėlis and sl. *bratel’s "little brother- ", see Slawski, 1974, 108), Germanic, Italic (cf. lit. poršėlis and s.german.aukšt. farheli, lo. porculus "parselis", see Brugmann, 1906, 366; Meid, 1967, 87), and perhaps in Tocharian languages (UBanoB, 1958, 59—60). That this type of vedic has spread later than deminutives with *-kois shown by the vedic suffixes -culus (< *-ko-+ *-lo-) in the Italian languages, cf. lo. homullus, homunculus and homuncio "man, poor man", oviculus "ave" and so on. Sheep, you. avika "sheep" (Hofmann, Leumann, 1928, 216; Tuttle, 1975 ir lit.). -(i)ulis(-ė) In the Southern Highland dialect, deminutives with this suffix are quite often made from various two-syllable nouns, e.g.: alūlis, arklūlis, dukrūlė, katūlė, saulūlė (Grinaveckis, 1991, 228). Some of these are also used in other languages. For example, J. Otrebskis (1934, 153—154) from Tverėčiai dialect wrote the vedic sesūlė, cetulé "aunt", Agniulé, Katriūlė, Krisiūlė, Mariūlė, Rožūlė, A. Vidugiris (1969, 151) from Zietela dialect —bočiūlis "father- ", Dievūlis, E. Grinaveckienė (1961, 240) from Mituvė river dialect —motūlė, sesūlė, J. Senkus (1972, 159) from Kapsai, Zanavykai dialects —dėdūlis, Dievūlis, pačiūlė, svočtūlė, tetule. The song was recorded by the singer-songwriter L. Rēza. In Latvian, deminutives with -ulis, -e are rare, usually made from personal names (e.g. Jūnulis, Ližulis) and from animal names (e.g. žyrulis "lamb", kazulis "goat"). Another derivative of this type, made from kinship terms, has its counterparts in Lithuanian, cf. lie. Daddy and la. aunt "father" (DL 271-275). Personal names such as Mattule (see lit. Matulis: Matas) indicate that this type of vedic could also exist in Prussian (Trautmann, 1925, 176; SV 48). Deminutive with *-ulo-(< u + *-lo-) is made in other related languages, cf. go. magula "little boy" (Meid, 1967, 87), gr. doxr0A06 "little bear” (Schwyzer, 1939, 485). -uila In the Žemaičių dialect we find the deminutive mergūila "little girl, girl" J; As; Ms (LKŽ VIII 32), raguilas "rogelės, sledės" J; Gd (XI 39), skrabūila ”sužiuves senis žmogus" Kal (XII 1026). These derivatives are related on the one hand to the deminutives of the suffixes -ulis, -¢, 0 on the other hand —to such names of persons as kramuila (DaiktvDrR didelis: didis, gr. 137 123). Deminutives su with determinative *-Probably derived from iš augmentative derivatives such as lie. UEYGA: : Let's go. Michaels, s. Ind. bahula- "large" (Schulze, 1966, 75—79; Schwyzer, 1939, 484—485; Wackernagel, Debrunner, 1954, 862—864). The latter, in turn, may have been the origin of heteroclitic forms of iš conjugation, as evidenced by the presence of gr. perydARatio lo. su Magnus, s. in. mahant- "big", het. haštai su haštal "bones" (Benveniste, 1935; Otrebski, 1939, 102; HBanos, 1965, 49). Maybe that's a lie. erélis, la. name. pl. ereli, pr. Arelia (Are) E 709, sl. *orsls "eagle" ratio het. su Gen. sing. haranas "erelio", gr. Opvis "bird" (plg. LEW 122; TI A-D 101-102; PKEZ I 90 ir lit. ). The determiner *- has been used to different extents in Indo-European languages to make diminutives. Even in the Baltic languages, the production of this type of Vedic words varies. The most deminutive meaning they spread in Lithuanian language, possible object, already in the times of its independent development. ki Vedic su determinative *-g'- -sleepy A In Lithuanian folk songs, the su diminutives of this suffix are quite common. Antai | L. In Rēza’s Songbook they form about the deminutive 15% of all the names recorded there, e.g.: | tėvužis, vainikužis, žirgužis, žodužis, mėnužis, anytužė, alyvužė, vargužė, žemužė, lelijužė, etc. ir (see section 4.4). Table 1). | Deminutive su suffix -dizzines- -¢ s, typical ir Klaipėda region Žemaičių dialektas (Grinaveckis, 1991, 240). Several derivatives of this type J. Senkus (1972, 184) presentiš ed vad. kapsy ir zanavyki dialects. E. Grinaveckienė (1961, 240) iš The Mituva river dialect mini Vedic prince "evangelical pastor" lost its minor meaning. | The word mermaid has a Prussian equivalent merguff (Mayth) GrG 88. Oath -as perhaps can be seen in ir the dictionary May (Schmid, 1975, 326; PKEZ I 337—338), having equivalents Latvian, Prussian (plg. la. dzeguze, pr. selected "gegutė" (GROANS) E 731), iš part of ir the Slavic languages (plg. s. Russian. Mce2s3-yn "gegutė" ). “i -uzas F. Nesselmann- 's dictionary records the derivative vaikūžas "vaikakalys" su with an older suffix -Uzas. In Latvian dialects, the suffix deminutyvy occurs su -Uza. They are usually made of personal nouns iš (e. g. : Annuža, Karluža) ir only very rarely — iš general words, e.g.: pirtuža "pirtelė", matuža "negera motina" in them we (DL 313—315). 138 find the kinship terms avienas "mother- 's brother" MT 223; RB Tob 7.1; B; R; MZ (t. p. Pgg; Vlkš —LKŽ I? 527), brolynas "brother's son? B; A 1885,150, sister "sister's son" Lex 78; C II 527; Q 474; Krz 184; NdZ; "aunt's son" N, sisters "children of sisters" [K]. Vedini métyna "mother- ?" has both eastern and western Highland dialects (Būga, 1959, 147). In Latvian dialects, deminutives with suffixes -ins, -a are also used in two non-connecting areas: in the southwestern corner near the Lithuanian border and in a considerable northeastern area near Estonia (DL 198—199, map. No. 1). The adjectives themselves with the suffix *-i-no (e.g. lie. blue, la. talins "far away", e.g. alkins "hungry" (nūchtern) III 873), from which the mentioned mazybian Vedic derived, are very few in the Baltic languages (SV 45; LVG 319; BKGF 79). On the other hand, deminutives with *-ino have been found in Slavic, Germanic, Italic, Celtic and Greek languages (Brugmann, 1906, 275). This indicates the age of this type of work. -inas(-a) In the soil of the Baltic languages, alongside the old vedic with *-i-no, deminutivy and with another adjective suffix *-i-nobegan to appear. In the fishermen- ’s dialect of Lesser Lithuania, deminutives were made with both suffixes: -ynasir -inas. Only the -in derivatives denoted slightly larger objects or creatures than the corresponding derivatives with the suffix -ynas (see p.), e.g.: vištinas "a mature hen, but not yet laying eggs", goąsinas "a young goose with feathers", vaikinas "a teenager", langinas "a small box" (Gerullis, Stang'as, 1933, 26—27). There are derivatives of this type in the Lithuanian- -German dictionary of F. Kuršaitis: dnginas "big snake" (recorded already in Mz 19611), arklinas "average horse", jautinas "good bull", kirminas "big worm, snake", mergina "unmarried girl; big, strong girl", músinas "dummy, dung fly", boy "young man, teenager; big, ugly young man." Today, deminutives with the suffix -inas are most commonly used in the southwestern part of the Žemaičių dialektas, approximately between Klaipėda and Šilutė (Salys, 1992, 337; LKA III map. No. 119, p. 135). Occasionally they occur farther away from this range, e.g.: great fly Ds; Sb (LKŽ VIII 438), piglet "adult piglet" not only Grš; Plk; Vn, but also Akm; Sts; Ldvn; Plv; 432 pp. (in German). In addition, the derivative motina, having lost its deminutive meaning, is widely used already in the 16th—17th centuries. a teenager; the child; sūnus’. In Latvian dialects, deminutives with suffixes -ins, -a are used in the same places as the corresponding vedic with -ins, -a. Only vedic with -ins, -a are more rare, e.g.: liépin "little liepelé", darzinc "little kindergarten" (DL 200—201, map. No. 1). It is possible that the male names with the suffix -in (Schulz, 1966, 77; DL 201—204) are derived from deminutives. They are quite common in Lithuanian (DaiktvDr 418), have equivalents in Latvian and Prussian, cf. lit. Uwin and la. avins, duns, pr. avins "avinas" (Ster) E 679, lie. cat and la. katinas "katinas145 nas”, lie. Zgsinas ir la. zūosins "žainas", lie. pylin and la. drop "antinas- *" (LVG 310; BKGF 77). This suggests that deminutives with *-ino appeared in the Proto-Baltic language. -inis(-ė) In Lithuanian language with suffix -inis, -ė (< *-inio-< *-ino-+ *-i0-, see aut., 1991, 16) are widely used adjectives, while deminutives with this suffix are very rare, e.g.: bdbinė "poor woman" Tvr; Aps (LKŽ I? 962), karvinė "karvutė" (Salys, 1992, 338), lazdinė "lazdelė", glostininė "glove" Grdm (LKA III 135), mergelinė "liela mergaitė" Sv, merginė "darnaitė" Pnd; Kp; Sb; SI (LKZ VIII 26, 28), male "boy" K. Donel (Kabelka, 1964, 249). In Latvian, the corresponding suffix -inš, -a is now the most important means of making deminutives, e.g.: dėlinš "son", berzinš "child", zvaigznina "star" (DL 168—169). Meanwhile, the adjectives themselves with *-injočia are very rare, cf. geležinis and lat. dzelzinis "iron", lit. leafy and la. lapinš "made of leaves" (LVG 312—313). Thus, the Lithuanian data show the very beginning of the formation of deminutives with *-ing, while in Latvian the end of this process is recorded. It is possible that deminutives with *-ing 0developed not simply from adjectives, but from the names of the possessors of the attribute. In the Lithuanian language, noun adjectives with -inis, -ė usually acquire the meaning of the tutetojo. This is an old direction of nouns, see Lie. kdiminis "peasant" Alk; 56 (1956) and op. kaiminš "neighbor" (LVG 313), lie. drēviņa. "wooden barrel for oil" Pkr (LKŽ II? 692) and pr. drawine "(wooden) tub" (Bote) E 393 (PKEZ I 223—226). Some of the other Baltic diminutive forms have come from the category of names of the possessor of the attribute. | Vedic with the affixes of the names of the possessors of the attribute (nomina attributiva) -18 In the Baltic, Slavic and Germanic languages, the binomial affix *-ioimta is used to make the names of the owners of the property (aut., 1991, 17). However, in Lithuanian dialects, another derivative of the ending -is has also acquired a deminutive meaning, e.g.: befnis "boy" Prk (LKŽ 12 769), vaikis "boy, boy; a boy; sūnus” (common in Žemaičių dialektas). Most commonly, deminutives of Baltic languages are made with compound suffixes characteristic of the names of the owners of the attribute |, which have arisen by joining the affix *-10 to other adjective suffixes. -ytis(-ė) ai In Lithuanian, deminutives with the suffix are widely used 146 ci tt T -ytis, -ė | (DaiktvDr 272—274). This type of vedas we find already in the ancient writings, e.g.: asilytis SP I 24521; II 14321, lamb Lex 57, érytelis Mž 4629, dove SP I 21622, dove 369958, girl DP 25424, Ožkijlis Ch! Luke 15,29, The harvest VInE 546; BP I 27814; SD! 122. In Latvian dialects, this type of vedic is now almost extinct, but is still widely used in folklore, e.g.: bralitis "little brother", krūmėitis "little frog" (DL 232—239). It is difficult to say what the meaning of the suffix *-itiovediniai was in Prussian, since this suffix is recorded almost exclusively in personal names (e.g. Moldite, Bludit, Waikitte, see Trautmann, 1925, 182) and in place names (e.g. Laukiten, Pelite, Pelkiten, see Gerullis, 1923, 257). V. Mažiulis (PKEŽ II 105) pr. kampnit "horse, horse" (Pferd) GrG 6 corrects to *kamanitis and believes that it had the meaning "horse, horse". There are, however, other interpretations of this word (see III I-K 191-192). The suffix *-itio-(< *-ito-+ *-io-) is an innovation of the Baltic, Slavic and Germanic languages. Initially, it was used to make names of the owners of the attribute (e.g.: lit. eglytis "cloth woven with fir trees", lat. lenitis "warm southern wind", sl. golit's "naked, poor man") and only in the soil of Baltic languages with *-itioimta to make and deminutives, which due to old Baltic and Slavic contacts later entered into the South Slavic languages, cf. lit. drag and drop. sl. leit’ » "little wolf” (for more see author, 1991, 18—20 with lit.). -aitis(-€), -aicé Deminutyvy with this suffix are quite numerous (DaiktvDr 271-272). Some of them are also used in the old scriptures, especially in the translation of the New Testament by S.B. Chilinski (see table). In addition to the Vedic asilaitis, jaunikaitis, tarnaitė, tarnaitis, recorded in other writings of the 16th—17th centuries, we also find the following here: deivaitė Acts 19,27; 19,35; 19,37, duktaitė Mark 5,41, kalnaitis Luke 3,5, dove 41439 (in the explanations attached at the end), mokytinaitė Acts 9,36, žvirblietis Mt 10, 29; 10,31. This type of Vedic text is very common in L. Rėza’s Songbook (see table), in S. Daukanto writings (Subačius, 1993, 153). However, the deminutive function of the suffix -aitis, -ė is not the oldest. This suffix is sometimes used in Lithuanian for names of persons who have a special trait, e.g. giminditis, kalvditis "blacksmith's son", jaunditis "young man", laukinditis "inhabitant of the fields", etc. (ŽD 359—360). They also have an equivalent in the Latvian language tautaitis "young man" (BKGF 98). Even more often, the names of the owners of the property, which usually have a meaning of belonging, are made with another affix -tetis, -ė, e.g.: kauniétis, -ė, sodiétis, -ė, vokietis, -ė, etc. (DaiktvDr 411—412; Lenkevičiūtė-Norkaitienė, 1983; LKA III map No. 10, 110, p. 27, 115). They have equivalents in Latvian, cf. vaciėtis "German", rauniétis "inhabitant of Rauna", savieté "female" (BKGF 98). The suffixes -aitis, -ietis and -ytis are variants of the same suffix *-itio-/-eitio- -/ -oitiobalis (see lit. vokietis, lat. vacietis and lit. vdkytis, lat. vūcitis "German"), and with it were originally made names of the owners of the attribute. Thus, the diminutives with the suffix -aitis, -ė began to be made in the times of the independent development of the Lithuanian language, but well before the first writings appeared. The suffix -aitė has a very rare variant -aičė: mergdičė "girl" Vdk (LKŽ VIII 23). It probably arose under the influence of the suffix -aička (see p. 151). 147 - I'm gone. Among the deminutives we can also find the rather common in the 16th—17th centuries Vedic tarneité "servant", made with a very rare suffix -eile, also derived from the aforementioned suffix *-žti 0-/-eiti 0-/-otti o-, cf. the names of the holders of ynatybės: pasaleitis "uninvited guest who came to the wedding", prasaleitis "stranger", treineitis "triangle" (zD 361). -tote, -1i0Čė, -10Ččius In the Eastern Highlands dialect, with the suffix -10tė, many deminutives are made, e.g.: mergiotė "a grown-up girl, a hired worker", kumeliotė "a small hired worker", kojoté "a small leg" (ZD 352: DaiktvDr 280—281). In Latviy, with the corresponding suffix -ate, there seems to be only one dialectal derivative kuéate: kuce "bitch" (DL 244). These deminutives are related to the names of the owners of the Lithuanian language characteristics such as ąsotis: ąsotas "having an asa", barzdotis "one with a bird" barzdotas, gyslotis "a leaf": gysliotas (ŽD 351—352), cf. also the water names Ilgotis Sl, Margate Srj and others (Vanagas, 1970, 190). The suffix -otis, -ė appeared after the suffix *-ato-Ws for the adverbial suffix *-1i0-. Te The suffix -totė has very rare variants -toce, -i0éius: mergioée ”girl” Vrn; Wolf; "adult unmarried girl" Vrn; Rds, mergiééius "girl, adult unmarried girl" Arm, cf. also mergtočiotė "half-maiden" Trgn, mergiočgalė Dr, mergiočgalijs "little girl" Dbk (LKŽ VIII 29). They may have been influenced by the suffix -očius, e.g.: barzdočius, belvočius, kuprécius, etc. (about these Vedic names see. 352–353; Grinaveckis, 1991, -etis 175—178). With the suffix -étis (< *-éto-+ *-io-) the diminutives vaikutis "vaikiscias" Kb (LKZK), varnétis "varniukas" CN 2345 are made. They are associated with the names of the owners of such characteristics as splétis "homemade fabric woven with spruces": eglétas "having the shape of spruce needles", šukėtis "combed, with holes": šukėtas "with combs, iSmuytos, broken places". 148 -uolis(-ė) Alongside the names of the persons with the attribute jaunikis, gudruolis, snowman, etc. (DaiktvDr 346) several deminutives have been made with this suffix: bernučks * paaugęs berniukas" Lš; Nmn; Grv; Rod (LKZ I? 771), mermaid "adult, but unmarried ire Rdm; Nmn; Ram; We; Mrs. Svne; Trgn; Rod; ”pusmerge, paauglė (menki r.)” Mrs; Žž; In; No; Grv (VIII 32). -one Deminutives with the suffix -énas are used only in some highland dialects (mainly eastern dialects) and usually denote young animals or have a derogatory meaning, e.g.: arklénas "average horse", bernénas "half-horse, weak horse" Ds (LKZ I? 303, 768), botagénas "weak whip" Trgn (I? 977), gyvatenas ’ "snake child, snake-child" OG 116, katėnas "small, tender kitten" Ds (LKZ V 407), kiaulėnas "piglet" Ds; Akm; "bad guy, bad guy" Trgn (V 691), puppy "bad dog" Ds; ’ "jaunas šuo" K (XV 358), žydelėnas "'žydelis (mink. r.)” Ds; Dglš; Tvr, man "man (min. r.)’ Ds; Swine; DGL (LKŽK). In Latvian, diminutives with -ęns, -a are more common. They are used in many dialects and usually denote young animals, e.g. piléns "young duck", kakėns "young cat". However, in some dialects (especially in the western part of Curonian Spit) they have other meanings, e.g.: putkeris "little boy", ūzoleris "little azuoliukas", matėna "mommy" (DL 217—230). These deminutives are also derived from the names of the owners of the property. For example, in Lithuanian (especially in the eastern Altay dialect) the prefix -ėnas is Vedic, denoting the place of people's life, origin, e.g. anykštėnas, kupiškėnas, etc. (LKA III map No 110, p. 116). They have this meaning already in the writings of the 16th—17th centuries, e.g.: gsruténas C II 36, nazarénas DP 7X; SP II 152, tilžėnas KIG 65. The term "brother" is also used to refer to the brother's son, the sister's son, the aunt's husband, and so on. This type of vedic has clear correspondences in Latvian and Slavic languages, cf. s. la. bralėns "brother's son", dial. mūsėns "sister's child", ptebaldzėni "inhabitants of Priebalga" (LVG 303—304; DL 226, 228—229); sl. *bratrėns "brother's son", *sestréns "sister's son" (Slawski, 1974, 128—129). In the Baltic and Slavic languages, names of persons with *-enocards have other meanings, e.g. lie. whale "tree groove", pelican "mouse crow", crow, la. raibėns ‘‘raibas jaunis kalytis’, p. *moldéns "young man". The suffix *-ēno probably emerged from the consonant nom. sing. conjugation forms with *-ėn-, extended o stem forms, cf. lie. kelėnas, sl. *koléno (< *kolę) "knee" and gr. xwArjv "shoulder bone" (Tpy6aues, 1959, 161), p. in Slovenian "slavi" (Vondrak, 1924, 660). 149 Vedic with suffixes -yklē, -uklis with these suffixes, Su derived from iš *-tlo-, made deminutive beržūklįs "small berziokas" Sug, bobijklé "bobšė" Dr (LKZ I? 778, 962). In the old Baltic languages, the suffix *-tlonuo was used for the names of tools. Later, due to the genetic and semantic affinity of tools and characters names, characters names with a derogatory meaning began to be made (e.g.: baidįklė, miegūklis * "sleeper", see DaikivDrR 153—156, 171—178), the latter probably prompted the making of the aforementioned deminutives, also having a derogatory meaning. In addition, with some secondary prefixes derived from *-tlo-, in Lithuanian villages, the names of the possessors of the attribute are occasionally made (e.g. jauniklis, -ė, jaunėklis, -ė "young, immature person or animal", šykštuoklis "ugly person" and so on. DaiktvDr 357, 358), with them are also closely related deminutives. Vedic with Slavic suffixes -ka, -elka, -ilka, -kė Slavic suffix -ka has the deminutive kumėlka "bad mare" K; LC 1883,45; BsP III 126; IV 170; Žem; Pgr (ŽD 161; LKZ VI 870; also in some southern and western Highland dialects, see Senkus, 1972, 150; Grinaveckis, 1991, 230), piemėnka * "shepherdess, piemengalé" Ske (LKZ IX 911), cf. the old borrowed motka "mother" (from Polish matka, German mamxa, see Skardžius, 1931, 135). When this suffix was added to the Lithuanian suffix -elis, -ė, the hybrid suffix -elka appeared, with which in the Southern Highland dialect deminutives with a derogatory meaning are often made, e.g.: avélka "nobody, lazy sheep", bobėlka "bad woman", karvėlka "bad cow", mergėlka "poor, poor virgin", trobėlka "poor, poor hut", žmončėlka "poor wife" and others (Grinaveckis, 1991, 230—231). The Vedic bobēlka, mergėlka J. Senkus (1972, 150) wrote from the dialects of the Kapsai and the Zanavykai. This type of derivative is also found in some other dialects, e.g. bobélka "boba supported" Ds (LKZ I? 961), mergėlka "a girl who grew up" Grg; Užv; 27 (1973) "Scherzo" op. Another hybrid suffix -ilka has deminutives vagilka "the thief" (widely spread), mergilka "unserious girl" Zt (Vidugiris, 1969, 152). i A With the suffix -ka deminutives are sometimes made in Latvian, e.g. : Janka = "young boy", činka "cup" (DL 309—311). 1 ah With the suffix -ka the paradigmatic variant -ké makes the deminutives bobské "bobšė" Srv (LKZ I“ 964), piodké "menka galva" Gs (X 923). TE of -(h)uška, -uskas, -uškė, -ūška "I With the suffix -(’ i)uška to make deminutive dainiuškė "unserious, bad song” Lz; Jzm; 230–235; "The Song of Solomon- ", pg. LzP; Vikv; Lnkvį 150 western "youth party, amusement", skverūškė, cf. also variants of the latter skverūškas Gar, skverūškė Gdl; Feed; Rš; Udd, the squirrel-- like Slv; "Track (LKŽK)". In Latvian dialects, deminutives with the suffix -uška are made much more often, for example: suniska "puppy", meituska "girl" (DL 306—308). The suffix -uška (< *-uch-»ka) is borrowed from the East Slavic languages, cf. cmapywxa, aseywxa, etc. (Kiparsky, 1975, 264—265). -ica, -1čka, -yčka, -ičkė, -aička, -učka, -ečkas With the suffix -ica, which is very common in Slavic languages (cf. sl. * dāvica "goddess; girl", * babica "old babe", etc., see Bomkosuu, 1984, 215—228; Slawski, 1974, 98—99) the deminutive mergica/- mergica "a grown-up girl" is made J; Rs; Rdd; Zp; Prn; Zgn; Vv; Vrd; "little girl" Or; Srd; VI (LKŽ VIII 27). Another suffix of similar origin -ička (< -ica + -»ka, e.g.: Russian soduuxa, Czech vodička, see Kiparsky, 1975, 2214) has the deminutive mergička "adult girl" Rz; Żml; Sb; Ds; Vlkv; "little girl" BsP II 72, cf. also his variants mergyčka "adult girl" Gs, mergičkė "little girl" Pš (LKŽ VIII 27; Senkus, 1972, 150). The Slavic suffix -ička mixed with the Lithuanian suffix -attis, -ė gave rise to the hybrid suffix -aička, which is common in some Eastern Highland dialects, e.g. avaička "avelė, avioté”, kalaicka "bitch”, kiaulaička "pig", mergaička "teen girl" (DaiktvDr 285). Due to the mixing of the suffix -tčka with another Lithuanian suffix -utis, -e, the suffix -učka appeared, with which the derivative mergucka ’ erate” Rs (LKZ VIII 32). In the dialect of Zietela the derivative eZeréckas "menkas ezeriukstis" is made with the Slavic suffix -ečkas (Vidugiris, 1969, 152). -usis(-ė) In Zietela dialect we find several deminutives with this suffix, e.g.: mamause "mother- ", tatūsis "father- ", Bolusis " Baliukas ", Kastūsis " Kastukas ", Maruse "Marytė " (Vidugiris, 1969, 152). In Slavic languages (especially Polish, Gudian and Ukrainian) with the suffix - form various noun and verb derivatives, often having an expressive meaning, e.g.: polsk. dial. lentus "lazy", rabus "servant", sick "anxious child", etc. (Slawski, 1976, 34—35). -izna, -yzna, -zna, -žna, -inzė Guide bobizna Skr with variants bobyznd Rm, bobzna "bad boba?" ZIn (LKZ 1? 963, 965) is a loanword derived from the Old Slavic word babizna (see Slawski, 1974, 123—124). According to the example of the borrowed bobizna made the derivative karviznė "thin, lean cow" Vlk; Vrn; Eis, which has varianta pytvy 151 gSp — 2€ L 6€ ZL RP 61 0€ AšIA §] = = = All m —- i i — Ho — 9%" I a T CIEE £6'ze cor gg'or - y ET 99'C gg'e 1 i, £e'g į 1892 8 01 £ (3-)su(1)e89's 92 6844, €£ oL'e 1 -— —i1, 681 I Ly z 92's fe-| 1 T (3-)sn4- =— == =— = žm —- = ee — = — = = — ge'e sole1 L8'0 i = — — =— _Up to I now = v =— a — (g-)snyngZ'ST 99‘0 0L — —_— — — — — —i ——- — —== —_ SR —— — — — — _——m _ —- — sizngg'p € — — —- =— — — — — —‘arts SE 1- —= zz'o =— — i — i —2.60*'1 I = — m S- = sey1- —- [£4 — — —- = — = — — — | (g-)seyn(r)- 1 — _— —- _ —- _ —- —_ —- — — simnze'0 1 — — — = — —_ — — —_— — — sipeosf6ep LTT a0'18 ' It SR'IT pr. | 18967 JC. o 19'16 “99 ZT*62 RCC OT''CY CT 508 ve (3-)su3- % "ys % ys % "ys % "ys % "ys Y% ys % We 0967 138 so3eso2114 ay ds [40 DIS da dd UIA ZIN asonjsya) asonuareal siya fiafynuiws(g auflurep sozay ‘7 JI asonjsed asonisonuas seuwrįīfded NA A3nurua(g 152 karviūzė "small cow" Vlk; Rdm; Sn (LKŽ V 358), and due to the influence of the same borrowed abbreviation bobznd the derivative mergzna with the variant mergžnė "girl" Lz (VIII 33) appeared. The 1-1 draw was decided by a penalty kick. (see p. 133). Conclusions The discussed data allow us to distinguish the following chronological layers of Lithuanian deminutives: | 1. The oldest are the Vedic ones with the determinative *-k-, which form the basis of the category of deminutive verbs in Indo-European languages. 2.In individual dialects and groups of Indo-European languages, in the earliest periods of their development, diminutives were made with the determinatives *-I-, *.9-/-g'-, *-and with the adjective suffix *-ino-. 3.In the proto-Baltic language the following formants were used for the formation of deminutives: the determinative *-t-, the suffix of adjectives *-inoir and the suffix of names of persons possessing characteristics *-itio-(< *-ito-+ *-i0-). In Lithuanian and Latvian, deminutives are also made with the prefixes *-eno-(< *-én-+ *-0-), *-inio-(< *-ino-+ *-i0-), *-atio-(< *-ato-+ *-10-), as well as with the Slavic prefixes -ka, -uška. During the independent development of the Lithuanian language, deminutives began to be made with the affixes -aitis(-ė), -eité, -uolis(-ė), -is, which are characteristic of the names of the owners of the attribute, with the prefixes -ykle, -uklis, which probably came from the category of the names of the actors, and with various Slavic prefixes, which originated mainly from *-iko-. In addition, the diminutives with suffixes -elis (-ė), -ukas (-ė), which are quite rare in other Baltic languages, are very common in Lithuanian. Abbreviations BKGF = Endzelynas J. Sounds and forms of Baltic languages. V., 1957. BP —Postilla tatai e/ti Trumpas ir Pra [tas Ižguldimas Euangeliu Ę Per JANA BRETKUNA [..] +] 1591. Chl —Lithuanian Bible of Chylifiszki. The New Testament. Volume 2 — Text. Poznan, 1958. DaiktvDr = Urbutis V. The construction of nouns. —Grammar of the Lithuanian language. V., 1965. T. 1. P. 251-473. DaiktvDrR —Ambrazas S. The development of nouns. Lithuanian language verb derivatives. V., 1993. DL —Rūke-Dravina V. Diminutives in Latvian. Lund, DP —. Postilla Catholicka [...] Per Kūnigą 1959. MIKOLAIV DA VK S Z A Kanoniką Mediniku /i} lekiško pergūldita [...] Wilno [...] 1599. "DūnŽ = Vitkauskas V. Northeastern Dūnists' Schneck Dictionary". V., 1976. GrG —S. A copy of Zodynélio (c. 1517—1526)- ’s Prussian text in the library of the University of Göttingen (cited by Mažiulis, 1981). Other Prussian texts are abbreviated as in the works of Prof. V. Mažiulis. 153 KZ = Journal for Comparative Linguistics in the Field of Indo-European Languages, founded by A. Kuhn. B. etc. LEW —Fraenkel E. Lithuanian etymological dictionary. " Heidelberg; Göttingen, 1962. LKA —Lithuanian Language Atlas /Ats. red. K. Morkūnas. V., 19771991. T. 1—3. LKK —Lithuanian Linguistics Issues. V. 1998-1999 Dictionary of the English Language. V., 1956-1991. T. 1-15. LKŽK — Lithuanian language dictionary. IVG —Endzelins J. Grammar of the Latvian language. Riga, 1951. LŽ = Petrauskas J., Vidugiris A. Lazūnų dialekto žodynas, V., 1985. ME —Mūlenbachs K., Endzelins J. The Latvian Language Vocabulary. Riga, 1923-1932. P. 1-4. J. J. (J. J.) The earliest mentions of the Lithuanian language date back to 1570. K., 1922. PRKEZ1-- 11 —Mažiulis V. Etymological Dictionary of Prussian Language. V., 1988-1993, Vol. 1-2: Pkš = Pakšteliai, Siauliai district. : RD —Biržiška M. (par). Liudvikas Rēza's songs. 3rd edition of the First Lithuanian Songbook. K., 1935-1937. T. 1-2. SIG —Lebedys J. (par.). S. M. Slavoéinskis, Giesmės tikejimui katolicam tinkamos 1646. V., 1958. SP —Specht F.(par.). Syrwids Punktay sakimu [...]. Göttingen, 1929. SV —Endzelins J. Old Prussian language. Riga, 1943. Wine — B. Vilente widgets (without page link); Enchiridion Catechi fmas maBas [...] i/ch wok [chka lieBuwia ant lietuwi Jchka pilnai ir wiernai pergulditas per Baltramieju Willenta [...] Ifch fpau [tas Karalaucjui [...] 1575 (with page i he ZD sr Skardžius P. Lithuanian language word formation. 1943. pp. 19. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z. Cnosaps. M., 1975-. Other abbreviations are the same as in the large Lithuanian Zodyne. Literature Akelaitienė G. Morphological changes of vowels in contemporary Lithuanian language: a doctoral dissertation. V., 1993 (manuscript). Ambrazas S. Formation of nouns in Baltic and Slavic languages (old similarities and differences). —Baltistica, 1991. T. 27(1). P. 15-34. ; Belié A. On the history of the development of the Slavic diminutive and amplificative suffixes. —Archiv fūr Slavische Philologie, 1901. Bd 23. P. 134-206. i enveniste E. Origins of the formation of names in Indo-European. Paris, Bielenstein A. The Latvian language according to its forms: a searching and comparative presentation. B., 1863. Bd. 1. Brender F. The use of the so-called. Diminutiv1935. es in Lithuanian. —The Nation and Zodis, 1925. T. 3. P. 76-111. Brugmann K. Grundriš der gi nenden Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen. London, 1906. Bd 2. 1999. "Collected Writings /sud. Shh. these V.;.1958-1961. T. 1-3. Burrow T. The Sanskrit language. L., 1950. Chantraine P. The formation of nouns in ancient Greek. P., 1933. - 154