Prūsų kalbos „ī(iā)“ kamieno sąsajos su kitais kamienais

XXXVI (1996) LITHUANIAN LANGUAGE: RESEARCHERS AND STUDIES Audronė KAUKIENĖ INTERACTIONS BETWEEN THE PRUSIAN LANGUAGE (ia) AND OTHER LANGUAGE GENRES 1. The Prussian language has preserved better than other Baltic languages the i/1a-root of nouns, continuing the old Indo-European conjugation type, e.g., skr. devi, devyas "deivė", got. bandi, bandjos "link, band", lie. patys, pačios, la. same, same. However, Prussian £/ia-stem nouns are not always easily distinguishable from other soft stem nouns (inconsistencies in spelling, dialect variation, stem mixing, etc.). Most clearly the Prussian i/1a-, ėand i-stem words are recognized in the Elbing dictionary from the singular or plural noun endings: asy, culczi, crausy, crausios (1/ia); sun, wosee, raples (ė); duck, steel "plough" (i). There are many different kinds of catechisms, but it is more difficult to identify the trunk because of the greater mixture of trunks, the soft trunks convergence. Linguistic literature has so far devoted relatively little attention to these questions, the semantic and morphological structure of the words of this stem has not been determined, and the criteria for distinguishing i/i and other (especially é!) stems have not been discussed. There are separate remarks, analyzing this or that example In various works of an etymological nature, from which it is clear that the opinions of their authors differ. The nature of the material of the Elbing glossary and the catechisms and the scope of the subject matter are so different that they need to be considered separately. The conclusions obtained from the analysis of nouns in Elbing’s dictionary can be applied later, when examining much more diverse, but also much more ambiguous examples of catechisms. 2.The nouns of Elbing’s dictionary are analyzed in the following order: first all possible examples are recorded, then their origin, structure and construction and semantic characteristics are discussed. 2.1 30 nouns of the analyzed type were found in Elbing’s dictionary. Most of them are written in the singular form of the denominator, rare examples of the plural. 2.1.1. The ending -y or -7 of the singular denominator is not interpreted in the same way by all authors. V. Mažiulis recommends both PKP II and PKEŽ reading -4 (these reading variants are indicated in square brackets in the list below), clearly seeing +£/iū-trunk everywhere. However, J. Endzelins in the lexical part of "Senprūsu valoda" (DI IV —2) saw the short -7 here (the reading variants are indicated in simple brackets), interpreting it morphologically in various ways (ė-stame, £-stame binary, etc.). However, the material of the Elbing dictionary allows to distinguish very clearly the endings of the stems, at least the singular nominative of the i/ia-stem should not give rise to any doubt. 25 such examples were found: | 1) asy [az1], (azi) "hedgehog- ", 2) bleusky [bl'auski] "meal", 3) dusi [dusi], 87 (dūsi) "soul", 4) garkity [garkiti] "mustard- ", 5) kezti [keksti] "cash", in 6) kiosi [k'asi] "cup", | 7) cosy [kasi] "košeré (breathable throat)”, 8) craysi [kraisi] "straw", 9) crausy [krausi] "pear (tree)”, 10) culczi [kuls1] "nose", (<*kulse), 11) louki [lunki (wauki?)] "path", 12) ludini ['adini] "hostess", 13) mary [mari] "nose", 14) nozy [nasi] "nosehole- ", 16) pelki [pelki] "marsh", | 17) plauti [plauti] "lungs", she 18) posty [pūsti] "pasture", 19) soanzti [spanksti] "spark", 20) stabni [stabni] (<*stabine, ta Trautmanis Apr. Spr. 435) "oven", 21) staydy [skaidi] "iena", 22) wolti [valti] "cock", 23) wubri [bruvi]! "blakstiena, antakis”, 24) sansi [zansi], (zansi) Pash, 25) sari [zar1], (zari) “zarijos”. 2.1.2. As we have already seen from the examples (see 1.), in Elbing's dictionary there are both singular and plural forms of all roots, but there is no true example of an ia-root. There was no such word in Prussian as lie. giria, la. drink? Data show that after 4 the ending *-a is only in the intervowel position: slayo "stream", sloyo "stream", crauyo "blood" (from *krauja, cf. also nom. sg. krawia III, kreuwiey II, acc. kraugen I, krawian III), with suffix -tj-ū claywio [klaivija] "meat (side)", tarbio [karbija] "carriage- ". The only exception with the ending -i@ after a consonant would be a rework from vak. Slavic syrište —sutristio "whey", if you really read [sutrist'a]- (yes PKP II 273), not [sutristija]. 2.1.3. Zodynėly found 5 plural nouns with the ending -ios or -yos (from *-ias): brunyos [brun'as] "armor", dragios [drags] Ca of tt i RL 5S Sie dh ha i "yeast", knapios [k(a)napjas] "hemp", crausios [kraus’as] "pear" and! The form bruws, of course, is etymologically uninterpretable, but such a reading (see | PKP II 261) is not necessary: here it could not be a spelling error, but the phenomenon of the language itself metathesis — (plg. Endzelins DI IV-2 341). 88 | lisytyos [Iisit'as (1iz-7)] "enclosure for horses". Since the singular noun with the ending *-ia is not typical of the Elbing dialect, all these words are considered #/iakamienia. This is confirmed by ir the conjunction crausy (tree) and crausios (fruit). They seem to form one paradigm, kap and lie. the shower: pears. That is why crausios should not be read [krausijas] (as in PKP II 281), but [kraus'as], cf. 478–479, 482–483, 486–487, 488–489, 489–490, 491–492, 492–493, 494–495, 496–497, 498–499, 500–501. 2.2. The k il m é of the i/ia-root nouns under consideration is quite diverse: there are old inherited, newly created, borrowed nouns. The earliest of these have different stems in many related languages — these are nozy "nose", mary ir "marie", sansy ir "goose", ir wubri "eyelash". Correspondents in the Baltic and Slavic languages have to be plauti "lungs" and wolti "cock", only in the Baltic —asy "hedgehog" (relatives in further languages are not considered equivalents due to structural or semantic differences), culczi "buttock", pelky "marsh" and sari "sugar", only in the Slavic —dragtos "yeast" and kiosi "cup". Many of the analyzed words are Prussian nouns (which indicates a fairly high productivity of this type): bleusky "mill", kezti "cask", caysi "straw", louki "path", posty "pasture", soanzti "spark", stabni "oven", staidy "one". Newar are also considered the punishment noseproly "nosehole", the Vedic ludini "hostess", lisytyos "fence" and cosy "košerė" (the common origin of the latter word with Lithuanian koserė leaves no doubt, see Mažiulis PKEŽ II 247, but the differences in structure do not allow them to be considered equivalents). Undoubted debtors are the Slavisms dusi "soul" and garkity "mustard", the Germanism (may have come through the Slavs) brunyos "armor". Very old and not quite clear origin debtors are crausy "hemp" and crausy "pear": crausios "pear". Some of these words have passed from the Prussian (or other Western Baltic) to the Eastern Baltic languages or their dialects, for example, dragios — Prussian Lithuanian drūgės, crausy —lie. kr(i)shower. 2.3. The i/ia-stem nouns of the Elbing vocabulary have certain structure and constructional characteristics. It may be easier to distinguish this type of example from other stem words, especially when examining catechism material. Most of the words under consideration are root words or have primary suffixes, but there are also multisyllabic words with clear secondary suffixes, even punch words (besides noseproly "nosehole" here it is worth remembering the very old punch, which has counterparts in related languages, but is known only from the III Catechism — waispattin "lord"). There is no prepositional word recorded, apparently the prepositional construction was more typical of the ė-stames, e.g. ponasse "panose”, poducre "podukra" or derivatives from the prepositional verbs abstocle "cover", aukleztes "false", sawayte "week", etc. 2.3.1. Many of these nouns are derived from verbs. Undoubted deverbatives are dragios "mielės" (from Byelo-Slavic *dreg- "drėbti /dribti, krėsti /kristi", see Mažiulis PKEZ I 217), kiosi "taurė" (from Byelo-Slavic *kės-"cut, cut", see Mažiulis PKEŽ II 189—191), cosy "kosere” (: Lithuanian kdséti, Latin kūsėt, Greek kasate and others Endzelins DI IV—2 243), sari "žarijos" (: žėrėti Endzelins DI IV—2 298). Deminutyvy are less. The noun crais "hay" is verbally related to craysi "stem, straw" (see Mažiulis PKEŽ II 253), with the adjective *pelk-"grey" —pelky "moor" (Mažiulis PKEŽ II 290, note 140). V. Mažiulis is inclined to regard many nouns of the analyzed type as conjugated adjectives — not only pelky, but also the desubstantiative craysi or the deverbative bleusky "meldas" (from *bleusk-"to bleusk, thin, soften", see PKEŽ I 147—148). These are no longer questions of the formation or etymology of individual words, but concern the history of the whole i/iakamieno type (see 5.). 89 2.3.2. Adverbial nouns are characterized by some peculiarities of structure and construction, uniting them into certain structural-semantic groups. First of all, the deverbatives with the suffix -ti are mentioned: kezti "cash" (from *kes- "to scratch, to comb"), plauti "lungs" (from *pleu- "to swim"), posty "pasture" (from VOC BSL *pas- "pasture, guard"), soanzti [spanksti] "spark" (: lit. spingeti, ap-spaniges, la. spuogat "zibéti"). Structurally similar to them, but differently constructed is the wolti "penis". The suffix -tt recalls the secondary suffix -žt-2, with which the deverb lisytyos "enclosure for casting horses" (from *lis-"(to) narrow, see. 257), and this is very closely related to the structurally borrowed garkity "mustard" (from Polish gorczyca). Another group of words has the suffix -(t)n-1: these are the nominatives stabni "stove" (: stabis "stone") and ludini "hostess" (made from the borrowed ludis "host"). With the suffix -s-7, the deverb culczi "buttock" (from * kulk-"to bend(s)"; In the opinion of V. Maziulis, this is a compounded adjective fem. balt. * ankle "bend", see 297–299). Some similar but not exactly identical suffixes of action and meaning can also be found in ear:+-stem words. Therefore, in addition to the structural, the semantic criterion is very important. 2.4 The meanings of the analyzed words are quite diverse, but it is possible to observe the formation of certain semantic groups: (a) names of body parts — kezti "kasa", kosy "kosere', culczi "buttock- ", nozy "nose", noseproly "nosehole- ", plauti "lungs", wubri "eyelash"; These examples would fit well with III austin "snuckle, muzzle" (unfortunately, unknown noun), perhaps some other nouns from catechisms; b) still-life objects —asy "hedgehog", louki "path", mary "marios", pelky "marsh" (here it would be nice to have also III turin "sea", about this in 4.1. and 4.3.), soanzti "spark", sari "fire"; | (c) plants, parts thereof: bleusky "meldas", garkity "mustard- ", craysi "straw", knapios "hemp", wolti "varpa"; ; d) human activity, its products — kiosi "cup", posty "pasture- ", stabni "oven", staydy "iena", dragios "yeast", lisytyos "enclosure for horses", skolinys brunyos "armor"; e) names of female persons, characters —the old */iū-stammed nouns preserved in catechisms mentioned by E ludini "hostess” acc. martin "bride", waispattin "lord", probably also schlūsnikin "maid", nom. trintawinni "the avenger" 90 (with the suffix -in-, see 2.3.2.). On the other hand, the names of trees (except crausy "pear") and birds (except sansy "goose") are not typical of this type —these words are usually €stame, e.g., addle "spruce", berse "birch", lipe "lime", lazde "hazel", wobalne "apple", etc., gerwe "winch", sarke "snake", warne "raven", etc. 2.4.1. As with other feminine stems, the z/ia-stame nouns of the group meaning can be not only plural (brunyas "armor", dragios "yeast", lisytyos "enclosure for horses"), but also singular —bleusky "meldas (meldai)?, craysi "straw (Siaudai)- ", mary "marios- ", plauti "lungs", sar: "fire", etc. 3. In the Katekizmy dialect, it is much more difficult to recognize the forms of soft rocks. The singular or plural noun would be best suited for this purpose, because in these forms, despite the variations in vowels, some stems can be distinguished by the presence or absence of the ending -s. Unfortunately, there are no reliable forms of the plural denominator, and the singular ending -+ can extend both the historical *-4 and *-é. Thus, the problem of the separation of the #{(ia) and e-roots arises, as well as the problem of the historical relationship of these roots. The historical relationship of the tribes will be discussed later (see 4.). The material recorded in the catechisms shows the convergence of all the soft stems, the coincidence of many vocal endings: gen. sg. -is, that. -i, acc. -in /-ien, gen. pl. -in, dat. - magnets, acc. -ins /-iens. There are many ways to identify the type of a word. The following criteria can be proposed: a) Etymological match, which allows to consider common Indo-European or common Baltic words of this type as £/1ia-stames, e.g., * pati, * veis-pati or * marta. b) Elbing Zodynélis material: common words, structural, constructive or semantic similarity. It is true that the Prussian dialects that have survived to us cannot be identified — they are separated by time and distance, but, anyway, they are dialects of one language. Furthermore, the dialect of the Elbing dictionary does not show any clear signs of stem mixing, so its material is quite suitable as a basis for studying the history of Prussian dialect types. c) Internal structural analysis of the language of catechisms. In the catechisms we find various forms of amusement and various parts of speech, which must be discussed separately. 3.1. Nouns It is obviously very difficult to determine the exact number of specimens of the type under consideration. Here we will try to discuss all possible, more or less reliable cases, reviewing the available forms of phrases in turn. 3.1.1. The ending of the singular denominator -7 or -y, as already mentioned (3.), can be interpreted both as *-4 and as *-€. In the linguistic literature, one can observe the following pattern: in most doubtful cases, 91 tends to reconstruct e-stem forms. It appears that the better-known eastern Baltic languages, with a strong ė root, are strongly influenced here. Ši psichologinė įtaiga verčia laikyti e-kamieniais ne tik tuos katekizmų pavyzdžius, kurie turi šio tipo atitikmenis Elbingo žodynėlyje (pvz., kurpi III ir kurpe E, korpe GrG "kurpė, batas"), bet ir visus tuos žodžius, kurie neturi jokių atitikmenų, o kartais net ir tuos, kurių atitikmenys Elbingo žodynėlyje yra +4/iū-kamieno (pvz., V. Mažiulis, dusi E rekonstruodamas * dusi, abejoja, ar III katekizmo * dusi is not from * dase, zr. PKEZ I 241). It is quite obvious that the € and 7/ia-stems first converged in the non-conjugated position, since the pronounced ending of the denominator remains unconjugated in all available cases, e.g. semmä III (same E) "earth", giwei III [give-i] "life" (for the participant aulausė see 3.5.). If the two stems are not completely overlapping, in the dialect of the catechisms it would be better to prove the existence of the e-stem rather than the #/ia-, because we have a couple of examples mentioned above to prove it (in the Elbing dictionary this stem is quite strong!). ; In addition to the already mentioned kurpi and such words of the historical consonant root as brati "brother", duckti "daughter", muti "mother- ", whose -i must definitely be from *-e (see E brote and mothe), there are several nouns in the catechisms that have a noun ending -i (all examples from Catechism III): kaaubr? "dagys," Kirk? "church- ", peroni "community", riki or rycky "lordship", strigli? "Lips (Lips?)", a rotten "Lady", a righteous "Honor" and a rubbing "Avenger". V. Mažiulis derives the endings -i of all these examples from the unpronounced *-i<*-¢, see respectively PKP II 204, 260, 325, 321, 304, 269, 279, historically considering them as é-stammes (see also PKEŽ II 60, 193). However, these words are quite different, so they can be interpreted differently. It is quite plausible that the e-stame had to be a noun kžrki, borrowed from German. Kirche "church- ", probably é-stame is also considered peroni, cf. similar structure and action medione "hunt" E (see also 3.1.4.). There is a distinct difference between the female names trintawinni and supuni (borrowed from Polish *žu-pani). Both structure and semantics suggest that they should be considered 4/ia stems (see 2.3.2. and 2.4.). Here it would fit nicely and *schlasniki (III catechism form schlūsnikai probably arose by acting on the pre-existing pronoun stai:... stai ast Deiwas schlūsnikai / aina Trintawinni prei sūndin; J. Endzelynas, see DI IV—-2 301), acc. schlūsnikin (see 3.1.4 below) "maid": masc. *schlūsnik(a)s, acc. schlūsnikan, nom. pl. schlūsnikai "servant". There are two ways of interpreting kaaubri [kaubri] "spike" and strigli "lip". In their semantics they are close to the i/ja-stemmed plant names of Elbing Zodynéli (see 2.4.-c). Like most words of this structural type, kaaubri (from *kaub-"- to bend", see Mažiulis PKEŽ II 60), and strigli (: li. Scream, la. 2 The forms kaaubri and strigli can be used in a situation (...kaaubri bhe strigli turet tans tebbei pijst), and the form kirki —a nobleman- 's (...steisei kirki swaise martan), but structurally they are considered nouns, see Mažiulis PKP II 204, PKEŽ II 60, 193 (but Trautmann Apr. Spr. | strigt, zr. Endzelins DI IV —2 317) are deverbatives. However, no example of the vocabulary (except for noseproly "nosehole" with the second sandu of unclear origin) not only does not have suffixes r-žir [-i], 92 but does not even end with these compounds. Meanwhile, é-kamieniy nouns with suffixes -r-č and -l-ė can be found not one: paustre "desert", adlle "spruce", raples "grapples", dumsle "bladder- ", stacle "pillar", and so on. There is no single example of a completely reliable nobleman. The form teists III (laikutei dwigubbus tei sis werts) "honour" could be not only ė-kamienė (: lithu. téisé), but also i/1a-kamiené (structure and semantics recall *dusi, see also 3.1.4. and 3.1.). In those Indo-European languages that have preserved the type of conjugation in question, the noun ending is usually *-ias (i.e. 1ū-kamienė), cf. devyas, got. bandjos, lie. marčios. The Elbing dialect of the Elbing dictionary may have had this ending, alongside nom. garkity "mustard" Mažiulis PKEZ I 328 reconstructs gen. sg. * garkit'ūs. However, this ending could hardly have been preserved in the dialect of the catechisms, in which all soft stems were ending in -is, e.g.: gijwis "life", kirkis "church", Wosis-pile "Goat's castle", Sawlis-kresil "sun chair" (e-stame- ); powaisennis "consciousness, naseilis I, noseilis III [noseilis] "spirit" (ia-trunk- ); etnistislaims III "grace rich” (and 7/4ia-trunk)®. It is difficult to analyze the genitive ending because of this rarity of the verbal forms: very often instead of the expected genitive we find the genitive form in catechisms, e.g.,...esse wissawidiskan wargan /Kermenes bhe Dausin | Labbas bhe Teisin israikilai III 577_g. 3.1.3. The form of the beneficiary is not recorded in catechisms. 3.1.4. There are more final forms than other verbs. the oldest words of this type have the ending -in: martin III, Waispattin III. This limb resembles a skr. -tm and differs from the ia-kamienés endings of other languages (e.g. lit. marčią). True, in addition to the form martin III, there is also martan (in the position of a nobleman) in the catechism: steiser kirki swaise m a r t a n. If this is not a proofreading error, there could be some new morphological phenomenon here, cf. the similarly varying forms madlan III and madlin III (2x) "prayer", and for the pronoun tirtan "third" (fem.) see further below (3.4.4.). The borrowed *dusi (dusi E) has three final forms —all with the ending -in: dūsin, daūsin and dousin III. Perhaps i/1a-kamienas differed from other soft-stem nouns in that it had the ending -in instead of -ien (-ian or -en). Nouns of other roots usually have varying endings, e.g. semmin I | semmien, semien (9x) II, III "earth", nacktin I /nacktien III "night", etwerpsennin III /etwerpsennien III, etwerpsennian II "pardon- ". Therefore, apparently, those nouns that have a suffix with the ending -(t)en are not to be considered 2/ia-stems: peronien III /peronin III "community" and kirken II /kirkin = 3 Some ia-stem nouns have different endings. These are very rare cases: tauwischies II, tawischas III [tavišas] (next to tawischis I) "near", nierties 111 "'narto" and rikijas III "pan". 93 I, kijrkin III "church" (the noun of these words ends in -i, cf. 3.1.1.) or arien "grain" (V.Mažiulis here sees the substantivated adjective *ari, cf. PKEŽ I 93). Of course. if such a form is not recorded, individual examples with the ending -in do not yet allow any conclusions to be drawn about the root (e.g. austin "nasrus", pramadlin "pretext" III), unless other structural or semantic criteria appear (e.g. schlūsnikin "maid", see 3.1.1.). The more examples with the ending -in, the more likely it is that the word is 4/1akamieno. Such words could be rik: "lordship" (borrowed from Goth. reiki) and teisi "honour" (both the nouns end in -¢, see 3.1.1.): rikin III (4x) and teisin III (4x), teischin III. 3.1.5. The plural form of the nominative is not found in catechisms. 3.1.6. Plural genitive form dusin III:...beggt tenner bude kirscha iouson Du = s 1 n. The plural genitive ending -in is typical of all nouns in soft stone language. It is true that the preposition kirsa "over" is usually used with a suffix, but then the ending -ins is expected (see 3.1.8.). 3.1.7. The number of users is not recorded. In the position of the beneficiary, the form is waispattin III: Steimans Butta Rikijans bhe Bntas Waispattim. Judging by the Rikijans, it should be the form of the backhand. 3.1.8. We have two forms of the adjective, both used in the position of an indirect noun —dusin (see 3.1.6.) and waispattin (see 3.1.7.). The ending -in instead of the expected -ins, if it is not a typing error, could be a 4/iG-trunk attribute. | 3.2. Adjectives Most of the adjectives found in catechisms are of the hard stem—paradigm -(a)s, -a, -an. There are fewer adjectives for soft stem, but they are quite varied. Some forms of the feminine genus can be considered t/iū-stammes. The first example here is gillin III: Stwi dai Deiws ainan gi llin maigun krūt nostan smunentinan (maiggun, judging by the form, is acc. sg. fem., nom. sg. should be *maysa >*maigu). 1963. pp. 363. "Reconstruction- ". s.g. Five. *deep, also indicates the mass. *gilus = lie. deep, la. deep. The reconstruction of the u-stem of the masculine form is apparently based primarily on etymological parallels and the oldness of the paradigm -us, -¢, -u. In the Prussian language itself, such a paradigm is not attested anywhere. In Lithuanian, u-stemmed adverbs often correspond to a-stemmed adverbs, e.g. kartai "times", rams "decent- ": ramais, sparts "strong- ": spartus. All the verbs found in the catechisms, which can be considered u-canonic, have the ending -us after the consonant g: augus "gobsus- ”, preitlangus "lengvas- ", acc. sen...polligun "with level", poligon "similar", neutr. (adv.) polygu "similarly". It is true that the adjectives *leng-u-/lang-u "easy" and *lig-u "easy" have etymological parallels with u-roots in related languages, but they are both prepositional derivatives in Prussian. None of these examples have a feminine-; 94 there are no forms of this genus that could confirm that they are really u-stems, that the end u is not a murmuring sound, which arose by abbreviating the end after a palatal consonant (cf. asmus "ashes" after a labial m). In addition, in Prussian, the £/ia-stem budwardies of the feminine gender can also be found alongside the masculine forms of other stems (a-, and especially i/ia-). The first example is postippin "all" (fem.):...kaidi tans stan postippin Chritianiskan | nosemmien preiwacke, senrinka ("all Christianity"). As indicated by the adverb postippan "whole", the masculine form should be a-stame. ; It is quite safe to speak about the paradigm -is, -4, -i(n). There is no evidence, at least in the catechisms, of e-stem adjectives of the feminine gender in Prussian (see lit. didelis, didelė, medinis, medinė, etc.). The adverbs of this type of soft stoneware are arwis "true", enriched wyssen mukis II, acc. wissemokin II, wissemukin III "all-powerful", ackewijstin III "akivaizdų (akivaizdzia)”, perhaps also Elbing zodynélio gailis "white" (Maziulio PKEZ I reconstructed *gailas), caltestis [kaltiskis PKP II 286] ”avilinis” in the combination caltestisklokis and mynsis "closed” —they are not presented in the usual form of the second-generation with the ending -an. Iš tokių būdvardžių padaromi prieveiksmiai (= prieveiksmiškai vartojamos niekatrosios giminės formos) paprastai baigiasi -4, pvz., arwi "tikrai", perarwi "iš tikro", isarwi "ištikimai, aktwjsti "obviously- ," maybe even "generally- ." 3.2.1. Especially many examples of this type are with the productive adjective suffix -ing-. The name of the family. s.g. forms with the ending -ing-(i)s use the feminine form -ingi (*-ing-1) and the non-feminine forms -ingt, -ingin*. The abbreviated (unaccented) feminine noun ending is graphically no longer distinct from the non-accented form. In addition, the catechisms often use adjectives with similar forms instead of expected adjectives, such as isspretingi "understood", musingin "possible" or glandewinget "consolatingly". We can not always say exactly what form we have in one case or another. Therefore, we will list here all the more or less reliable examples of the feminine gender: nom. s.g. ainaseilingi III "alone" or "alone" (Kawida aina ticra widdewu bhe ainaseilingi ast), acc. s.g. auschaudiwingin Aucktairikijskan "reliable seniority" III and warewingin III (postan w a r e wi g i n rankan Deiwas "under the mighty hand of God"). It is noteworthy that all examples of the singular ending —both feminine and masculine— have the ending -ing-in (there is no example with -en or -ien!). Remove the arrow 3.3. Numerals Of the same structural type as the adjectives already described is the transitive numerals tirt(i)s (tirts I, tirtis II, tarts III), fem. tirti (Stai Ti rti Maddla "the Third Request- ") III. Mažiulis PKP 320 suggests that Ąą in Prussian, unlike in other Baltic languages, adjectives with suffix -ing are not a/ū-stem, but this is a separate topic, worthy of special study. 95