Vidžių apylinkių baltarusių šnektos lituanizmai

LIETUVIŲ KALBOTYROS KLAUSIMAI XXXV (1995) LIETUVIŲ LEKSIKOLOGIJOS TYRINĖJIMAI Elena GRINAVECKIENĖ Lithuanianisms in the Belarusian Dialect of the Vidžiai Area During a 1991 dialectological expedition in the vicinity of Vidžiai (Breslauja district, Vitebsk region, Belarus), no Lithuanian speakers were found within a radius of approximately eight kilometres around Vidžiai—in the villages of Vidiškės, Pakulnia, Laibūnai, Padrūkė, Meškeliai, Išdegėliai, Eitmenai, Sniegiškiai, Ažubaliai, Laukiškiai, Bagdžiūnai, Trakiškiai, and Vilkeniškiai (Belarusian Vidžiški¹, Pakūlnia, Laibūny, Padrūksa, Maškėli, Ždęgeli, Jacmiány, Snėgiški, Ažūbali, Lóukiški, Bagdžiūny, Trakiški, Vilkianiški). Here, as Zinkevičius astutely notes (Ryt. Liet. 187, map 15), the old local inhabitants now speak Belarusian (apart from people of other nationalities living in the town, see LKK 32, 21), although many mentioned that their grandparents (and some even their parents) had spoken Lithuanian from time immemorial. That the area under study really was Lithuanian-speaking in the past is clearly shown by the Lithuanian-origin place names used there (see LKK 32, 21–33). Thus, quite recently, owing to social factors in this region that were unfavourable to the Lithuanian language, local Lithuanians underwent language shift fairly rapidly, and their Eastern Dzūkian dialect was assimilated by the Belarusian dialect. The villagers know Russian, and some know Polish; they communicate mainly in these languages with people who have come to the area, usually government officials and nonlocals, and often with their own children, who have also shifted away from Lithuanian. Research at all levels of the local Belarusian dialect revealed a considerable linguistic legacy of the assimilated Lithuanian dialect, including clear substrate elements that distinguish it through certain specific features from other (even neighbouring) Belarusian dialects (see Baltistica 1979, 52–65). The lexical Lithuanian loanwords of the Vidžiai dialect are the most striking feature; they are comparatively numerous here. Some have so far been noted only in this dialect (perhaps they will later be found in other dialects as well); others are used in other Belarusian borderland dialects and have already been published, but here they often differ in form, stress, or sometimes meaning. To make known all those already recorded in the dialect 1 Slavic words in the article are given in Latin letters. Their sounds that do not occur in Lithuanian are represented here as follows: the vowel e after a hard consonant is retained in its Slavic form—э; their ы is written as Lithuanian y, syllabic у as Lithuanian ū, the Belarusian fricative g as Lithuanian h, and Lithuanian-origin geminate n before k, g as Lithuanian n with an elongated right-hand stroke. Consonant softness is indicated by a comma placed high to the right of the consonant. The hardness of consonant l in a consonant cluster before a front vowel is marked like the hard Polish ł. The acute accent above a vowel marks the position of word stress. In illustrative sentences, only the Lithuanian loanword is stressed. In general, the phonetics of the dialect examples have been adapted as far as possible to Lithuanian pronunciation. 32 To convey the full range of Lithuanian loanwords, the article presents alphabetically, with illustrative sentences that clarify the meaning of each lexeme, all the Lithuanian-origin words recorded here (along with their variants); their meanings are explained by standard-language words, and their possible source, related Lithuanian words, and direct Lithuanian equivalents are indicated. To avoid repetition, Lithuanian equivalents for Lithuanian loanwords in Belarusian dialects already published in our earlier articles are given without supporting evidence. aciūža ‘a shiver, something repulsive’: Noh ne vidacca, aciūža robica ‘you can’t see your feet; it gives you a shiver’; compare Lithuanian atšiūžus ‘shivery, disgusting, dreadful, repulsive’, atšiūžu ‘it gives one a shiver’, šiūžas ‘causing a shiver’, šiūžu ‘it gives one a shiver’ (LKŽ I 440; 14 976). The word is clearly prefixed (prefix at-, root - šiūž-), and the affricate c formed at the boundary of its morphemes undoubtedly developed from č (t+š), possibly on Lithuanian dialect soil as well. We had previously recorded aciūža with the same meaning in the Belarusian dialect of Ašpo (Jūodelėnai village, Breslauja district—SBG I 136), but at the time we were unable to establish that it was Lithuanian in origin. adlíga ‘a thaw’: adlíga, pajedzym na zaicy ‘a thaw; let’s go hare-hunting’; compare Lithuanian atlygà ‘the same’; ákat/akóta ‘awn’: ák atų ū jačmenia į pšanicy; ne daj Boh, jak u hlas ákat papad zec’, hliad zec’ ne možna; akóty poisavali ‘barley and wheat awns; God forbid an awn gets into your eye—you cannot open it; they used to pick out the awns’. The form akóta is also used in the sense ‘fishbone’: u ščuki šmat akótau ‘a pike is all bones’. The two forms may be said to be used in parallel, although ákat is more familiar to the older generation. These are direct equivalents of Lithuanian ākuotas/akūotas, altered through phonetic adaptation of Lithuanian uo > to Belarusian a, o (cf. LKBil. 125–127). áliary ‘sweet flags’: korni áliarau — jak žyvakosta; áliary talsciny jak paliac ‘sweet flag roots are like comfrey; sweet flags are as thick as a finger’. The lexeme is a direct equivalent of the Lithuanianized Slavicism aliarai. See also LLTP 53. aliarýn ‘sweet-flag bed’: kački ū aliarýne ‘ducks in the sweet-flag bed’; compare Lithuanian dialectal aliarỹnas ‘sweet-flag bed’; see also áliary. arúody/harúdy ‘granaries’: arúody ū svirne dlia aūsa, jačmenia; u harúdy naūdu sypali ‘granaries in the barn for oats and barley; they poured grain into the granaries’. The second form of the lexeme occurs more often in the speech of younger people and is more Slavicized; compare Lithuanian arúodai. ášaki/asáki ‘awns’: rybnyje ášaki vostryje; ášaki ad ziarna astajucca ū rešace; asáki jos’c’ u rybe ‘fish awns are sharp; grain awns remain in the sieve; fish with bones’; compare Lithuanian ášakos. The first form of the Lithuanian loanword is more characteristic of older people. It is closer to the Lithuanian form and retains its characteristic stress placement. The second is more Slavicized. This is shown both by its stress and by the change of Lithuanian š to Slavic s. atádur ‘a loner’: hэty ū davec — atadur neūdaly: ne lučycca i da svajich ‘that widower is a hopeless atadur: he avoids even his own people’. The form of the Lithuanian loanword characteristic of the Eastern Highlanders has been retained; compare Lithuanian dialectal atadūras ‘a contrary person’. atáduram ‘like a loner’: tak i žyli jany atáduram pry lese ‘that is how they lived, like loners, at the edge of the forest’. The form of this lexeme, too, is very close to its source, 33 cf. Lithuanian dialect atādūrom ‘lazily’. atasý/atósy ‘sieves’: atasý dzeržuc’ pavarot; atósy kalia ahblobli ‘the sieves regulate the turn; the sieves are beside the road’; cf. Lithuanian dialect atãsijos. The morphology of both lexemes is adapted to the Belarusian language system; the Lithuanian origin of the form atasý is more reliably reconstructed as *atasajė, cf. atsajė (LKŽ I 419); see also LLTP 59. atóžaly/atóžalki/atóžyly ‘shoots’: ū atóžaly pašla bul’ba; atóžalki rastuc’, a jablania sasocha; jablački z atóžalkau; jažmin atóžyly daušy ‘the potatoes have sent out shoots; the shoots are growing, while the apple tree has dried up; little apples from the shoots; the jasmine has put out shoots’; cf. Lithuanian dialect atãžala ‘the same’, atãžėla ‘shoot’, see also LLTP 59. Thus, the form atóžyly in the Belarusian dialect may perhaps have developed from atãžėla, with its ə occurring in an unstressed position. baldavėška ‘a pole with a thicker end for scaring fish’: baldavėškai bjoš pa vadze, i ryba liacic’ u brodzen’ ‘you’ll strike the water with the pole, and the fish will flee into the wading net’. Acknowledging the parallel existence in Lithuanian dialects of the same words with stems a and u, probably caused by the movement of the a vowel gradation series into the u series (e.g., salėti/sulà, stãbaras/stùburas — cf. Vitkauskas 204—207; an analogous pattern is also characteristic of Belarusian dialects, e.g., balavėška/bulavėška ‘thickening of a stick’ — Tlum. Sl. I 329, 418), we have some grounds for thinking that the lexeme baldavėška could be a phonetic relative of the Lithuanian loanword buldavėška; see LLTP 55—56. balundã ‘ordinary thin soup’: balundý nachliubalsia i ne sytna ‘I ate my fill of goosefoot and am not full’; cf. Lithuanian dialect balundã ‘goosefoot’, and also LLTP 55—56. bažėlka ‘the head of a flail’: bažėlka da capa pryvazana ‘the head is attached to the flail’. The lexeme derives from Lithuanian little flail head ‘the head of a flail’ and the Slavic suffix -ka. Concerning Lithuanian uo > Belarusian a, see LKBil. 125—127. biáral ‘grain chaff’: piakli chleb z biárala — hata douhaja pesnia ‘they baked bread from grain chaff—a long story’; cf. Lithuanian bėralas ‘unwinnowed grain’. bizdelka/bizauka ‘bizdelė’: bizdelki nasadziac’ hnidau; bizdelka zvinic’ što pčala, natta bajacca karovy; bizdelki apanavali, karovy chvasty kručkom i pašli; bizauki kusajucca, ne možna padajic’ karovu ‘bizdelės help get rid of nits; the bizdelė buzzes like a bee, the cows are very afraid of them; the bizdelės swarmed, the cows raised their tails and ran away; the bizdelės bite, so the cow cannot be milked’. The second form of this onomatopoeic Lithuanian loanword is more characteristic of the middle generation of the dialect. Like the first, it has a Slavic suffix. Cf. LLTP 55. bónda/bóndačka/bundščka ‘loaf, bun’: mama spekla bóndu chleba; mama vyskrabic’ dzešku i spekioc’ bóndačku; bundščki val’cavanyja ‘mother baked a loaf of bread; mother scraped out the bread trough and baked a bun; sifted-flour buns’. The third form of the Lithuanian loanword has preserved the phonetics of the Eastern Lithuanian puntininkai dialect, cf. Lithuanian dialect bundà ‘loaf’. braždžėc’ ‘to rustle, to rattle’: myšy braždžác’ za scianoi ‘the mice are rustling behind the wall’. This is an onomatopoeic Lithuanian loanword whose Lithuanian source may have been the unattested verb *braždėti. Having become Slavicized on Belarusian soil, it changed into braždžėc’, and this, through progressive assimilation, into braždžėc’. That Lithuanian 34 In the language, the fact that the verb *braždėti could indeed exist is indicated by related verbs braždinėtis ‘to walk’, bražėti ‘to rattle, to rustle’, cf. also brąžginti ‘to jingle’, as well as bližgėti ‘to glitter’, blýžgurti ‘to glimmer’, etc. (LKŽ I 938, 1026). brazgulí/brazgúlki ‘little bells on a horse’s harness’: svaty ū braz-guliách pajechali da maladói; brazgúlki naložana kaniu na šeju ‘the matchmakers went to the bride with brazguli; brazguli are put on a horse’s neck’. This is an onomatopoeic Lithuanian borrowing, derived from Lithuanian brazgūliai ‘the same’, brazgūnai ‘the same’, brazgėti ‘to speak unintelligibly and rapidly, to rattle’, LT 167. Its second form already has the Slavic diminutive suffix -ki, which shows that the diminutive suffix -ul in brazgúl’ has already lost its meaning. bryzgúli ‘little bells on a horse’s harness’: bryzgúli našyvalis’ na rəmə-niu, ane mednyje ‘brizguli used to be sewn onto a belt; they were copper’. This onomatopoeic Lithuanian borrowing derives from Lithuanian brizgūliai ‘jingles’; cf. also bryzgėti/briz-gėti ‘to rattle’, bryzgėlė ‘a clatter’, brūžinti ‘to scrape’, etc. The lexeme is in fact a relative of brazgulí, with qualitative alternation of the root vowels. brýndy ‘frills, ragged edges’: da nažutački batastavai pryšyvalis’ brýndy; spadnica ababiúšys’, brýndy baltajucca kruhom ‘brindas used to be sewn onto a cambric blouse; the skirt was frayed, with brindas hanging all around’. The Lithuanian origin of the lexeme is discussed in LKK 30 115, 119. brynt ‘to topple’: brynt da hary i pomer ‘he toppled over on his back and died’. This is a Belarusianized Lithuanian ideophone brinkt. bródnik/bródzen ‘a fishing wade net’: baldaveškai rybu honic’ u bródnik; bród-niam rybu loviac’ u dvajch ‘they drive fish into the wade net with a pole; they catch fish with a wade net in pairs’; cf. Lithuanian bradìnyš, brádninkas ‘the same’. bruntki/ bruntóčki ‘wooden old-fashioned buttons’: bruntki pryšyta dzeraūnyja; narabili bruntkóu i pryšyli da kažucha; bruntóčki pry-šyvali da frənča ‘wooden bruntki were sewn on; they made bruntki and sewed them onto a fur coat; bruntóčki were sewn onto a jacket’. Bruntki is a clear Lithuanian borrowing, formed by metathesis (the positions of kt were switched) from brunktý < Lithuanian dialect brunktā~ branktaí ‘wooden buttons’. The form bruntóčki is already a diminutive with the Slavic suffix -očki, formed from the Slavicized bruntki. Alongside bruntki, another non-diminutive form of this root is also used here, brúntka ‘a harrow pin’: brúntku pryviazyvajec’ da barany ‘the harrow pin is attached to the harrow’, derived from Lithuanian dialect bruñkta(s) by the same kt metathesis. būrbaki/búrbypki ‘bubbles’: búrbaki iduc’, jak kamen’ u vadu kinuc’; ziavajec’ ryba, búrbalki iduc’; búrbypki pa vadze ras došč’ lijec’ ‘bubbles rise when you throw a stone into the water; a fish gasps, bubbles rise; bubbles rise on the water when it rains’. The form búrbypki may have developed here through progressive assimilation or root reduplication. Both possibilities became feasible once the lexeme’s connection with the Lithuanian language system had been severed. burbuliáć ‘to bubble, to talk nonsense’: jon burbuliájec’ nevarōuna ‘he babbles carelessly’; cf. Lithuanian burbuliuoti ‘the same’. A Lithuanian borrowing of the same root and analogous meaning, with the prefix na-, is used in the dialect (: naburbuliáu anton 35 …ing (”Antonas has made a mess of it for him”). With the prefix za-, a derivative of this root is used here in the sense ‘to turn sour’ (: zaburbuliāuši sup ‘sour soup’). buč’ ‘fish trap’: buč’ — jak torba, z nitak plautuc’: adzin kanec bučā vuski ‘a fish trap is like a bag, woven from threads; one end of the trap is narrow’, cf. Lithuanian bučius. būrni in the expression būrni viaščī ‘to purr’: kotka būrni viadzeć’ kalia pečki ‘the cat purrs by the stove’, cf. Lithuanian burniōti, būrnyti, burniuōti ‘to mutter’. burtý ‘heaps’: burtý kartoški zasypany ‘piled-up heaps of potatoes’, cf. Lithuanian būrta ‘heap’. For the possible Lithuanian origin of this word, see LKK 30 120. The dialect also has a verb from this root, burtavác’ ‘to pile into heaps’: kalhazniki burtūjuć’ navoz u kapcy ‘the collective farmers are piling manure into heaps’, cf. Lithuanian būrti ‘to heap up, gather into a pile’. capt ‘snatch’: mama capt mne papirosku z ruk ‘Mom snatched the cigarette from my hand.’ This is a reduplication in the Belarusian dialect of the Lithuanian interjection cāpt. cinavót ‘cornflower’: cinavót — trava takaja, kalia harodaŭ rascec’, krasiva cvicić’ ‘a cornflower is a kind of grass; it grows by the gardens and blooms beautifully’, cf. Lithuanian dialectal cinavādas ‘same’ (LKŽ 2 33). This form has not been recorded elsewhere in Belarus. cýncal’ ‘rag, flap’: adarvi cýncal’ što visic’; skolki cýncaliau baltajecca — niracha takaja ‘tear off the dangling flap; look how many flaps are hanging—it’s such a slovenly woman.’ The word derives from the Eastern Dzūkian dialect form cūncelis~tīntelis ‘rag, flap’; cf. also tīntalis ‘same’, tīntaliuoti, tīntiliuoti ‘to dangle’. čiōpčacca ‘to fiddle about’: čiōpčajecca čalavek — niklimiažy taki ‘the person is fiddling about—a real bungler’, cf. Lithuanian čiupną, čiupą, čiōpis, čiōpėlė ‘someone who fiddles about’, čiupčiōti ‘to fiddle about’. čūnki ‘slippers’: čūnki zvāli tapački bez kablukou ‘they called slippers without heels čūnki’, cf. Lithuanian čiunkė ‘a slipper made of linen or yarn’. dōki ‘rag rugs, coverings’: trapki drali i dōki rabyja tkali, nakryvali paścél’ ‘they tore rags and wove colorful coverings, spreading them over the beds.’ This lexeme has not been recorded elsewhere in Belarus. It is also used in the Belarusian dialect of the Daugavpils area (Latvia), which formed in places inhabited by Lithuanians (SBG 2 116). Or perhaps this Lithuanian Germanism is a Belarusian Polonism. dōšry/dōšəry ‘stuffed intestines’: dōšry piakuć’, krup tedy, sa skvarkam, krōujem — čornyja što sviniačaje haūno; dōšəry kartofel’nyja i krupianvja; najelisia dōšərau ‘they bake stuffed intestines, adding groats, cracklings, blood—they are black like pig manure; there are potato and groat stuffed intestines; we ate our fill of stuffed intestines’, cf. Lithuanian dėšros ‘stuffed intestines’, dėšeros ‘same’. dōšərny ‘thick, pertaining to stuffed intestines (of the bowels)’: dōšərnyja kiški tōustyja ‘the intestines for stuffed intestines are thick’; see dōšry. drabéc’ ‘to tremble’: my ūsie drabéli, jak jaho sustreli; s pudu stali jamu mohi drabéc’ ‘we were all trembling when we met him; his legs began to tremble with fright.’ drágac’ ‘to pound’: mialkai dziaraūnoi jon pačau drágac’ u dzvery ‘with a wooden pestle he began pounding on the door’, cf. Lithuanian drāgoti ‘same’. 36 gab ‘elm’: gab jaščo cviardzeišy jak il’ma, chilicca palozy na sani ‘an elm is even harder than a lime tree; it bends the runners of a sleigh’, cf. Lith. guóbas. gagúl ‘nape’: jak dãu jamu ū gagúl’, jon da hary i pavaliusia ‘when he hit him on the nape, he fell over backwards’. Both stop consonants (not fricatives) g suggest that this lexeme may be non-Byelorussian. Perhaps it derives from a Lithuanian word related to guoglys ‘a person with a long neck’, cf. also gõgas ‘nape’, etc. gákty ‘sides of a sled’: gákty ū saniach ‘the sides of the sled’. gášta/gáštauka/gáštva/góšta ‘a certain garden plant’: gášta bela-ru- žavaty kvitnic’, ot pladavity; gáštauka — cvety ū vidze pučka; kalia plota gáštva rascec’; góšty sami rastuc’, ich sejac’ ne treba ‘gašta has pale-pink flowers and spreads readily; gaštauka’s flowers are like clusters; gaštva grows by the fence; gošta grows by itself and does not need to be sown’. As we can see here, the lexeme has quite a number of variants. They all contain the cluster -št-, which is atypical of Slavic languages and provides some basis for regarding them as Lithuanian in origin. Yet the name of this plant also has many and varied forms in our language, e.g., gáštauta, góštauta(s), góstelka, góštalka, góštauka, góštauta(s), gõštelka, góžtautas, góžtelta, etc. K. Būga connects the name of this plant with the surname Gos-tauta(s) (Būga RR I 212), while Nepokupnyj reconstructs its form as Lithuanian *gošta (Nepokupnyj 185). Laučiūtė supported this idea (Laučiūtė 44), while the Belarusians, alongside gášta, gáštauka, gáštva (SBG I 437–438), also have the plant name gárštva (SBG I 431), which probably has an entirely different root (garš-va); it is hardly justified to derive these roots, which in our view are unrelated (gášta and gárštva), from the same Lithuanian source, garšvà (ESBM 3 67). Such differing etymological remarks, while correctly recognizing the Lithuanian origin of these lexemes, do not yet reveal the whole truth. We will therefore consider which Lithuanian source for these names would be the most convincing. The plant name gárštva, recorded only in the Daugavpils Belarusian dialect, is most likely a distorted or accidental form of the name gáštos, arising from contamination between the names of two different plants, garšvós and gáštos, as their meanings faded. But the source of gášta and its cognates is probably different. Having before us all the variants of this plant name in Lithuanian and in the Vidžiai and other Belarusian dialects, we consider that the oldest of them is probably gáštva. All the others probably developed from it. Gáštva, in turn, may possibly contain the ancient root *gãž- (with long ā, from which our o developed over time), which is related to the verb *gãžti > gõžti ‘to overshadow, block, cover’ (this plant really spreads out widely and overshadows and suppresses others; cf. gožtelta gožia, suauga ir kitas žoles smelkia — LKŽ 3 488). The remaining part of gaštvos, tva, can only have arisen from the suffix -tuva (cf. Bartva ‘name of a river in Lithuania’ > Barta in Latvia, both < from Bartuva; Mitva ‘name of a river near Jurbarkas’ < Mituva, Latvian leitvis < leituvis > leitis ‘Lithuanian’). The form gáštauka has preserved the old long ā in its root (to this day characteristic of the eastern East Aukštaitian dialects) and already has a Slavic suffix. The other variants of this name are more recent (the root ā has already turned into o in them). Slavic languages probably had the greatest influence on the further formation of these forms, through the adoption of various suffixes. 37 gigėl/gigeliók ‘field horsetail’: gigėl’ na posnaj ziemli jak jolačka; gigelki — šyšački takija; gigelióm bul’ba zarošsy ‘on poor soil gigėlis is like a little fir tree; gigėliai are little cones; the potatoes are overgrown with gigėliai’, cf. Lithuanian gigėlis ‘same’. givélka ‘lapwing’: givélka s čupkom, rábėl’ka — bela s čiornym ‘the lapwing has a crest; the pied one is white with black’, cf. dialectal Lithuanian gyvė, gyvūtė ‘lapwing’. The suffix -ka is already Slavic, added to the diminutive gyvėlė. girsá ‘spelt’: girsá — jak i žyta ‘spelt is like rye’, cf. dialectal Lithuanian girsės ‘spelt’. The lexeme that entered the Belarusian dialect denotes its species meaning according to the Slavic model, using the singular nominative form. girsúca ‘spelt’ neuter: z girsúcai žyta dali ‘we got a yield of spelt rye’. Girsúca probably developed irregularly from Lithuanian girsūtė, perhaps also from a desire to make the word ironic (because of the injustice done to the collective farmer). girslivy ‘sown with spelt’: girslivy chleb čorny ‘spelt bread is black’, cf. dialectal Lithuanian girsė and a Slavic suffix. girsiány ‘sown with spelt’: girsiánaje žyta ‘spelt rye’, cf. Lithuanian girsė and a Slavic suffix. gizavác’ ‘to be plagued by horseflies’: letam karovy gizújuc’ ‘in summer the cows are plagued by horseflies’, cf. Lithuanian gyzúoti ‘same’. gizlivy ‘nervous, irritable’: ja gizlívaja, koc’ i nie staraja — trudnaja žyznia ‘I am irritable, though not old — life is hard’, cf. Lithuanian gižlùs ‘nervous’ and the Slavic suffix - ivy. gnižéc’ ‘to swarm’: gnižác’ čarviaki z čornymi halou̯kami ‘worms with black heads are swarming’, cf. Lithuanian gnižėti ‘same’. gógisy ‘uninvited wedding guests’: ’na vasle gógisy prosiac’, kab što dali ‘at the wedding, uninvited guests ask for something to be given to them’, cf. Lithuanian gúogis ‘uninvited wedding guest’. It is worth noting that in this case the Belarusian case ending is attached to the entire Lithuanian singular nominative form. grabiásty/grabiázdy ‘battens nailed to the rafters’: grabiásty klali na dachu; grabiázdy prybyli ‘they laid the battens on the roof; they nailed on the battens’. Both forms were borrowed from the East Aukštaitian dialects, which change e to a after the hard r found here, cf. their grabėstai < grebėstai. Other Lithuanian loanwords from the same root, with various Slavic suffixes, are also actively used in the dialect: grabiasciná ‘batten’ (: prybijavecca adna grabiasciná ‘one batten is nailed on’), grabiastóūka ‘battens’ (: grabiastóūku poūna nalažyli ‘we laid all the battens’); grabiastaváne ‘battening’ (: grabiastaváne strapil ‘battening the rafters’), nagrabiastavác’ ‘to nail on battens’ (: nagrabiastaváli chatu ‘we battened the house’), grəbezdác’/grəbezdavác’ ‘to batten’ (: trəba chatu grəbezdác’, laty grəbezdújuc’ ‘the house needs battening; the battens are being laid’). One or another derivative of this root is also found here with the meaning of the similar-sounding homonym grebezdótis ‘to clamber’, e.g. zagrabiastácca ‘to climb up’ (: jana zagrabiastálasia tedy ‘she climbed up there’). gug/gúga ‘lump, knob, stick with a curved end’: gúgam bili hlyžy hlimianyja na pole; gúga tak jak malatok, tolki dzeráunaja ‘they used the guga to break up the clods of clay in the field; a guga is like a hammer, only made of wood’ 38 in fields; ‘a guga is like a hammer, only wooden’; cf. Lithuanian gūgas, gugà ‘the same’, also kūkis ‘wooden mallet, flail’. Across all Baltic languages, the phonetics of the possible alternation of g with k, and vice versa, in words with the same root remains unclear. gūšta ‘nest’: kura sidzic’ u gūščė; gūštu adnyja ū pamidorach ‘the hen is sitting in the nest; there are nests of them in the tomatoes’. jaglénec ‘spruce’: jaglénec dobra pačhnec’ ‘the spruce smells pleasant’. The root of the lexeme is retained from Lithuanian, cf. ėglis and Belarusian jadlénec, while the rest of it is Slavic. jaglenćóvy ‘of spruce’: trəba jaglenćóvyja jahady pic’ ‘one must drink spruce-berry infusion’; see jaglénec. jāūra ‘marshy land’: jāūra — drənaja ziamlia, ničaho ne rascec’ na jāūre ‘jaura is poor land; nothing grows in the jaura’, cf. Lithuanian jāūra. jazm ‘jasmine’: jazm atozýly daušy ‘the jasmine has put out shoots’, cf. dialectal Lithuanian jāzmas ‘jasmine’. jūdрыca ‘judra, a kind of weed’: zioraski žóutyja na jūdрыcy ‘the seeds of the judra are yellow’. The root of the lexeme is Lithuanian, cf. Lithuanian judrà, jūdrė ‘the same’. In the dialect, a form of this lexeme that is closer to Lithuanian is also used, with metathesis of the consonants dr to rd: jūrda — jak lion, niby wychodzic’ z lionu i spliatuc’ ‘the judra is like flax, as if it grows out of flax and twists around’. kamél’ ‘flax stalk, flax stems’: kamli liona ‘flax stems’. Belarusian etymologists (ESBM 4 221) assign the lexeme kamél’ to the Baltic region and derive it from the Slavic root kom and the Lithuanian diminutive suffix -ėlis. However, there is reason to doubt this. Kamél’ has neither a diminutive meaning nor a Lithuanian suffix expressing one. We believe that although the root kam- may indeed be of common origin with Slavic, in the dialect the form kamél’ as a whole was most likely borrowed from Lithuanian kamblys, which is primarily associated with the verb kembti (a different ablaut grade of the root, cf. kamblỹs/kemblys), in which the adjacent consonants mb, both being labials, assimilate and merge into a single m, cf. klimpti>klimti, etc. Thus, the source of the lexeme is probably Lithuanian -l- suffixal kamblys<kamblys. kanópi ‘hemp’: kanópi — jak bizuny ‘hemp is like whips’. Its source was probably the Lithuanian Slavic borrowing kanāpės (the influence of Polish, incidentally only its standard variety, is late and weak here). kárklis ‘willow’: karzinki pliatuć’ z kárklisau ‘they weave baskets from willows’. The Belarusian case ending is added to the entire Lithuanian singular nominative form. karščė ‘to be hot’: stary chryć užo saūsiom karščė ‘the old man is very hot’, cf. Lithuanian karšėti ‘the same’. karník ‘a hive mounted in a tree’: karník u dzerave dliny, abrūčki byli ‘the karnik in the tree was long; there were hoops’. There is some basis for associating the dialectal karník with the Lithuanian word karinỹs/korinỹs, meaning ‘a hive mounted in a tree’, as well as with the verbs karėti, karóti ‘to hang’. Thus its root kar- may be Lithuanian, while the ending -nik is either a product of the Slavicization of the word karinỹs (by dropping -i- and adding -k to the word ending, adapting it to the Belarusian language system), or a Slavic suffix. In this way, the dialectal karník and Belarusian karaniók 39 ‘a small log beehive’ and karaník ‘an upright log beehive’ could also be of different origins. On the other hand, the explanations of the origins of karaniók and karaník offered by Byelorussian etymologists (ESBM 4 264) are also mere conjectures. kasnik is known in the dialect in the sense ‘ribbon, something resembling a ribbon’: u kosach zaplecianya kasniki; parvau usio ū kasniki adnya; aliar vypuskau kasniki ‘ribbons braided into hair; I tore everything into shreds; the calamus put out leaves’. The lexeme is related to Lithuanian dialectal kasnykas, which undoubtedly arose from *kasinykas through syncope. kerápla ‘clumsy person’: jak keráplá robic’, usio z ruk hacic’ ‘the clumsy person drops everything from their hands’. ketúrka ‘the opening at the front of men’s trousers’: zašpili ketúrku ‘fasten the fly’, cf. Lithuanian ketùrka ‘same’. kimsá ‘clump of sedge, tussock overgrown with moss’: kimsý — hɛta kupiny takija na baloce; tam adnyja kimsý; hadziuha sela na kimsū ‘the tussocks are all over the marsh; a snake curled up on a tussock’. The lexeme has retained East Aukštaitian phonetics (em>im). kásty ‘manger’: karova jesc’ s kastau ‘the cow eats from the manger’. The lexeme is a Lithuanian Germanism kástes (< German Kasten). kindziúk/kindzícók/klundziúk ‘smoked sausage’: kindziúk nada zlazyc’; kindzícók visic’ u komine; oi, klundziúk smačny byū: miasa tam lažyli, vesili na leta ‘we will stuff the smoked sausage; the smoked sausage hangs by the chimney; oh, the smoked sausage was delicious, stuffed with meat and hung up for the summer’. The lexemes may derive from Lithuanian dialectal *skilundziùkas, cf. ESBM 5 68. On their formation on Byelorussian soil, see LLTP 56—58. The form kindzícók is later and shows that the diminutive meaning of kindziúk is no longer perceived. kípcy ‘claws’: karšuna kípcy bal’syja; schvaciū kípciami kuru; klianovy žuk kípciami abdziareć’ ‘the hawk’s large claws; it caught the chicken with its claws; the cockchafer scraped it with its claws’. The lexeme is related to the Lithuanian root kib-ti, cf. also kìbčioti ‘to keep catching at’, kìbčius ‘one who keeps catching at’, kìbis ‘burdock’. kirlėc’ ‘to dwindle, diminish’: stary kirlėjic’ kirlėjic’ i skirlėjic’ ‘the old person dwindles and dwindles and wastes away (dies)’, cf. Lithuanian kirlėti ‘to dwindle, diminish’. kivíly/kivílki ‘tadpoles’: s kivílau vodziacca žaby; kivílki gnižac’ u baloce ‘frogs develop from tadpoles; tadpoles swarm in the pond’. The lexeme is of sound-symbolic origin, related to the interjection kìvìl kìvìl ‘twitch, twitch’, cf. also kìvilìotis ‘to walk unevenly, in zigzags’, kìviliai ‘wobbly wheels’, kìvilas in the expression kìvilo nèšti ‘to carry a child astride on one’s neck’, and also kivýna ‘tadpole’. Kivýna should be considered a relative of kivílo. After all, a sound-symbolic word does not always have clearly fixed morphology (word formation). Consequently, another formative can readily replace one of its components. The form kivílki already has a Slavic diminutive suffix. klíkaty/klíkatany/klíkatni ‘wooden clogs’: klíkaty zhibalis’, dzeraūnaja padèšva byla; u klíkataniach chadzili ū kasciol; klíkatni liochkija na nahu, cioplyja ‘the clogs bent; their soles were wooden; they went to church in clogs; clogs are light on the feet and warm’. The lexemes are of sound-symbolic origin, related to Lithuanian 40 interjections kliklakla, kliklekle ‘to hobble, to limp’, cf. also klikščiota ‘to limp’, klekčioti ‘to shuffle, to hobble’. The form klikatanų may sometimes be entirely Lithuanian, while klikatai has a Slavic ending. klýmza/klýnda ‘a lame person’: jon klýmza taki; nu i vyšla za klýmzu; stary idziec’ i kul’hajec’ — klýnda taki ‘he is such a lame person; well, she married a lame man; the old man walks limping—he is such a lame person’. The lexemes are most likely related to Lithuanian klimbis ‘one who walks clumsily, limping’, klimba ‘a lame, limping cow’, klimbuoti ‘to limp’. For the possible phonetic alternation of root m/n in these lexemes, cf. kleṃšti/kleńšti ‘to walk with difficulty’, kreṃta/kreńta ‘falls’, as well as klémka/klénka ‘door handle’. The different suffixes of the lexemes could also be explained as a result of different morphological systems (Lithuanian or Belarusian). kóukšņuc’ ‘to get drunk, to strike’: jon kóukšnuu jei pa pal’cam ‘he struck her across the fingers’. The lexeme is associated with the Lithuanian verb (ap)káukšnoti ‘to thresh, to beat’. koūš ‘ladle’: kaušóm začėrpni; koūš — heta kruša z ručkai; koūš — pavaraška draūnianaja, bal’šaja loška dlia karoū miakinu i sviniam davac’; vialikaja jak koūš ‘scoop it with a ladle; a ladle is a scoop with a handle; a ladle is a wooden scoop, a large spoon for giving chaff to cows and pigs; as big as a ladle’. krátacca ‘to tremble, shake, move’: krátajus’ pavoľna, pavaračyvajus’ ‘I tremble a little, I turn around’. The lexeme may have arisen either from the Lithuanian root kret- (with hardening of r to > krat-), or from krat-. This is entirely possible given the root-vowel alternation (cf. krėčia: kràto). Thus, Lithuanian lexemes semantically and derivationally close to it are kreténti ‘to walk slowly, trembling and tottering’, kretėti ‘to walk with difficulty, trembling’, and also kratūtis ‘one who totters with age’. Its association with Lithuanian krutėti (ESBM 5 114—115) is less plausible, since this has a different vowel grade in the root. Moreover, although the semantics of the verbs kretėti and krutėti are sometimes quite similar (cf. where is that old woman tottering; decrepit, almost lifeless, barely tottering, and already needing to make her way home; a person shivers from fever), the formation kret-/krat- is considerably closer in this case. krǫtpol’ka ‘a fast polka’: i ja jaščė tancėvala krǫtpol’ku ‘and I also danced a fast polka’, cf. Lithuanian krètpolka ‘the same’. kryvalúpy ‘having a crooked mouth’: kryvalúpy jon uradziušia ‘he was born with a crooked mouth’. Not only the second component of the compound lexeme (lúpy), but probably the whole lexeme is of Lithuanian origin; cf. Lithuanian kryváila ‘a crooked person’, kryvaliuóti, kryvalióti ‘to twist and turn’. krókly ‘rafters’: trǝba kró kly pastavic’ ‘the rafters need to be put up’. The lexeme arose from Lithuanian krek­là, krėklas ‘rafter’, through the change of the root vowel -e- after -r- in the Lithuanian dialect in question into a. krópki ‘little spots’: kró pki belyja, a halouka krasnaja — muchamory ‘the little spots are white, while the cap is red—the fly agarics’. The lexeme is related to Lithuanian kruõpos ‘a small lump of something’ and the Slavic diminutive suffix -ki; cf. also kruopetas ’speckled’, kruopalėtas, kruopelėtas ‘covered with little specks’. krupénia ‘groat soup’: jeli krupéniu i byhi zdarovyja ‘we ate groat soup 41 and we were healthy’; cf. Lithuanian kruopienė ‘groats soup, porridge’. The entire lexeme is a pure Lithuanian borrowing; its root is common to Baltic and Slavic. krúšnia/chrúšnia ‘threshing floor’: u krúsniach ptuski vialis’; chrúsniu nalažyli kamnej ‘birds nested on the threshing floors; they piled up threshing-floor stones’. The source of the lexemes is Lithuanian krúsnis. The initial ch in the form chrúsnia arose owing to phonetics typical of Slavic; cf. the reverse phenomenon: Belarusian cháta ‘hut’ is pronounced káta, etc., in Belarusian dialects bordering Lithuania, under the influence of Lithuanian. kubólniki ‘dowry carriers’: kubólniki prydane vazili ‘the dowry carriers transported the dowry’. This is the direct equivalent of Lithuanian kubílnykai. kùbezdal’ ‘chimney puff’: kùbezdal’ dymic’ ‘the chimney puff is smoking’. The word is related to dialectal Lithuanian kùbez­dalis ‘the same’. kúka ‘wooden mallet’: dzerauňymi kúkami na pole kamy razbijali ‘they broke up clods in the fields with wooden mallets’. This is Lithuanian kukà with the same meaning; cf. also gúga. kúksa/kúksačka ‘a severed leg, part of an arm’: kúksa astaušys’; jon s kúksai: adarvana paľ’cy; kúksačka takaja astalas’ ‘a stump remained; he is with a stump: severed fingers; only such a stump remained’. This is Lithuanian kuksà with the same meaning. The suffix of the second form is Slavic. kukúta ‘piglet’: meju mnoha kukútau; kukuta maja, malenačkaja ‘I had many piglets; my little piglet, my tiny one’; cf. Lithuanian kūkùtis ‘the same’. kul’ ‘threshing flail’: kúli trasli za viarchi; kúliam smoliac’; kul’ byvajeć’ i pud, i poúpuda ‘we threshed the flails, gripping them by the ears; they scorch with flails; a flail may weigh either a pood or half a pood’. Another lexeme with this root, kuliavý ‘of a threshing flail, threshing-flail’, is also used here: ‘threshing-flail straw’ <; cf. Lithuanian kùlys and the Slavic suffix -avy. kul’šá ‘thigh’: z načy balic’ kul’šá ‘my thigh has been hurting since last night’; cf. Lithuanian kùlšis/kùlšė. kumpiák ‘ham’: jichnyja kumpiaki adbili; kumpiák atležáu; kumpiaki ležac’, jany hęta znali; kumpiák slony ‘their thighs were bruised; I lay on my thigh; the hams are lying there, they knew that; salted ham’; cf. Lithuanian kùmpis. kúpra ‘hump, back’: babulia s kúprą; jag dam pa kúprą ‘the old woman with a hump; when I give you a whack on the back’, cf. Lithuanian kuprà. With the Slavic suffix -aty, kuprà also gave the dialect the adjective kupráty ‘hunchbacked’ (: kupráty čala­vek ‘a hunchback’). kurmél’ ‘gudgeon, a kind of fish’: nalapau kurmelióu; toūsty jak kurmél’; maly jak kurmél’ ‘I caught gudgeons; fat as a gudgeon; small as a gudgeon’. The lexeme is associated with the verb kùrm­tis ‘to burrow’, kùrmis; cf. also LKSp. L. 191. kúrstacca ‘to catch fire’: čuc’ kúrstajecca pečka ‘the stove barely catches fire’; cf. Lithuanian kùrstuti ‘to tend the fire, add fuel to the fire’. With the prefix pra-, which is probably Lithuanian as well, another Lithuanian borrowing with this root is found here: prakúrstac’ ‘to kindle’ (: prakúrstala baniu ‘I kindled the bathhouse’); cf. also Lithuanian prakurai. kurniáu ‘I crowed’: kurniáu kurniáu, košačka ‘I crowed, I crowed, little hen’. This is an onomatopoeic Lithuanian borrowing. 42 kurčúk ‘a livestock tongue disease of this kind’: kurčúk budzic’ ad jačmenai miakiny, jazyk dziuravy, lečyc’ — sala i soli i popialu, i naciarajuc’ ‘kurčūkas develops from barley chaff; the tongue becomes rough; treatment consists of bacon, salt, and ashes, which are rubbed on it’; cf. Lithuanian kurčiūkas ‘the same’; see also LLTP 58. labiák ‘a ravine, hollow, valley, slope’: labiák kalia rẽčki, tam i travy mnoha ‘a hollow by the river, where there is much grass’. It is a derivative of Lithuanian lóbās ‘hollow, slope’ with the Slavic suffix -iak. lagiasý ‘legėsiai’: lagiasý sabirali sviniam, i karovy jaduc’ ‘they gathered legėsiai for the pigs, and the cows eat them’, cf. Lithuanian dialectal lagėsiai ‘legėsiai’. lalóúniki ‘lalauninkai’: lalóúniki chadzili i spiavali na pervy dzen’ Velikadnia ‘the lalauninkai walked around and sang on the first day of Easter’, cf. Lithuanian dialectal laláūnykai ‘the same’. lapanósý ‘broad-nosed’: lapanósý taki: unis nos paspliaskany ‘such a broad-nosed person, with the nose flattened downwards’, cf. Lithuanian lapanósis ‘the same’. ESBM 5 231 gives an etymology of this kind, somewhat doubtful because its linguistic geography is not clearly defined; however, in our view, the attestation from Vidžiai fully supports its Lithuanian origin also from the perspective of linguistic geography. lepéza ‘a clumsy, sluggish person’: sidzic’ jak lepéza jakaja pryšoušy na viačarynku ‘sitting like some lepėza who has come to a party’, cf. Lithuanian lepėza ‘the same’. The soft l of the lexeme before e (and the fact that e does not turn into a — characteristic of Eastern Aukštaitian) indicates its onomatopoeic origin; cf. the source of the lexeme, the interjection lėpt ‘clunk, clack’, lėpt’ (used to denote an awkward gait). In Eastern Aukštaitian dialects, the l before e in interjections and words derived from them is soft. liapšúk ‘a small, delicate mushroom of this kind’: liapšukí miahkija — tušyc’, pažaryc’ ukusna ‘liapšukai are soft — delicious stewed or fried’. liáuki ‘glands, a disease of the neck of this kind’: liáuki schvacili sviniu; liáuki — nekija huzy byvajuc’ kalia horla; liáuki zadavili, kali na polu pascili ‘the pig came down with swollen glands; glands are some kind of lumps in the throat; the glands suffocated it when it was left grazing in the field’. liun ‘bog’: liuný na vadze kalysúcca jak idzẽš; hdze liun, abaisci nada ‘a bog in the water; when you walk, it sways (gives way); one must go around a bog’. lukšt’ ‘1. marsh marigold, 2. water lily’: lukšt u rẽčkie: žóutym cvici’; lūksty belyja i žóutyja ‘marsh marigolds grow by the river, blooming yellow; white and yellow water lilies’, cf. Lithuanian lūkštai ‘the same’. lúpa ‘lip’: lúpu atstaviúšy nižniuju ‘with the lower lip stuck out’. A derivative of this root with the Slavic suffix -aty is also used here — lupáty ‘having large lips’ (: lupáty maliac, necharošy; taki lupáty, hubasliop ‘a big-lipped, unattractive child; such a pout-lipped person’). maklák ‘hindquarters, tail’: karova vykrucila maklák i chramajic’ ‘the cow dislocated its hindquarters and is limping’. The word is undoubtedly cognate with Lithuanian dialectal maklėkas ‘a ram’s testicle’ (Laukuva); cf. also mãkas ‘a bull’s testicle’; ‘the tail of a net’; ‘a leather tobacco pouch’. makliák ‘a waterlogged stump in a river’: makliák vyciahnul z raki ‘he pulled a waterlogged log out of the river’, cf. Lithuanian maklėkas ‘a wet, decayed tree’. 43 meičúk ‘little pig’; meičúk — hęta vylažany parsiučok ‘little pig — that is, a castrated boar’, cf. Lithuanian meiččiukas ‘a small boar, pig’. miŋgirýkšč’/miŋgirýkšča ‘rainbow’: miŋgirýkšč’ rasec’ u balóce; miŋgirýkšča vysokaja bela-rudavata cvicic’, jak prakvitnic’, jak rabina, buket u viarchu ‘a rainbow grows in the marsh; the rainbow is tall, reddish-white in bloom, when it blossoms, like a rowan, with its flowers rising upwards’. The lexeme derives from Lithuanian vingiarykštė, vingiarykštis, but the initial labial v of the latter has here been replaced by another labial, m (such alternation does occur in dialects in general), most likely because the word’s meaning had been lost, as a result of isolation. mírhnuc’ ‘to blink, signal with a wink’: jon mírhnic’ mne hlazam, jak što drənaje ‘he’ll wink at me if something is wrong’, cf. Lithuanian mirglinėti ‘to blink repeatedly’, mirglinti ‘to walk while blinking’, mirkčioti ‘to signal with a wink’. miartúl’/viartúl’/mirtúk ‘wooden stirring paddle’: miartulióm dobra raugeniu raz-bivac’; viartul’ — što bul’bu pamyc’; mirtuk — što bliny miašac’ ‘with the paddle you beat the fermented rye dough well; a paddle is used to wash potatoes; a paddle is used to mix pancakes’. Although the phonetics of the lexemes have changed considerably, miartúl’ derives from Lithuanian mentùris, with the same meaning, probably through metathesis. From mentùrio, as a foreign word already unknown to the dialect, only an approximate Lithuanian sound and its semantics have survived here. Miartúl’, continuing to change, replaced its initial labial m with another labial, v, and formed the new variant viartúl’. miartúl’ probably also contributed to the emergence of the form mirtúk: miartúl’ + iuk > miartuliúk > mirtuliúk > mirtúk (through haplology of -ul-). On the other hand, mirtúk could phonetically very well derive from the dialectal mintùkas < mentùkas of the same root, on the model of miartúl’. múmy ‘lice’: múmy ū halave ‘there are lice in the hair’, cf. Lithuanian mūmas ‘louse’. muróc’ ‘to bellow’: krova pačala muróc’ ‘the cow began to bellow’, cf. Lithuanian muróti ‘to bellow’. načóūka ‘winnowing basket, trough’: lipavaja načóūka — jak poliš, miakina liacic’ ‘a linden-wood winnowing basket — when you winnow, the chaff flies’. In Byelorussian dialects načóūka as a living word occurs mostly along the Lithuanian border (SBG 3 197). The dialect could have acquired it from there. Nosovich does not record it at all (Nos.). In the standard language it is mentioned as relatively rare, and only in two literary works (Tlum. Sl. 3 340). Etymologists do not reveal its origin (ESBM 7 287). Nočva Dal’ states that it also exists in Russian (Dal’ 3 557), but gives it here without an example and attempts to derive it from nosit’. Vasmer conjectures that Russian nočva may derive from Proto-Slavic *nъkъty and relates it to the Greek verb νίπτω ‘to wash’ (the dead) — Fasm. 3 86. This and similar conjectures, which nevertheless leave the question of the lexeme’s origin open, allow another possibility to be proposed, one based on the word’s semantics: namely, deriving Byelorussian načóūka from Lithuanian niekóčia, nakóčia through metathesis, the transposition of consonants k and č: nakóčia, niekóčia > načóka > načóūka. In this way, Byelorussian načóūka, like Lithuanian niekóčia, could be linked to the Lithuanian verb niekóti ‘to winnow’. Indeed, the original meaning of these names is most closely connected with winnowing, not washing. This is undoubt- 44 edly shown by the meaning of niekóčios and of načóuka, used in Byelorussian border dialects. Later, as the original method of processing grain fell out of use, the function of načóuka changed depending on its adaptation to other household uses (washing clothes, salting meat, storing honeycombs, and so on). From there, and from other neighboring Byelorussian dialects, načóuka, undergoing further Slavicization and changes in form and meaning, could have spread to other Slavic areas as well. nastrýkac’ ‘to uproot, cut a lot’: nastrýkaju nętráu ‘I’ll gather a lot of nettles’. The lexeme is related to Lithuanian pri-strýkioti ‘to make a lot’ (Lithuanian strýkioti itself is considered a Germanism). naštá/nóšta ‘load’: naštú vialikujų pritašcyla; nóšta sena, salomy ‘I hauled a large load; a load of hay, straw’, cf. Lithuanian naštà. Slavic influence is stronger in the second form. náuda ‘grain’: náudu ū humny zlažyli ‘we stored the grain in the barns’, cf. Lithuanian naudà ‘grain’. némni ‘nemunės, a kind of mushroom, honey fungus’: némni kustami rastuc’ ‘nemunės grow in clusters’, cf. Lithuanian nemùnės ‘same’. Through Slavicization, the lexeme lost its short -u-, which corresponded to the Slavic yer (reduced vowel ъ). nerúm ‘anxiety’: nerúm biaręc’; u nerúmie jana ‘anxiety is taking hold; she is worrying’, cf. Lithuanian neramùmas ‘same’. Its syllable -am- dropped out through haplology, for ease of pronunciation. The form’s stress also attests to its source. nótry ‘nettle’: nótry indykam dobra ‘nettles are good for turkeys’. The source of the lexeme is dialectal Lithuanian nãtrės ‘nettles’. Here the old Lithuanian long, circumflex ā, having lost its intonation, likewise became a back vowel, but one that was already narrowed, the Slavic reduced ə; cf. analogous cases in which Slavs, for the same reason, pronounce Lithuanian gerai, vaikai and so on as geręi, vaikęi, etc. niurčáč’ ‘to grumble’: niurčýc’ pad nosam što-ta ‘he grumbles something under his breath’. The lexeme is of imitative origin; cf. the interjection niùri, niùry (expressing a person’s downcast walk), and also niuróti ‘to grumble’. The dialect has preserved its Lithuanian base—the root niur-. Everything else is Slavic. pačupáila ‘a toucher, one who keeps feeling about’: pačupaila takaja — čiopčajecca ‘such a toucher—keeps feeling about’. This is the Lithuanian pačiupáila ‘same’, entirely unchanged. The verb čiòpčacca given here is also a Lithuanianism; cf. Lithuanian čiòpa, čiòpėlė, čiòpis ‘one who touches’, čiòptelėti ‘to feel about’. pakrẽmsac’ ‘to chew up, to gnaw away; to plough badly (as if gnawed)’: razve həta parana — pakrẽmsana pakrẽmsana ‘is that really ploughed — all gnawed up’, cf. Lithuanian kramsóti, kramsėti ‘to chew’, kramsnóti, krámsčioti, krámčioti ‘to chew slowly, to nibble’. The stressed Lithuanian root -am- was reduced as it became Slavicized, changing to -əm-. This pronunciation was generalized to unstressed position as well. pákuly ‘tow’: pákuly krapčėsiyja byli i za kužal’ ‘tow is stronger than flax’, cf. Lithuanian pãkulos. The lexeme is sometimes used here with the Slavic diminutive suffix -ki, though it does not express diminutiveness: mama byūšy nabiraūšy pákulki z lionam ‘mother had mixed tow with flax’. Its relative pákulnik ‘tow cloth’ is also found here. parlóvy/piarlóvy ‘made of barley’: parlóvy chlep piakli ū tuju vainu; piarlóvy 45 chleb neūkusny ‘we baked barley bread during that war; barley bread is not tasty’. The lexeme is derived from Lithuanian bėralas (see bī́ral) with the Slavic suffix -ovy. Its initial -b- was replaced by the labial p- as the dialect became Slavicized, owing to the fading of the word’s meaning. Semantics preclude linking it with Polish perlowy ‘barley’. paršiūk ‘piglet’: paršiūk niski na nohi; paršiuká koliac’ na paūnace i na viatašku ‘a pig has short legs; we slaughter a pig during the new moon and the waning moon’, cf. Lithuanian paršas. The lexeme acquired the diminutive suffix -iuk (though not a diminutive meaning) as it became Slavicized. pavažyniác’/pavažiniác’ ‘to take for a ride’: pavažyniái menia; pavažiniác’ mahli nas ‘take me for a ride; they could give us a ride’, cf. Lithuanian pavažinėti. The second form of the lexeme is more thoroughly Slavicized (here Lithuanian -ž- already sounds Slavic, as -z-). pelėspia ‘space beneath the roof’: ū pelė́pie stanovica pry daždž ‘one takes shelter from the rain in the attic’, cf. dialectal Lithuanian pelėpė~pelėpė ‘attic, space beneath the roof on the outer side’. The lexeme is purely Lithuanian and dialectal—it has retained hard -l- before ę, and, as in the dialect, its prefix pa- is pronounced dialectally as pe-. piaršć ‘to sting, to smart’: piaršyć ’naha ‘the leg is stinging’, cf. Lithuanian peršėti ‘ditto’. pímpy ‘lapwings’: pímpy užo prylaceli, kryćac’ givi givi ‘the lapwings have already flown up, calling “alive, alive”’, cf. dialectal Lithuanian pímpės ‘lapwings’. A diminutive form with a Slavic suffix also occurs—pímpački, pímpiańki ‘little lapwings’. pipiliók/pipiliúk ‘child’s genitals’: jalo pipiliók baltajicca; schavai svoi pipiliúk ‘his little penis is dangling; hide your little penis’, cf. Lithuanian pipelis ‘ditto’. Both lexemes are Lithuanian. pirst ‘pirst’: ja jamu pa bakach, a jon pirst pirst ‘I hit him on the sides, and he goes “pirst, pirst”’. plaskani/plaskuóni ‘field horsetails’: z plaskaniou palacency, nastolniki samyja krasivyja, bliaščyc’ jak šouk; u plaskaniou nima zerkau; plaskuóni — hdze cviciac’ ‘towels made from field horsetail, the most beautiful tablecloths, shine like silk; field horsetail has no seeds; where field horsetail grows’, cf. dialectal Lithuanian plaskānė ‘field horsetail’. póisavac’ ‘to groom’: póisajuc’ vusy, vokat u jaćmenia ‘he grooms his moustache, the awned barley’, cf. Lithuanian paisýti. The related form vypóisac’ ‘to groom thoroughly’, with a Slavic prefix, is also used alongside póisavac’. pósar ‘fodder’: pósar u rǝzgni ach, hǝta karmy dlia kania ‘fodder in bundles, that is horse feed’. The related form pašarný ‘fodder-related’ is also found here: viksa pašarnāja ‘fodder sedge’. prydúracak/prydúrak ‘extension’: prydúrak taki; muravau prydúracak; prydurkau jakich, kamorkau narabiu ‘you’ll brick up an extension like that; they’ve built some kind of extensions and little rooms’, cf. Lithuanian pridurkas ‘something added to something’, priedūra ‘extension’. The first form, although it has a Slavic diminutive suffix, does not in fact express diminutiveness. In our view, it represents only the initial stage of the word’s Slavicization. pryvakác’ ‘to bring, to drag over’: ja jaje siuda pryvakuju ‘I’ll bring her here’, cf. Lithuanian vokúoti ‘to transport, to drag’. 46 pukačý ‘thistles’: pukačý talsciny jak paliac ‘thistles as thick as a finger’, cf. Lithuanian pūkė, pūkónas ‘thistle’. pukčác ‘to rise, ferment, bubble’: cesta pukčýc’, pašlo chadzic’; jak zakisnic’, pukčýc’ piva; bliny užo pukčác’ ‘the dough is fermenting, it has started to rise; when it ferments, the beer bubbles; the pancakes are already rising’, cf. Lithuanian pukščióti ‘the same’. pumpuci ‘pinfeathers’: kuny vylinili, iše ū pumpuciách ‘the hens have moulted; they are all covered with pinfeathers’. The lexeme’s source is Lithuanian dialectal pumpučiai~pampučiai ‘swellings, puffiness, pimples, scabs’. pumpurýna ‘marsh marigolds’: pumpurýna žōuta cvicic’, usiudy jaje chvatajec’, dzie mokra ‘marsh marigolds bloom yellow; they are everywhere, wherever it is wet’, cf. Lithuanian dialectal pumpurýnas ‘the same’. pūnia ‘hayloft’: pūnia kala humna sena zlažyc’ dastaūlena; u pūni sena skladyvajec’ ‘a hayloft has been built beside the threshing barn for storing hay; hay is stored in the hayloft’, cf. Lithuanian pūnia ‘the same’. pútal’/putaliánka/puteliánka ‘a fairly thick dish made from oat flour’: mama pútal’ varyc’; putaliánka z aūsa na kvasnym malake raščenena; puteliánki najeūsia ‘mother cooks putel’; oat putel, mixed with sour milk; I ate my fill of putel’, cf. Lithuanian pùtelis ‘the same’. The suffix in the last two forms is Slavic. pútra ‘soup’: pútra — kartoška, krupa i tady kisla što-nibudz’ ulažyc’ ‘putra—potatoes, groats, and then add something sour’, cf. Lithuanian putrà ‘thick milk soup’. puzlák ‘pušlė’: puzlakí dziarucca ad grabli ‘the pušlės get rubbed off by the rake’, cf. Lithuanian pūžlỹs ‘a small, soft cabbage head’, pūžas ‘a tuft of tousled hair’, pūžinti ‘to dress warmly’, and also pūšliokas ‘a fat person’. ramát ‘rheumatism’: u ramáce liažyc’ ‘he lies bent over with rheumatism’, cf. Lithuanian dialectal ramãtas ‘the same’. ragóža ‘a rack, a pole with branches for hanging pots’: na ragóžy bačanki vešali ‘we used to hang small barrels on the racks’, cf. Lithuanian ragõžius ‘the same’. razgrabiazdácca ‘to clamber up’: razgrabiazdáĭasia jana na dachu ‘she clambered up onto the roof’, cf. Lithuanian grebezḋótis ‘to clamber’. raskiarášcycca ‘to spread out’: raskiarášcyušysia sidzic’ ‘he sits with his legs spread out’, cf. Lithuanian skerýčia ‘someone sprawled out’. raūgénia ‘a fermented rye-flour dish’: raūgénia z žytnej muki smačnaja ‘the fermented rye-flour dish is tasty’, cf. Lithuanian raugiẽnė ‘the same’. This Lithuanian loanword is also used here with the Slavic diminutive suffix -ka- — raugénka (: raugénki najelašia ‘I ate my fill of the fermented rye-flour dish’), which, however, as can be seen, does not give the derivative a diminutive meaning. rėzgini ‘pack-saddles’: rėzgini — dzve duški, jany razložacca ‘pack-saddles are two arches; they spread apart’, cf. Lithuanian rėzginės. rupéc’ ‘to matter, be of concern’: rúpic’ mne, jak mama ‘I care about how mother is doing’, cf. Lithuanian rūpėti. ruplívy/rúpny ‘caring’: ruplívy čalavek jon; jana rúpniaja ‘he is a caring person; she is caring’, cf. Lithuanian rūplus, rūpnùs ‘the same’. samánica ‘moss bog’: jon pašou ū samanicu ‘he went into the moss bog’; cf. Lithuanian samanyčia ‘moss bog’. 47 scimbir ‘stalk’: adzin sćimbir astaũsia, a cvet adarvali ‘one stalk remained, but the flower was broken off’; cf. Lithuanian stimbiras ‘same’. A diminutive form of this Lithuanian borrowing, with the Slavic suffix -iok, is also used here — scimbiriók (: scimbiriok tonenki ‘a thin little stalk’). scirta ‘stirta’: scírta sena, salomy ‘hay and straw stirta’, cf. Lithuanian stìrta. sęit/sę́ita ‘sieve, hayrack’: karova pry svajom sęice i jes’c’ z kastaũ; na sęitach use karovy stajali; na sęice karova ne davicca; tpru da sęity ‘the cow eats from the manger by the sieve; all the cows used to be with sieves; the cow does not choke with the sieve; tpru sieve’, cf. Lithuanian sėitas ‘same’. Here this Lithuanian borrowing is also known with the meaning ‘amulet that protects against spells’: ū aptekach pakupali rɔpacku belien’kuju i zaviazali kak puhavicku i pamiš rahou karove, i heta sėitam na-zyvali ‘at the pharmacy they would buy white pills and tie one between the cow’s horns, and that was called seitas’; cf. also the Lithuanian seitas with this meaning. skíba ‘slice, piece’: skíba chleba ‘a slice of bread’, cf. Lithuanian skibà ‘same’. skvjarstúli ‘wedding feast’: skvjarstúli niasli, ciaper moda vyšla ‘they used to hold wedding feasts; nowadays the custom has died out’, cf. Lithuanian sker̃stuvės. The irregular phonetic changes in this Belarusian loanword most likely arose because the word’s meaning had become blurred. slásty ‘traps’: u slásty i šaškou loviac’; u sláštach myša sidzic’ ‘they catch foxes with traps and ferrets; a mouse sits in the trap’, cf. Lithuanian slástai. slis’c’ ‘to slip’: pras kanaũku slis’c’, i maja ruka baltajecca ‘to slip across a ditch, and my arm was left dangling’, cf. Lithuanian slýst. smágly ‘fast’: smágly, charošy, udaly kon’ ‘a fast, good, successful horse’, cf. Lithuanian smagùs ‘same’. The adverb smágla ‘quickly’, from the same root, is also used here: smágla pulia idzec’; smágla parasiata rastuc’; sama smagléi vutka rascəc’ ‘the bullet flies quickly; the piglets grow quickly; ducks grow the fastest of all’, cf. Lithuanian smagiai; see also LKK 30 122. smilgá ‘bentgrass’: adna smilgá rascəc’ ‘bentgrass grows here and there’, cf. Lithuanian smìlga. snárgli ‘snot’: z nasa paciok snárgli ‘snot runs from the nose’; it may also be snarglys, and snargliaũ (if one has a cold). The related word snárglia ‘snot-nose’ is also found here (: ach ty snárglia. ‘oh, you snot-nose’), cf. Lithuanian snãrglius; there is also the verb apsnargliácca ‘to get snotty’ (jon apsnargliaũsia i chodzic’ ‘he walks around covered in snot’). stabarki/stabaróčki ‘plant stems, stalks’: stabarki kvitnuc’ ‘the stalks bloom’; rudzen’kaje siemiano na stabaróčku ‘a brown seed on a stalk’, cf. Lithuanian stábaras ‘same’. The diminutive suffixes of these lexemes are Slavic. stýńka ‘smelt’: u stýńki nijakai kostački nima ‘smelt has no bones’, cf. Lithuanian dialectal stìnta. stóci ‘upright’: stóci kaũnerok frənča ‘the jacket collar is upright’, cf. Lithuanian stáčias. A related adjective, stóčənki ‘upright’, is also found alongside it (: frənč sa stóčənkim kaũnerom ‘a jacket with an upright collar’); its Slavic diminutive suffix -nki does not indicate diminutiveness. Other related forms are adverbs: stačkóm ‘standing upright’ (: stačkóm ja kušaju ‘I eat standing up’), stóć, stócia ‘upright’ (: stóć halavoi paliaceu ‘he fell headfirst’; stócia pilavali ‘we were mowing 48 (‘to become’). stávy ‘loom, weaving frame’: stávy stajali ū chace i tkali na nich ‘the loom stood in the room, and they wove on it’; cf. Lithuanian stōvai ‘ditto’. Lithuanian stōvai is associated with the verb stovėti (Būga RR 2 387, 389, 592); cf. also other numerous derivatives of this word family: stōvas ‘device for placing something in’, ‘stand’, stovėliai ‘wooden device for winding thread’, stovėlis ‘spinning-wheel seat’, etc. The Byelorussian dialects and their literary language have their own word, krósny, while stávy is used only in dialects along the border with Lithuania (SBG 4 561) and is listed as regional, based on Kupala’s writings (Tlum. Sl. 5 296). Thus, the linguistic geography of stávy, as well as its phonetics, accentuation, and derivation, would indicate that it is most likely a Lithuanianism. stolp ‘pillar’: stulpý na razvilku ‘pillars at the crossroads’. This is an obvious Lithuanianism (cf. Lithuanian stulpas), which borrowed from Lithuanian an intact -l- in place of the expected usual ū- and root -p- in place of Slavic -b-. suktýnia ‘suktinis, a kind of dance’: suktýniu i ja tancavala ‘I, too, danced the suktinis’; cf. Lithuanian suktinis. svir ‘lever’: svir kala studni ‘a lever by the well’; cf. Lithuanian svirė ‘pole, pestle’, svirkšnis, svirkštis ‘lever’. svíran/svírsen ‘granary’: u sviran žyta ‘we stored [grain]’; svíərən novy pastavili ‘we put rye in the granary; we built a new granary’. šakalė’ i šakalai’: šakalióu narabiu i natapiu ‘I gathered kindling and lit the fire’; cf. Lithuanian šakalỹs. The verb našakaliác ‘to gather kindling’ is also used here (: našakaliau šakaliou ‘I gathered kindling’). šarsný ‘hornets’: šarsný rudýja, bal’šyja, jak žarnic’, ciarpec’ ne možna ‘the hornets are reddish, big as a fist; they are impossible to endure’. Šarsný derives from Lithuanian širšnai by this route on Byelorussian soil: širšinai > širšenai > šeršný > šarsný. šašók ‘polecat’: šašók dliny, tonki, krasivy, halouka nebal’šaja ‘the polecat is long, thin, and beautiful, with a small head’; cf. Lithuanian šeškas. šaščýcha ‘female polecat’ is also used alongside it (now with a Slavic suffix); other derivatives of this root include: vyviala šaščýcha svajich šaščianiát ‘a female polecat gave birth to polecat kits’. thigh ‘thigh’: they call kumpiak i šlúnkai ‘ham and thigh’, cf. Lithuanian thigh. On Lithuanian au > Belarusian u, see Baltistica 1989 77-78. šúly ‘stakes’: šúly staviać’ u humne, u saraju ‘stakes are set up for the granary and the barn’; cf. Lithuanian šūlas. š kliut/škliut ‘shutter’: škliut taki šyrki, jaho i škliutóm nazývajeć’ ‘the shutter is so wide; they call it a shutter’, cf. Lithuanian skliūtas, skliūtas. The alternation of s- and š- at the beginning of the word is a regular phenomenon in Lithuanian itself. doorframe: šlén gi dzve akno apsažyvajuc’ ‘two doorframes hold the window’, cf. the Lithuanian Germanism doorframe ‘doorframe’ (< Germ. Schlenge), which entered the Vidsy dialect from our dialects. šurpáty ‘rough, bumpy’: rapuhi šurpátyja, nepavartolivyja sidziac’ ‘the toads are rough and clumsy, sitting there’; cf. Lithuanian šiurpa ‘something bristly, tangled’. šùščėc’ ‘to rustle, swish’: šùščýc’ sciana ad makraty ‘the wall rustles from dampness’; cf. Lithuanian šiūšėti ‘to move’. švárka ‘short coat’: švárka tkanaja svajei raboty ‘a woven jacket, homemade’; cf. Lithuanian švarkà ‘ditto’. 49 tópel’ ‘poplar’: tópel’ — duhi chilic’ u pavosku ‘a poplar bent into a hoop for a cart’, cf. Lithuanian dialectal tópelis ‘the same’. trýbradz’ ‘three-pronged fork’: trýbradz’ — bradzic’ dlia trajich ‘a three-pronged fork for fishing for three’, cf. Lithuanian tribradis ‘the same’. trylápnik ‘marsh marigold’: trylápnik — listy kruhlenkija, horki ‘marsh marigold leaves are round and bitter’, cf. Lithuanian trilápis ‘the same’. várža ‘fish trap’: u váržu žyvujú rybu zahaniajec’; varža sa setki zvita ‘they used to put live fish into a fish trap; a fish trap is woven from netting’, cf. Lithuanian várža. viápla ‘fool’: viápla idzec’ ‘the fool is going’. The lexeme derives from Lithuanian dialectal vėpla ‘fool’. viarpiáta ‘shaggy-haired’: jeski parsiuk: viarpiáta na spine ‘a gluttonous pig: a whirl on its back’, cf. Lithuanian verpetà ‘the same’. vijún ‘vijūnas, a kind of fish’: vijún, piškūn — jak chočas; soli jak nasypać’ ‘vijūnas or pyplýs — whichever you want; when you sprinkle salt on it, the vijūnas squeaks; there are few vijūnas’, cf. Lithuanian vijūnas. viksvá/viksá ‘vetch’: malodzen’kuju viksvu jaduc’ karovy, jak nima lepšaha; viksá pašarnaja ‘cows eat young vetch if there is nothing better; forage vetch’, cf. Lithuanian viksvà. The second form of the lexeme, owing to semantic attrition and ease of pronunciation, has lost the suffixal -v- under Slavic influence. ziáuny ‘gills’: vialikija žiauny dzikich svinei ‘the gills of wild boars are large’, cf. Lithuanian žiaunos ‘the same’. zarapėúšy ‘having yellowish growths’: kab zarapėúšy ušy u karovy, žyrnaje malako ‘if a cow’s ears are covered with yellowish growths, the milk is rich’, cf. the Lithuanian dialect of Jūodelėnai (the adjacent Ąpsas area) ažrapėji aũses~ažropėjė aũses ‘ears overgrown with yellowish growths’, and also Lithuanian rópės (in the saying aũsys juodžiausios — gali ropes sėti). zgóisac’ ‘to travel, set off’: davai zgóis aem u les ‘come on, let’s go, let’s head into the forest’, cf. Lithuanian gaišioti ‘to walk off briskly, to stride away’. žagarý/žagiary/žagárčyki/žǝgáry/žygáry ‘brushwood’: žagarý jalovyja ili sasnovyja; nada žagiaróu pryciahnuc’; žagárčyki dobra hariac’; žǝgáry krǝpka sukavatyja; žygárami tapilasia pečka ‘alder or pine brushwood; one needs to haul in some brushwood; the brushwood burns well; the brushwood is very branchy; we heated the stove with brushwood’. The lexeme derives from Lithuanian žagarai. The first two forms of the word are used by older speakers of the dialect. They have also retained Lithuanian stress. The last two forms are used more by younger speakers of the dialect. The lexemes are already much rarer for them, generally known only by hearsay, and are therefore probably distorted because the word’s meaning is not known. The third lexeme already has a Slavic diminutive suffix. žǝgini ‘hay tripods’: u žǝgini skladyvajem sena; žǝgini — sukau try sasta vi ac’ i ložac’ kleviar ‘we put the hay on the hay tripods; hay tripods are three branches set together, and clover is laid on them’, cf. Lithuanian žaiginiai, žaginiai ‘the same’. žǝrgac’ ‘to stride over’: žǝrgai praz plot ‘stride over the fence’, cf. Lithuanian žergti ‘the same’. A prefixed derivative of this root, apžǝrgac’ ‘to straddle’, is also used here (: abžǝrgala pamiš noh, aplupila i dobra ‘she straddled him between the legs, beat him up thoroughly’). 50 žəlki ‘sprouts, shoots’: bul’ba ū žəlkách byla, jak sadzili, no menša mnoha za našaju ‘the potatoes already had sprouts when they were planted, but were much smaller than ours (now)’, cf. Lithuanian želkai ‘sprouts, shoots grown not in the ground’, also žəlkti ‘to sprout’. žylvíca ‘willow’: žylvíca cvicic’ rȧna viasnoi, listy blistiaščyja, pradaū-havatyja ‘the willow blooms early in spring; its leaves are shiny and elongated’, cf. Lithuanian žilvitis. žlúkta ‘soaked; clothes left to soak’: poūny cəbar žlukta nalažyla ‘I put a full tub of laundry to soak’, cf. Lithuanian žlúgtas ‘same’. Other derivatives of this root are also used here (most often with the prefixes na- and vy-): nažlúkčic’ ‘to put to soak’ (:nažlúkčila ū načouke kašulu ‘I soaked shirts in a basin’), vyžlúkčic’ ‘to wash’ (: vyžlúkčila ūsiu bializnu ‘I washed all the linen’), vyžlúkčicca ‘to get soaked through’ (: vyžlúkčilisia na daždže ‘we got soaked in the rain’). žvir ‘gravel’: žvir taki, bul’ba nie ūradzila ‘such gravel; the potatoes did poorly’; cf. Lithuanian žvỹras. The words of Lithuanian origin recorded in the Vidižiai Belarusian dialect and presented here are only a small part of the Lithuanian borrowings used in it, which we managed to record over a little more than a week from the speech of elderly local Belarusians. Clearly, there are many more in their dialect: the dialect under study is a living, dynamic organism, its system is coherent and its lexical resources rich; however, informants do not mention all of this at once, recount it as soon as they meet, or recall and reveal it to the researcher suddenly and quickly. There is therefore reason, among other things, to expect that future research will add to the Lithuanian borrowings in it that have not yet been documented. Even this set of Lithuanian borrowings, however, already provides considerable material that brings to light certain features of the dialect’s linguistic system and the direction of its development. Alongside the Lithuanian borrowings in the dialect that are identical or similar in form and meaning to those used in other Belarusian dialects bordering Lithuania and published in our earlier studies (cf. LKBil. 123—131; LKK 30 113—133; LKSp.L. 182—204; LLTP 47—64; LT 163—195), there are also some heard entirely anew and recorded for the first time in Belarusian dialects generally. These include: aciūža, čópčacca, drabéc’, giévelka, gógisy, kárkisy, (s)kirlec’, krįtpol’ka, krópki, kubálniki, labiák, lepéza, nastrykac’, nэ́try, pelépia, pipiliūk, pūtal’, zarapéušu, žəlki, interjections brint, capt, pirst, slis’, and others. In fact, being older than the Belarusian dialect of this territory itself, they primarily increase the number of Lithuanian borrowings in Belarusian dialects generally and, in our view, contribute above all to explaining substrate phenomena and resolving the problem of the formation and establishment of substrate elements in these dialects. Among the newly recorded Lithuanian borrowings are also Lithuanian terms—loans from Slavic and German, used in forms adapted to the Lithuanian language system, e.g., áliary, stulpý, dźki, kásty, sléngi, and others. In part, these show how the terminology of the dialect under study developed and was enriched through Lithuanian. The phonetics and morphology of borrowed lexemes often show that they formed entirely in accordance with the phonetics and morphology of neighboring dialects. They preserve: a) the pronunciation of Lithuanian old long ā, ē (standard o, ė): gášty, nэ́try, zarapéušu, viápla; b) the change of diphthongs an, em into un, im: brunčki, bundэčka, kimsy, pimpa; c) the affricate c (standard č) before retracted back vowels: aciūža; d) the change of e to a after l (if the word is not of onomatopoeic origin: lagiasý, but lepéza); e) the prefix 51 ata-: atádūr, and others. Thus, their source of origin is beyond doubt. The material presented here shows what Lithuanian borrowings acquired upon entering the Belarusian dialect and how they changed in it. The formation of semantic calques was probably the first impetus leading to the beginning of the erosion of Lithuanian semantics and to the establishment, first and foremost, of Slavic prefixed derivatives. Thus, instead of the Lithuanian prefixes ap-, pri- (apgrėbėstuoti, pristrykoti), the Slavic prefix na- (nagrabestáć, nastrýkać) appeared; instead of Lithuanian iš(si)- (išžlugti, iškrámsoti, išsikė tóti), the prefixes pa-, ras-, vy- (pakręmsac’, raskiręčyc’, vyžlúkćic’) were adopted, and so on. The weakening of the functions of Lithuanian semantics was also caused by a shift to Slavic suffixal derivation. This process is especially noteworthy. Diminutive suffixes are usually added here to the whole Lithuanian word, with the meanings of its component parts no longer understood. For example, buoželė, brazgūliai are diminutive words, yet in their Slavicized forms they acquire an additional diminutive suffix (bažál-ka, brazgúl-ki). Thus, the meaning of the Lithuanian suffixes has already been neutralized here. One of the most important consequences of the Slavicization of Lithuanian borrowings in the dialect is the loss of pitch accent, which, in our view, causes or promotes the reduction of long stressed syllables; cf. akóta, bažálka, harudý, kóukšnuć’, nǝtry, póisavać’, and others. Reduction of long stressed syllables is also found in some Dzūkian dialects, but there too, generally speaking, pitch accents have been leveled (cf. Zinkevičius LD 33—34; Kazlauskas 5). The Lithuanian borrowings in the dialect also reveal phonetic and phonological relations between Lithuanian and Belarusian that have not hitherto been established or described. Among other things, they show that the most pronounced convergence of the phonetic and phonological systems of the Lithuanian borrowings with those of Belarusian dialects consists in the loss of the phonological distinction between long and short Lithuanian vowels, that is, their complete neutralization. As a result, such vowels can readily alternate without a difference in meaning, replacing one another, and words with different meanings often become phonetically assimilated to one another, sounding as though they have the same origin. For this reason, for example, the dialect has grǝbeźdáć’, meaning ‘to rake’, formed from grebezdóti ‘to knock, to stumble noisily’, whereas zagrabiastáć’ ‘to clatter about, to knock’ derives from grebėstuoti ‘to hammer with a rake’. This phenomenon contributes to the comparison of the phonetic and phonological systems of Lithuanian and Belarusian. As a result of the weakening of Lithuanian semantic functions, Lithuanian borrowings in the Vidižiai Belarusian dialect have often changed sporadically beyond recognition, much like many unusual loans in our dialects; cf. miartúl’/viartúl’ ‘a kind of herb’, miłǝgrišk’ ‘rainbow’, piarlóvy ‘pearl barley’, and others, as well as kaklėtas ‘cutlet’, maciklėtas ‘motorcycle’, talerkà ‘plate’, and others. The set of Lithuanian borrowings presented from the Vidižiai dialect shows that their forms are still changing here and have not yet acquired a stable shape. Thus, the formation of this Belarusian dialect is still underway. The material in this article is important for the dialectology, phonetics, phonology, and morphology of both languages, for Baltic-Slavic language contacts, and for the problem of the substrate. ABBREVIATIONS Baltistica 1979 — G r i n a v e c k i e n ė E. J., M a c k e v i č Ju. F. Nekoto- 52 ryje neobyčynje mikrosistemy v dialektnoi strukture belorusskogo govora okrestnostei O psa. — Baltistica 15 (1), 52—65. Baltistica 1989 — Grinaveckienė E., Mackevič Ju. Lithuanian (i) au vowel reflexes in Lithuanianisms of the Belarusians. — Baltistica 3(1) Supplement, 70—80. Būga RR — Būga K. Selected Writings 1—2. Vilnius: State Publishing House for Political and Scientific Literature, 1958, 1959. Dal’ — Dal’ V. Tolkovyj slovar’ živago velikaruskago jazyka 3, S.Peterburg-Moskva: Izdanije knigoprodavca — tipografa M.O. Wolfa, 1882. ESBM — Etymalagičny sloŭnik belaruskaj movy 1—7, Minsk: Navuka i technika, 1978—1991. Fasm. — Fasmer M. Etimologičeskij slovar’ russkogo jazyka 3, Moskva: Progress, 1971. Kazlauskas — Kazlauskas J. Lietuvių kalbos istorinė gramatika, Vilnius: Mintis, 1968. Laučiūtė — Laučiūtė Jū. A. Slovar’ baltizmov v slavianskich jazykach, Leningrad: Nauka, 1982. LKBil. — Grinaveckienė E., Mackevič J. Some phonetic features of Belarusian Lithuanianisms. — Questions of Lithuanian Linguistics 27, Lithuanian Language and Bilingualism, 1988, 123—131. LKK 30 — Grinaveckienė E. Lithuanianisms in the Belarusian dialect of the Kamojai area (Postavy district, Belarus). — Questions of Lithuanian Linguistics 30, Peripheral Lithuanian Dialects, 1993, 113—132. LKK 32 — Grinaveckienė E. Lithuanian-origin place names in the vicinity of Vidžiai. — Questions of Lithuanian Linguistics 32, Studies in Baltic Onomastics, 1993, 21—33. LKSp.L. — Grinaveckienė E. Lithuanian-origin vocabulary in the Belarusian dialects of Lithuania’s border region. — Questions of Lithuanian Linguistics 22, Specialized Lithuanian Vocabulary, 1983, 182—204. LKŽ — Dictionary of the Lithuanian Language, Vilnius: volumes 3—6, Publishing House for Political and Scientific Literature; volumes 7—9, Mintis; volumes 10—15, Mokslas, 1956—1991; 2nd edition, volumes 1—2, Mintis, 1968—1969. LLTP — Grinaveckienė E. Lithuanianisms in the Polish dialect of the Būivyždžiai area (Vilnius district). — Questions of Lithuanian Linguistics 29, Problems of Lithuanian Lexicon and Terminology, 1991, 47—64. LT — Grinaveckienė E., Mackevič Ju. F., Romanovič J. M., Čeberuk J. I. Bytovaja leksika litovskogo proischoždenija v zapadnoj Belorussii. — Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai 16, Lietuvių terminologija, 1975, 163—195. Nepokupnyj — Nepokupnyj A. P. Balto-severoslavjanskije jazykovyje sviazi, Kijev: Navukova dumka, 1976. Nos. — Nosovič I. I. Sloŭnik belaruskaj movy. Minsk: Belaruskaia saveckaja encyklapedyja imia Petrusia Broŭki, 1983. SBG — Sloŭnik belaruskich gavorak: paŭnočna-zachodniaj Belarusi i jaje pagraničča 1—5, Minsk: Navuka i technika, 1979—1986. Tlum.Sl. — Tlumачal’nyj sloŭnik belaruskaj movy 1, 3, 5, Minsk:Belaruskaia saveckaja encyklapedyja imia Petrusia Broŭki, 1977, 1979, 1983. Vitkauskas — Vitkauskas V. Exclusive word variants with vowels a and u. — Issues in Lithuanian Linguistics 29, Problems of Lithuanian Lexicon and Terminology, 1991, 204—207. Zinkevičius LD — Zinkevičius Z. Lietuvių dialektologija, Vilnius: Mintis, 1966. Zinkevičius Ryt. Liet. — Zinkevičius Z. Eastern Lithuania in the past and present, Vilnius: Science and Encyclopaedia Publishing House, 1993. 53 Lithuanian-Origin Words in the Byelorussian Dialect of the Vidžiai District Summary Over 230 words of Lithuanian origin used in the Vidžiai district (Breslauja region, Byelorussia) Byelorussian dialect are analysed in this article. They provide new linguistic data which reveal the peculiarity of this Byelorussian dialect and the variety of its expressive means. Quite a big part of lexemes under analysis have never been registered in this dialect before. They add to the number of words of Lithuanian origin in Byelorussian dialects in general and contribute to solving the problem of formation of substratum phenomena and their getting established in the language. There are terms among the words of Lithuanian origin which have found their way into the language through Lithuanian dialects. They show the way terminology is created and built up. In many cases, words of Lithuanian origin have retained Lithuanian dialectal phonetics and morphology, similar to those of neighboring Lithuanian dialects (:biáral< bēralas~ bēralas ’unwinnowed grain’, brunktí< brunktý< brunktai~branktai ’wooden buttons’, aciūža<aciūža< atsūža ’shudder’, lagiesy<lagēsiai~legēsiai ’yellow thistles’, atáduram<atádūrām~atódūrom ’stand apart’). Facts on which the article is based show how assimilating, the local Lithuanian dialect turned into the substratum, how first of all its semantic system disintegrated and Slavic semantic calques came into usage, and how Lithuanian prefixed verbs were soon replaced by Slavic prefixes. The weakening of the semantic functions of the words of Lithuanian origin predetermined the transition to the Slavic suffixal word building and the neutralization of the meaning of separate parts of the Lithuanian word. The main consequences of Lithuanian words acquiring more and more Slavic features are the disappearing of accent, which in our opinion, causes or stimulates reduction of long syllables, and the loss, complete neutralization of the phonological meaning of the Lithuanian long and short vowels. These peculiarities of words of Lithuanian origin are of importance in comparing the phonetic and phonological systems of the Lithuanian and Byelorussian languages. Words of Lithuanian origin in the Vidžiai dialect manifest that they have not yet acquired their constant forms and are still in the process of changing, which means that the formation of the dialect is not yet over either. The linguistic facts presented in the article are important for dialectology, phonetics, phonology and morphology of both languages as well as for research into the contacts of Baltic and Slavic languages and the substratum problem. 54