Lietuvių kalbos priežastinių ir parūpinamųjų veiksmažodžių leksikografinis pateikimas

LIETUVIŲ KALBOTYROS KLAUSIMAI XXXV (1995) LIETUVIŲ LEKSIKOLOGIJOS TYRINĖJIMAI Gertrūda SAVIČIŪTĖ-NAKTINIENĖ LEXICOGRAPHIC PRESENTATION OF CAUSATIVE AND CURATIVE VERBS IN THE LITHUANIAN LANGUAGE 1. Causative and curative verbs constitute a substantial part of the group of Lithuanian transitive verbs1. These are derivatives with distinctive forms of morphological expression (the suffixes -(d)yti, -(d)inti and/or vowel alternation in the root) and certain semantic features. In presenting these verbs in the “Dictionary of the Lithuanian Language”2 and in the three editions of the “Dictionary of Contemporary Lithuanian”3, the approach is guided by the analysis of specific linguistic data, the conclusions of theoretical research, and lexicographic traditions for the systematic presentation of verbs of this type, dating back to F. Kurschat’s German-Lithuanian and Lithuanian-German dictionaries4. 2. The authors of the first edition of the “Dictionary of Contemporary Lithuanian” were the first to undertake a systematic distinction between curative and causative verbs. Owing to the dictionary’s nature and scope, a selection was made: “Curative verbs are included only when they are more familiar and characteristic, since their formation and meaning are self-evident”5. The same approach was followed in DŽ1 and DŽ2. LKŽ includes all causative and curative verbs attested in dialects, dictionaries, and belles-lettres, scholarly, and journalistic literature. Distinguishing between them poses considerable difficulties for lexicographers. Curative verbs derived from causatives have (1) the same -(d)inti, -(d)yti suffixes, (2) the same surface-level sentence structure, for example: She makes the child eat (caus.) — She weaves a bedspread (cur.), (3) semantic similarities to causative verbs expressing indirect (usually verbal) causation, in which the meaning of the causing action coincides— 1Lietuvių kalbos gramatika 2, Vilnius, 1971, 265; Jakaitienė E., Laigonaitė A., Paulauskienė A. Lietuvių kalbos morfologija, Vilnius, 1976, 110; Paulauskienė A. Gramatinės lietuvių kalbos veiksmažodžio kategorijos, Vilnius, 1979, 12; Paulauskienė A. Lietuvių kalbos morfologija, Vilnius, 1994, 286; Dabartinės lietuvių kalbos gramatika, Vilnius, 1994, 284. 2Lietuvių kalbos žodynas 3—16, Vilnius, 1956—1995; II leid. 1—2, 1968—1969 (toliau—LKŽ). 3Dabartinės lietuvių kalbos žodynas, Vilnius, 1954 (toliau — DŽ), II leid. 1972 m. (toliau DŽ1), III leid. 1993 m. (toliau DŽ2). 4Deutsch-littauisches Wörterbuch von Friedrich Kurschat, Halle, 1870; 2, 1874, Littauisch-deutsches Wörterbuch von Friedrich Kurschat, Halle, 1883. 5Dabartinės lietuvių kalbos žodynas, 1954, X. 129 … with the meaning of the procuring agent’s action, “to take care of” — “to order, ask, persuade, invite, allow, give, etc.”, e.g.: Ateždink (caus.), i.e. order someone to come J (LKŽ II 1056) — Nėšinu (cur.) cabbages from the garden, i.e. I tell someone else to carry them J (LKŽ VII 708). These similarities are the main reasons for confusing causative and procurative verbs, which sometimes leads to inaccuracies in their presentation. For a long time, in distinguishing these verbs, the authors and editors of LKŽ generally followed the view that causative verbs are derived from intransitive verbs, whereas procurative verbs are derived only from transitive verbs. The criterion of formal means of expression (procurative verbs most often have suffixes with the -d- formant) was not considered sufficient. Later, the criterion proposed by A. Jakulienė—the relationship between the action and its object—began to be used; according to this criterion, the object of a causative verb’s action is also the subject of the action of its base verb, e.g., to extinguish a candle — the candle goes out. The action of procurative verbs is directed at the same object as the action of their base verbs, e.g., to have a dress sewn — to sew a dress6. On the basis of J. Jablonskis’s and other authors’ works, and of descriptions of causative and procurative sentences by means of the paraphrase “to make it so that …”, it became clear that procurative verbs presuppose the presence of an i n t e r m e d i a r y s u b j e c t7 at (1) the d e e p, and in rare cases also at (2) the s u r f a c e level. E.g.: (1) I served for the children — I had a padded coat sewn Pvn (LKŽ XII 590) — “[I made it so that]” + “[the tailor] made it so that” + “[a padded coat was sewn for me]”; (2) A wealthy man could not manage to get a t a i l o r to alter his clothes S.Dauk (LKŽ XII 589). Certain semantic restrictions were identified concerning the subject (agent) of the procuring action, the procuring action (expressed by a suffix), the procured action (expressed by the root of the procurative verb, which coincides with the root of the base verb), and the object of procuring (the direct object); specific cases of inaccurate distinctions between causative and procurative verbs were discussed8. More precise distinctions between procurative and causative verbs can be achieved by using all these criteria in combination. 3. Methods of lexicographic presentation are not merely a matter of dictionary-writing technique. They also reflect the theoretical treatment of problems, whether words are distinguished as belonging to a particular lexico-grammatical group, changes in certain meanings, derivational and semantic relationships, and the selection from a series of variants of the principal, most widespread, or most recommended word. In theoretical works, causative and procurative verbs are … 6 J a k u l i e n ė A. Priežastinių ir parūpinamųjų veiksmažodžių skyrimo kriterijai. — Kalbotyra 26 (1), 1975, 81. 7 J a b l o n s k i s J. Rinktiniai raštai 1, Vilnius, 1957, 289; J a k a i t i e n ė E., L a i g o n a i t ė A., P a u l a u s k i e n ė A. Min. veik., 110. Plačiau žr. S a v i č i ū t ė G. Parūpinamųjų veiksmažodžių semantika. — Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai 24, 1985, 236—251. 8 S a v i č i ū t ė G. Ten pat. 130 are usually treated as forming oppositions with their base words, e.g.: (a) gyduti: gyti, (b) siūdinti: siūti. Accordingly, in the dictionaries mentioned above they too are linked to their base words by grammatical labels (DŽ — prž., prp.; LKŽ — caus., cur.). The introduction to the second edition of Volume I of LKŽ states: ”Causative, factitive... verbs are not explained descriptively, but are merely marked with caus., cur. and referred to the primary verbs from which they arose and from which they acquired new grammatical meanings, e.g.: lõdyti, -o, -ė caus. loti; mėgzdinti, -ina, -ino cur. megzti”9. The problem is also briefly discussed in the instructions10, without a fuller treatment of more complex cases. Nevertheless, those writing and editing the LKŽ text encounter more problems than could have been anticipated. Consequently, the formal methods of lexicographic presentation also vary somewhat. 3.1. The most commonly chosen method of presentation most accurately reflects the derivational, genealogical, and semantic aspects: each meaning is linked by grammatical labels to the corresponding meaning of the base verb, e.g.: 1 lakdinti is referred by the label cur. to lėkti 1 (LKŽ); meanings 1–3 of šiur̃pinti are referred by the label caus. to meanings 1–3 of verb 1 šiur̃pti, while meaning 4, having undergone lexical change, is explained separately (LKŽ); meanings 1–3 of šviesdinti are referred by the label caus. to meanings 2, 10, and 11 of verb šviesti (LKŽ); meanings 1–2 of taikydinti are referred by the label cur. to meanings 2 and 8 of verb taikyti (LKŽ); meanings 1–5 of taisydinti are referred by the label cur. to meanings 1, 13, 17, 19, and 27 of verb taisyti (LKŽ). Sometimes it is impossible to indicate the precise meaning of the base verb, because the sources from which the word was taken do not specify it; for example, taikindinti is referred in K, NdŽ by the label cur. to taikinti, although this verb has 7 meanings (LKŽ). 3.2. Explaining a verb by means of the paraphrases ”to make (so) that...” or ”to make [something] what” also points to the base word: in the first case to a verb denoting a spontaneous action, in the second to an adjective, e.g.: blizginti 1. tr., intr. ”to make [something] shine” (DŽ¹, DŽ², LKŽ), gėlinti ”to make [something] bitter” (DŽ, DŽ¹, DŽ², LKŽ), šviešinti ”to make [something] bright” (DŽ, DŽ¹), ”to make [something] bright, brighter” (DŽ² meaning 1, LKŽ — meaning 3), and so on. In the first case, the paraphrase, which replaces a grammatical label, helps lexicographers avoid difficulties usually associated with presenting the base verb; moreover, it is widely used in linguistic literature when describing causative and factitive verbs. In the second case, the paraphrase is the only indicator of causative verbs derived from adjectives11, although the instructions do not designate them by this name: ”Adjectival verbs denoting an action by which an object is endowed with the property expressed by that adjective are explained using the formula ”to make [something] what””12. 9 Dictionary of the Lithuanian Language 1, 1968, XII. 10 ”Instructions for the Dictionary of the Lithuanian Language”, Vilnius, 1980, 34, 67, 69. 11 Я к а й т е н е Э. Суффиксальные глаголы современного литовского языка. Автореф. дисс.... канд. филол. наук, Вильнюс, 1968, 11. 12 ”Instructions for the Dictionary of the Lithuanian Language”, 65. 131 3.3. The reference to the base verb or the causative periphrasis is sometimes supplemented with synonyms or clarified by an explanation. This mode of presentation is useful when it is necessary to show a particular lexical shift in causative or permissive meaning, or at least to explain these meanings more precisely. E.g.: bildinti “to make something knock, to tap” (LKŽ); bimbinti “to make something buzz, to whirr” (LKŽ); 3 liędinti caus. 2 lieti 1; “to have something made from molten metal” (LKŽ); 1 maldinti caus. malti 1; “to grind” (LKŽ); apmušdinti caus. apmušti. 1. “to have something upholstered” (LKŽ), etc. For a time, LKŽ editors tended to clarify the cross-referenced presentation of permissive verbs by describing the semantics of the controlling action with the verbs to take care, to order, to allow, to give, etc., or with the periphrasis “to make (it so) that...”. E.g.: imdinti caus. imti. 1. “to take care that someone takes” (LKŽ); įmušdinti caus. įmušti; “to give or order someone to imprint, engrave” (LKŽ); meči­dinti caus. mečioti: “to allow something to be tossed about, to wander, to be out of place” (LKŽ); plėsdinti caus. plėsti. 1. “to cause something to be torn, ripped” (LKŽ), etc. 3.4. Sometimes DŽ, and especially earlier volumes of LKŽ, use a mode of presentation in which the grammatical label is given in the headword, while the meanings are explained lexically as independent meanings. “When the meanings of the word being explained differ from those of the word to which the reference is made, or their order of presentation does not correspond, the reference (which indicates only the word’s derivation, its origin) is usually given before all the meanings, which are explained descriptively or by means of synonyms, or are separately cross-referenced to the corresponding identical meaning. E.g.: (...) kaldinti caus. 1 kalti. 1. to chisel (stone). 2. caus. 1 kalti 10. 3. caus. 1 kalti 11”13. This mode of presentation is not entirely suitable when corresponding meanings of the base verb exist. For example, apdeginti1 in DŽ2 could have been precisely cross-referenced by a grammatical label to the meanings of apdegti. It is chosen when, owing to the verb’s own specific properties, it is not entirely clear which meanings can be considered causative or permissive. Quite often, in such cases, dictionaries differ in how they treat the verb. DŽ, DŽ1 and LKŽ do not regard the verb šutinti as causative, whereas DŽ2 lists it with the grammatical label caus. in the headword, referring to the base verb šusti, while explaining the meanings separately: 1. “to boil; to stew without liquid,” e.g.: To stew potatoes, cabbage (in a pot); 2. “to heat,” e.g.: The sun is very hot; To treat one’s feet in hot water for a cold; 3. “to cause to rot,” e.g.: Moss rots the roof; 4. “to bleach,” e.g.: The sun bleaches clothes; 5. “to do something intensely,” e.g.: To eat bacon with gusto. Meanings 1, 3, and 4 could probably be considered causative, since they have corresponding meanings of the base verb šusti, as does the second illustrative sentence under meaning 2; meaning 5 cannot be causative. As the analysis of the verbs under discussion and the practice of dictionary compilation and editing show, this presentation has inaccuracies. (1) We consider those verbs causative and permissive that have a counterpart not only in form, 13“Dictionary of the Lithuanian Language” instructions, 70. 132 but also semantically, i.e., if they can be associated with a particular meaning of the base verb. (2) The formal features mentioned for these verbs may also indicate verbal iterativity, or their meanings may have undergone lexical change, whereas lexical causatives are not marked with these labels in either LKŽ or DŽ. (3) It is often unclear which meanings dictionary compilers regard as causative or factitive, and which as independent or lexically changed. This method of presentation is especially inaccurate when corresponding meanings of the base verb are available. For example, apdeginti in DŽ1 and DŽ2 could have been indicated precisely by a grammatical label as referring to all the meanings of the base verb apdegti. 3.5. A causative or factitive verb is referred by the abbreviation “see” to the main word in a series of variants, which is usually more widely or frequently used, has more meanings, or is more familiar to users of the standard language. For example, meanings 1–4 of the verb šokdinti in LKŽ are referred by the abbreviation “see” to meanings 1, 2, 4, and 5 of the verb šokinti, which in turn are referred by the grammatical label caus. to meanings 1, 2, 5, and 18 of the verb šokti; meaning 3 is explained separately, and meanings 1 and 4 have nuances of meaning; 2 švilpinti is referred by the abbreviation “see” to švilpdyti, which is linked by the grammatical label cur. to meaning 1 of 1 švilpti, “To produce a high, shrill sound by blowing or with an instrument” (LKŽ); tėkdinti (-yti) in LKŽ is referred by the abbreviation “see” to the fourth meaning of verb 1 tėkinti, explained as “to give in marriage” (the label caus. appears in the headword). Although this method of presentation is not very convenient for dictionary compilers and readers, it does not conflict with the general principle of DŽ and LKŽ of showing lexical variation. 4. Some inconsistencies occur in the way DŽ and LKŽ present certain types of causative verbs. The most precise presentation is given to derivatives with the suffixes -(d)inti, -(d)yti that are associated with primary verbs sharing the same root, e.g.: auginti: augti, blukinti: blukti. 4.1. The presentation of suffixal derivatives associated with verbs having different vowel-grade alternations14 varies somewhat. In DŽ, DŽ1, DŽ2, and LKŽ, the following are considered causative (presented with a grammatical reference or a causative paraphrase): daiginti: dygti, gramzdinti: grimzti, laipinti: lipti, maršinti: miršti, skandinti: skęsti, slankinti: slinkti, and so on. Changes in meaning are shown through expanded paraphrases in the presentation of 1 lakinti: lėkti, lėkyti: lėkti. The verb brandinti: bręsti is considered causative in DŽ2 and LKŽ, but is explained lexically in DŽ and DŽ1. Lexically explained are dalbinti: delėti, grasinti: grėsti, maitinti: mėsti, marinti: mirti, markinti: mirkti, sloginti: slėgti, among others. 14 For their functional relations, see J a k a i t i e n ė E. Deverbatyviniai dabartinės lietuvių kalbos veiksmažodžiai su priesaga -inti. — Baltistica 4(2), 1968, 226—227. 133 Thus, among these derivatives there are many verbs exhibiting changes in the general meaning of the derivational type. 4.2. The presentation of non-suffixal verbs formed with different vowel grades of ablaut varies the most. The authors of DŽ do not consider lėkti, plėšti, plėšti, versti causal verbs; the first meaning of the verb tėkšti is explained by the causative periphrasis “to cause something to splash,” whereas the verb laužti is already linked to lūžti, with the grammatical label prž. used in the second entry and the meanings explained separately. Nevertheless, the authors of DŽ¹ and DŽ² proceed much more systematically—nearly all verbs of this type, including prefixed ones, are considered causal, e.g.: įlaužti prž. ilūžti 1, įlenkti prž. įlinkti, laužti 1. prž. lūžti 1, lenkti prž. linkti (meanings 1–3), nulaužti prž. nulūžti 1, nutėkšti 1. prž. nutikšti 1, nuversti 1. prž. nuvirsti 1, pagriauti prž. pargriauti, parversti prž. parvirsti, prilenkti 1. prž. prilinkti, etc. The cross-reference for the first meaning of versti is supplemented by an explanation: versti 1. prž. virsti 1; “to lay down, knock over onto one’s side, to the ground.” Following DŽ, the authors of DŽ¹ explained the verb tėkšti with the periphrasis “to cause something to splash,” whereas the authors of DŽ referred its first meaning, using the grammatical label prž., to the first meaning of tikšti. In DŽ¹, DŽ², and LKŽ, the grammatical labels for the verbs plėšti, plėšti are given in the second entry, linking them to plisti, plūsti, while their meanings are explained separately. The verb laužti is presented in the same way in LKŽ, whereas the first meanings of ilaužti and nulaužti, unlike in DŽ, DŽ¹, and DŽ², are explained using more precise causative periphrases: ilaužti 1. “to cause something to crack slightly,” nulaužti 1. “to cause something to break off, to detach from something.” Unlike in DŽ, DŽ¹, and DŽ², the verb pagriauti is explained in LKŽ by the synonym “to knock down,” while the verbs lenkti, įlenkti, prilenkti and tėkšti, nutėkšti are not linked by grammatical labels to linkti, įlinkti, prilinkti and tikšti, nutikšti. Such variation in presentation shows that the theoretical treatment of verbs of this type has not yet been definitively established. J. Jablonskis characterized verbs of this derivational type as causal: “The meaning of causal verbs is not always expressed by particular word endings. The words: beriu, keičiu, krečiu, kreipiu, laužiu, miešiu, šviečiu (šveičiu), verčiu (“I cause something to fall, change, fall, turn, break, mix, shine, turn over”) are, strictly speaking, causal verbs—with respect to the words: birti, kisti, kristi, krypti, lūžti, mišti, švisti, virsti; only their causative force is not expressed by the word endings -yti, -dyt”¹⁵. The verbs bėrti: birti and kelti: kilti are not considered causal in DŽ, DŽ¹, and DŽ², but are presented as examples of causal verbs in “Lietuvių kalbos gramatika”¹⁶. A. Paulauskienė calls not only -inti, -yti derivatives causal, but also simple verbs, illustrating them with the examples keisti, dabti, skleisti, veisti17. The absence of a causative suffix is probably also the main reason why verbs of this type— 15 J a b l o n s k i s J. Min. veik., 289. 16 Lithuanian Grammar 2, 25. 17 P a u l a u s k i e n ė A. Lietuvių kalbos morfologija, 286—287. 134 the reason for the varied treatment of verbs. “It is thought that vowel gradation in the root has no independent role in the formation of forms, but it is the formal representation of the opposition between causative and caused action. Since this semantic opposition completely coincides with the opposition between transitivity and intransitivity, its formal markers likewise have coinciding functions of changing causativity and transitivity”18. S. Krinickaitė, who investigates the category of transitivity–intransitivity, tends not to call these verbs causative. She describes the versti-virsti type as the oldest layer of the category of transitivity–intransitivity19. A similar account is given in the “Grammar of Contemporary Lithuanian.” It does not include among causatives any non-suffixal verbs with a different vowel gradation20. Thus lexicographers often have to question how to classify particular derivatives of this type. 4.3. The treatment of verbs that can derivationally be related both to a nominal (usually an adjective, less often a noun) and to a verb varies quite often. P. Skardžius has written about this. For example, he related the causative verb alsinti not only to įlsti but also to the noun alsą21. That there may be uncertainties about derivation is also acknowledged in the “Grammar of the Lithuanian Language”: “The meaning of denominal verbs in the suffix -inti is very close to the meaning of causative verbs with this suffix. Sometimes it is impossible to distinguish what a verb is derived from, e.g.: džiuginti (: džiugus, -i, džiūgti), sveikinti (: sveikas, -a, sveikti), šlapinti (: šlapias, -ia, šlapti)22. Nevertheless, the authors of the “Grammar of the Lithuanian Language” consider most verbs of this type to be derived from adjectives, e.g.: bendrinti, bloginti, dailinti, dvigubinti, gėrinti, ilginti, lengvinti, piginti, pik­tinti, retinti, skaidrinti, tvirtinti, vienodinti23. Uncertainty also arises because many of these verbs are related to derivatives in the suffix -ėti. A. Paulauskienė presents a diagram of the relations between verbs and adjectives, showing that verbs with both the suffix -inti and the suffix -ėti are derived from adjectives: ¹⁸ P a u l a u s k i e n ė A. Gramatinės lietuvių kalbos veiksmažodžio kategorijos, 26. ¹⁹ Krinickaitė S. Classification of verb oppositions according to transitivity/intransitivity in the Lithuanian language. — Problems of Syntax and Word Structure, Moscow, 1979, 42—53.; cf. also Krinickaitė S. On Lithuanian causative verbs. — Baltistica 17(2), 1981. 190—192. ²⁰ Grammar of Contemporary Lithuanian, 285—286. ²¹ S k a r d ž i u s P. Lietuvių kalbos žodžių daryba, Vilnius, 1941, 543—544. ²² Grammar of the Lithuanian Language 2, 264. ²³ Ibid. ²⁴ P a u l a u s k i e n ė A. Lietuvių kalbos morfologija, 269. 135 In contrast, in *Dabartinės lietuvių kalbos gramatika* [Grammar of Contemporary Lithuanian], the relationship between this type of verb and an adjective is not shown. In classification, they are described as follows: “Derived verbs with the suffix -ėti, contrasted with corresponding derivatives with the suffix -inti, e.g. gražėti: gražinti”25. Thus lexicographers sometimes have to seek a compromise. For example, in the LKŽ entry for the verb slūdinti, its possible relationship to slūsti and slūdūs is shown: 1. caus. ‘to slide; make slippery (more slippery)’. The verb séndinti is given in the LKŽ headword with the grammatical label caus. and referred to sénti, while the explanation of sense 1, by means of the causative paraphrase ‘to make someone/ something [do or be]’, links it to the adjective sénas. The extension of the paraphrase used to explain senses 2 and 4 indicates a lexical shift; the explanation of sense 3 does not indicate causativity: 1. ‘to make old’, e.g.: Years wait for no one; they age everyone alike rš; 2. ‘to make [someone] look older’, e.g.: Laughter makes a person younger, anger makes them older Snt; 3. refl. ‘to add years’, e.g.: Some men aged after the war Grd; 4. ‘to make [a woman] grow old by not allowing her to marry’, e.g.: Why are you keeping the girl from marrying? Let her marry J. The entry for this verb was probably further complicated by the fact that its senses are related only to sense 1 of sénti, ‘to grow old’, and sense 1 of sénas, ‘having reached an advanced age, old, not young (of people and animals); growing for a long time (of plants); antonym: young’. No senses of the causative verb séndinti related to other senses of sénti or sénas have been recorded. In DŽ and DŽ1, this verb is given without a grammatical label, explained by a paraphrase and synonym as ‘to make old, to age’; in DŽ2, it is explained only by the paraphrase ‘to make old’. The analogy of the entry for the antonym jáuninti in volume IV of the LKŽ probably also prompted this way of presenting the verb. Jáuninti is linked in the headword to jaunėti, with the labels tr. caus.; sense 1 is linked to the adjective jáunas by a causative paraphrase and its lexical shift is indicated, while senses 2 and 3 are explained as independent: 1. ‘to make young; restore the vigor of youth’, e.g.: The movement of breathing rejuvenates the blood and thereby the whole body Vd; 2. ‘to revive; renew’, e.g.: It is not recommended to rejuvenate very old fruit trees (stimulate the growth of young shoots) rš; 3. ‘to try to look younger; conceal or take years off one’s age’, e.g.: I still make my husband look young (dress him nicely so that he looks young) Lp. The senses of jáuninti are related only to sense 1 of jáunas, ‘having few years; young’; no causative senses related to the adjective’s other four senses have been recorded. Sense 1 of Jáuninti could be linked to sense 1 of jaunėti, ‘to become younger, grow younger’, and sense 3 to sense 3 of the reflexive use, ‘to consider oneself young; make oneself look younger’. In three editions of DŽ, this verb is given without the grammatical label prž.: 1. ‘to make young, restore the vigor and health of youth’; 2. ‘to give the appearance of youth’ (or ‘to lend’ — DŽ1, DŽ2); 3. ‘to conceal or take years off one’s age’. The verb rétinti is given in the LKŽ headword with a reference to sense 1 of retėti, while its sense 1 is linked to the adjective rétas: ‘to make sparse, sparser (by thinning seedlings, cutting down a forest, etc.)’. The explanations of its other three senses do not indicate causativity. 25 Grammar of Contemporary Lithuanian, 286. 136 In all editions of DŽ, this verb is linked only to an adjective. Only the LKŽ refers to giedrėti, the verb giedrinti, which in all editions of DŽ is derived solely from the adjective giedras. In DŽ, DŽ¹ and LKŽ, tobulinti is linked to the adjective tobulas, ‘to make perfect, more perfect’. In the LKŽ, this explanation is supplemented by the synonym gėrinti. The authors of DŽ², by contrast, link it only to the verb tobulėti. Some verbs of this type are linked by the authors of both DŽ and LKŽ only to base adjectives, e.g.: drūtinti, gárdinti, gaivinti, plóninti, riebinti, stó­rinti, svárinti, svél­ninti, etc. Although verbs derivationally related to nouns have the same suffixes as verb-derived formations, their causative nuance is very weak, e.g. laiminti: laimė, slovinti: šlovė, etc.²⁶ They are generally not considered causative in the LKŽ and DŽ. However, inaccuracies may occur here as well. Nominal derivatives with the suffix -inti that have a causative meaning²⁷ and are related to names of nationalities are presented inconsistently: gūdinti (LKŽ only), lātavinti, lénkinti, lietuvinti, rūsinti, vokietinti. The compilers of DŽ and LKŽ almost always relate them to the base noun, e.g.: lietuvinti ‘to make Lithuanian, make Lithuanian in character’ (LKŽ), ‘to make Lithuanian; give a Lithuanian form’ (DŽ, DŽ¹, DŽ²); lātavinti ‘to turn into a Latvian’ (LKŽ), ‘to make Latvian; give a Latvian form’ (DŽ), ‘to make or turn into a Latvian; give a Latvian form’ (DŽ¹, DŽ²), etc. Only vókietinti is treated as causative in DŽ and DŽ¹ and marked prž., with a reference to the -ė́ti derivative vokietėti, e.g.: Lithuanians in the Klaipėda Region were being Germanized. In contrast, DŽ² drops this reference and gives the explanation ‘to turn into a German; give a German form’. However, the abbreviation prž. is added to the prefixed verb suvókietinti, although DŽ¹ explained it as ‘to make German; give a German form’. 4.4. Most often, but with exceptions. DŽ and LKŽ consider causative those verbs that are related to -ėti derivatives denoting spontaneous action. In *Lietuvių kalbos gramatika* [Grammar of the Lithuanian Language], the following are cited as examples of causative verbs: drėbinti (: drebėti), dūlkinti (: dulkėti), jūdinti (: judėti)²⁸; in *Dabartinės lietuvių kalbos gramatika* [Grammar of Contemporary Lithuanian], the example is vaŕvinti: varvėti²⁹. These causative derivatives are based on the present-tense stem of the base verb, e.g., blizginti (: blizgėti, blizga, -ėjo), etc.³⁰ DŽ, DŽ¹, DŽ² and LKŽ treat many verbs of this type as causative (many of them are sound-imitative words), e.g.: brázdinti: brazdėti, brazda, -ėjo, girgždinti: girgždėti, girgžda, -ėjo, klė̃pinti: klegeti, klėga, -ėjo, krūtinti: krutėti, kruta, -ėjo, lažginti: lazgėti, lažga, -ėjo, mirginti: mirgėti, 26 P a u l a u s k i e n ė A. The Verb in Contemporary Lithuanian, Vilnius, 1971, 9. 27 J a k a i t i e n ė E. Word Formation of Verbs (Suffixal Derivatives), Vilnius, 1973, 21—22. 28 Grammar of the Lithuanian Language 2, 25. 29 Grammar of the Contemporary Lithuanian Language, 287. 30 J a k a i t i e n ė E. Deverbal verbs of contemporary Lithuanian with the suffix -inti. — Baltistica 4(2), 1968, 223. 137 mirga, -ėjo, plazdinti: plazdėti, plazda, -ėjo, skrebinti: skrebėti, skreba, -ėjo, šlaminti: šlamėti, šlama, -ėjo, siūgždinti: siūgždėti, siūgžda, -ėjo, šnarinti: šnarėti, šnara, -ėjo, šnekinti: šnekėti, šneka, -ėjo, tikinti: tikėti, tiki, -ėjo ir t.t. It can be difficult to determine which verb to associate a causative derivative with when primary verbs of the same root have survived in the language, e.g.: burzgenti (: burzgti and burzgėti), kiogždinti “to make fluffy, to fluff” (: kiogžti and kiogždėti) “to become fluffy”, kižinti “to crumple” (: kižti and kižėti), klibinti (: klibti and klibėti), kliukinti “to pour, to spill” (: kliūkti and kliukėti) and so on.31 Differences in presentation also occur in some other cases. In DŽ and LKŽ, the verb lašinti is defined as “to make something drip in drops”; DŽ¹ and DŽ² associate it with lašėti. The prefixed form sulašinti is presented analogously. In all editions of DŽ, triūškinti is considered causative; LKŽ does not associate it with triuškėti and explains its four meanings lexically. Čiužinti is associated with čiūžėti and considered causative in DŽ, DŽ¹, DŽ², and LKŽ. The prefixed form sučiūžinti is presented differently: unlike DŽ¹ and DŽ², LKŽ records no causative meanings for it. Unlike DŽ¹ and DŽ², LKŽ does not consider tviškinti causative; here it is not associated with tviškėti. 4.5. In all three editions of DŽ, few supply verbs are included, since few have survived in the standard language as well. DŽ, DŽ¹, and DŽ² include only derivatives with the suffix -dinti, which are associated by grammatical labels with basic transitive verbs, and less often with causative verbs (e.g., veršdinti is associated with the causative veršti), denoting (1) actions requiring particular skills or a trade, and (2) other active actions. For example: (1) dirbdinti supply work, kaldinti supply forge, kašdinti (DŽ), kašdinti (DŽ¹, DŽ²) supply dig, kiršdinti supply cut, kūldinti supply thresh, maldinti supply grind, megzdinti (DŽ), megzdinti supply knit, rašydinti supply write, siūdinti supply sew, statydinti supply build, šaudinti supply shoot, verpdinti supply spin; (2) gabėndinti supply transport, nešdinti supply carry, risdinti supply roll, rišdinti supply tie, siūdinti supply sew, skelbdinti supply announce, skėldinti supply split, varydinti supply drive, veždinti (DŽ), veždinti (DŽ¹, DŽ²) supply transport, and so on. There are also differences in presentation. The verbs áusdinti, veršdinti (e.g., veršdinti apsiaustą), considered causative in DŽ, are presented in DŽ¹, DŽ², and LKŽ as supply verbs, in line with the system. DŽ¹ and DŽ² dropped the verbs imdinti supply take, e.g.: Stogą imdinti (DŽ), nešinti, called causative by DŽ (but to be considered a supply verb, as in LKŽ), while adding sėgdinti, illustrated with folklore examples: 1. supply fasten 1, e.g.: Sėgdinsu rūtų vainikėlį (song), 2. dialectal supply fasten 4, e.g.: Bėrą žirgą sėgdinu (song). The verb esdinti, considered a supply verb in DŽ, DŽ¹, and DŽ², is merely causative, as it is treated in LKŽ; e.g.: Do not harness [the horse], but feed it some more J (LKŽ), Sulfuric acid is used to etch metals before tinning rš (LKŽ); édinti supply eat 1, e.g.: Did you feed the little horse, air out the leather saddle? (song) (DŽ, DŽ¹, DŽ²) is causative, as is valgydinti causative eat (DŽ, DŽ¹, DŽ²). DŽ presents 31 Jakaitienė E. Ibid., 223. 138 as a causative verb landinti ‘to creep in’, DŽ¹, DŽ² and LKŽ treat it as causative, e.g.: Landink šunį par tvorą J (LKŽ). Kildinti is considered a factitive verb in DŽ, DŽ¹ and DŽ², but a causative verb in LKŽ; in all of them a change in meaning is indicated: “to derive something from something,” e.g.: Kildinti žodį iš kurios kalbos (DŽ), “to indicate, find the origin” (DŽ¹, DŽ², LKŽ). spausdinti ‘to press’ was considered factitive, e.g.: Knygą spausdinti, išspausdinti (DŽ); elsewhere, owing to a change in meaning, it is no longer associated with the base word and is defined as “to produce (multiply (DŽ²)) text using movable type” (DŽ¹), 1. “to produce text using movable type” (LKŽ). Šauklinti is defined in DŽ, DŽ¹ and DŽ² by factitive verbs “to have announced, to have summoned.” The second meaning of Vės­dinti, “to have married off 10,” e.g.: Šunų vės­dinti (DŽ¹, DŽ²), should be considered causative, since the semantic relationship and usage of the words vės­dinti and vėsti are the same as those of tėkinti “to let [a woman] marry,” which LKŽ classifies as causative, and tekėti, teka, -ėjo, e.g.: Tėkino dukterį, vestuves kėlė (DŽ²). LKŽ includes many more and more varied factitive verbs. The semantic types mentioned above are represented in greater detail there. (1) We find árdinti, kirpdinti, lópydinti, mazgódinti, nérdinti, skaldydinti, taisgydinti, and so on. (2) Numerous factitive verbs associated with verbs of active action are given, e.g.: dėdinti, kráudinti, mės­dinti, nešiódinti, praúšdinti, rakindinti, ráudinti, riškdinti. Derivatives with the suffix -dinti may be associated not only with simple transitive and causative verbs, but, in rare cases, with iterative verbs as well, e.g.: pjáustydinti ‘to have someone slice’, cf. pjaustyti; plésydinti ‘to have someone tear’, cf. plėšyti 1; raikydinti ‘to have someone slice’, cf. raikyti 1, and so on. Alongside derivatives with the suffix -dinti, derivatives with -inti and -dyti are also common in LKŽ, e.g.: rėginti and regėdinti are associated with regėti, lėsdinti and lėšdyti are associated with lėšti, and so on. In LKŽ we find complex derivatives with the suffix -dinti associated with derivatives in -inti, e.g., raugindinti is associated with the causative rauginti (cf. rauginti 1. caus. ‘to ferment’, ‘to make sour’ (DŽ¹), which LKŽ gives as transitive. Sometimes they are associated with a simple verb, just like derivatives in -inti, e.g., kašindinti cf. kasti 1 and 1 kašinti (kašinti) caus. kasti 1, or they refer to another factitive verb, e.g., nešindinti see nešdinti. The treatment of these rare and complex verbs poses considerable difficulties for lexicographers. It is often not easy to find their base word, understand their meaning and usage, or arrange the sequence of variants appropriately. CONCLUSIONS 1. The three editions of the “Dictionary of Contemporary Lithuanian” and the “Dictionary of the Lithuanian Language” seek to distinguish causative and factitive verbs systematically. The criteria applied are (1) formal derivational means, (2) the transitivity–intransitivity of the base verb, (3) the relationship of the action to its object, (4) analysis of the deep structure of the sentence, and (5) semantic constraints on the components of the sentence’s surface and deep structures. 2. The derivational, origin-related, and semantic relationship is shown (1) by grammatical 139 by using labels to indicate the meanings of the causative or curative verb under the corresponding meanings of the base verb; (2) by describing them with paraphrases such as “to make (so) that...” and “to make someone/something [do/be] what”; showing changes in the general productive meaning; (3) by expanding cross-references or paraphrases with lexical explanations or synonyms; (4) by giving a grammatical cross-reference in the headword and explaining the meanings separately. The principal word in a series of variants is singled out (5) by using the abbreviation see. 3. The presentation of some types of causative verbs varies. The greatest inconsistency is probably found among non-suffixed verbs formed solely by vowel alternation, e.g., kélti: kilti; somewhat less occurs among verbs formed by vowel alternation and a suffix, e.g.: brandinti: bręsti, -ta, brendo. Considerable problems arise in describing verbs derivationally related to an adjective or a verb, or to a noun or a verb, e.g.: jauninti: jaunas, jaunėti, vokietinti: vokietis, vokietėti; such problems also occur in describing verbs associated with derivatives in -ėti, e.g., lašinti: lašėti. 4. The problematic cases discussed in presenting causative and curative verbs point not only to (1) their insufficiently established theoretical treatment, but also to (2) difficulties arising from actual language use: (a) distinctions from transitive verbs that are not always clear, and (b) a certain degree of semantic distance, in some causative or curative verbs or in individual meanings, from the general productive meaning. The presentation of certain lexical-grammatical word groups in dictionaries must be systematized as far as possible, although the diversity of the formal means of expression in language, usage, and semantics does not allow everything to be precisely standardized and formalized. THE LEXICOGRAPHIC PRESENTATION OF CAUSATIVE AND CURATIVE VERBS IN LITHUANIAN Summary Causative and curative verbs make up a substantial portion of Lithuanian transitive verbs. Their presentation in the three editions of the Dictionary of the Contemporary Lithuanian Language (DŽ) and in the Dictionary of the Lithuanian Language (LKŽ) was guided by the analysis of concrete language examples, theoretical research, and lexicographic traditions. Efforts are made to distinguish causative and curative verbs from one another and from other transitive verbs as precisely as possible. Several types of lexicographic presentation indicate a causative or curative verb’s membership in a lexical-grammatical word group, establish its derivational, etymological, and semantic relationship to the corresponding base verbs or base adjectives, reflect lexical-grammatical changes in meaning, and identify the headword in a series of variants. The presentation of some derivational types of causative verbs varies. The greatest inconsistency is found among non-suffixal verbs formed by ablaut (kélti: kilti), and less among verbs formed by ablaut and a suffix (brandinti: bręsti, -ta, brendo). Several problems arise in describing verbs derivationally related to an adjective or a verb, or to a noun or a verb (jáuninti: jáunas, 140 to grow young; to Germanize: German, to become German, they are found in the entries for verbs that relate to formations with the suffix -ėti (to make drip: to drip). For the purpose of systematizing the entries for certain lexico-grammatical groups in dictionaries, the diversity of formal means of expression, usage cases, and semantics makes it impossible to standardize and formalize such groups with complete rigor. 141