Dėl balsių „a“, „o“, „e“, „ė“ kaitos slavizmuose

LIETUVIŲ KALBOTYROS KLAUSIMAI XXXVII (1997) LEKSIKOGRAFIJOS IR LEKSIKOLOGIJOS PROBLEMOS Zigmas ZINKEVIČIUS ON THE ALTERNATION OF THE VOWELS a, o, e, ė IN SLAVIC LOANWORDS Instead of Slavic a, Lithuanian loanwords have the vowels a, o, e, ė; for example, Polish panna became panà in Lithuanian, while pan became põnas; yet instead of žart, czas we have žertas ‘jokes, mockery’, and čėsas. Why is this so? The aim of this article is to examine this phenomenon and identify its regularities and causes. A short article cannot discuss all the implications of this complex phenomenon; it will be content to address only the most important points. First, it must be stated that the principal cause of this phenomenon is the gradual narrowing of the Baltic long ā in Lithuanian, and its eventual change into the vowel o. This led to the emergence of two kinds of variants—with o and with a—and often to doublets of the very same words. For example, alongside arbatà, dialects also have arbotà. Compare also panà and the dialectal ponà, granyčià ‘boundary’ and gronyčià, kvāsas ‘kvass’ and kvõsas, talierkà ‘plate’ and tolierkà (the latter word’s original source is German Taller). Doublets occur not only in common vocabulary but also among proper names; compare surnames of baptismal-name origin: Adamõnis, Adamkus, Adamkevičius and Adomõnis, Adõm kus, Adomkevičius; Baltramėjus (Baltramiejus), Baltramaitis, Baltramavičius and Baltromėjus (Baltromiejus), Baltromaitis, Baltromavičius; Bartkus, Bartkevičius and Bortkus, Bortkevičius; Blažys, Blažaitis, Blaževičius and Bložys, Bložaitis, Bloževičius. There are many such examples. Generally, older variants have the vowel o, while newer ones have a. However, the choice between o and a was determined not only by the time of borrowing or of the personal name’s emergence, but also by the degree to which long ā had narrowed in a given dialect at the time of borrowing. In addition, one must also bear in mind the adaptation of loanwords and the resulting tendency to change Slavic a automatically to Lithuanian o, even after Lithuanians had already rendered long ā as o. In the eastern outskirts of the Lithuanian-speaking area, where contact with the Slavs is very old, variants with o are much more numerous than elsewhere in Lithuania. Here, for example, people also say bõkas ‘deposit’, bõlius ‘feast’, dõkas ‘roof’ (from dach, дах), dõktorius ‘doctor’, kanovà ‘ditch’ (канава), kavõlkas ‘piece’ (Belarusian каба́лак, gen. sg. каба́лка), kovà ‘coffee’, morkà ‘postage stamp’ (marka, марка), mozà ‘grease’ (маз, мазь), porà ‘steam’ (пара, пара), põrabkas ‘hired hand’ (парабак), põsas ‘passport’, stõršas ‘senior’ (starszy, старший), škõla ‘school’ (szkola <Latin schola), ultõjus ‘idler’ (гультай), votà ‘cotton wool’. For more examples, see Baltistica X(1), 92 and XXII(2), 68–69. 196 Not all these loanwords, nor those in every East Lithuanian dialect, should be considered old, especially since in many places here the ancient long ā narrowed relatively late; in some places, ā with an o quality, or even a pure ā, is still pronounced today. Incidentally, in such dialects, words newly borrowed from the standard language or other dialects acquire the diphthong o in place of uo, since these dialects have no true o vowel in their system; for example, people say armūonika, agranuõmas, muõzna, puõl'ka, pamiduõras... and Adiuõpa ‘Adolfas’, Bruõnius, Mūonika, and so on. The relatively recent nature of variants with o is also indicated by words such as aktōras ‘hectare’, which entered the Lithuanian language relatively recently. However, some variants with o that are absent from the standard language have been recorded far to the west of Lithuania. For example, the word pošnia ‘field, soil, crops’ (pasznia, пашня) is used around Marijampolė, Lazdijai, Punsk, Šimonys; ronyčia ‘path across a field’ (граница) around Skuodas and Mosėdis; kvōsas ‘kvass’ and mōzoti ‘to smear’ were even found in Lithuania Minor (there, from Polish kwas, mazać). Many such forms, now encountered only in dialects, were already used in old writings. For example: aktovā (from Polish oktawa) in DP, SD; moliavōti ‘to paint’ in DP, BB; ponā ‘maiden, girl’ in PK, SD; senotas ‘senate’ in SD; seliova ‘vendace’ in SD; slova ‘glory’ in Ch; švobas ‘Swabian’ in SD; tolieris ‘a coin of that value, a thaler’ in DP; tolierka ‘plate’ in SD, among others. All this refutes the hypothesis advanced by some linguists (J. Kazlauskas, V. Mažiulis) that Proto-Baltic had a long *ō in place of present-day Lithuanian o; moreover, that hypothesis is also incompatible with the evidence from Slavicized ancient Baltic place names, especially hydronymy. Compare the river names Абольна (: облый), Нача – Ночя, Бака – Воке̇ and many others. Conversely, Lithuanian has a in place of the Slavic vowel o. For example, abāzas ‘military camp’ (Polish obóz), bagōtas ‘rich’ (bogaty, богатый), grašis ‘small coin’ (grosz), lokamstva ‘greed’ (łakomstwo), macnūs ‘strong’ (mocny). Compare also pāpas in DP, MP, SD, meaning ‘Orthodox priest’ (pōpas is a late borrowing from Russian поп). This provided the basis for adapting words of Slavic origin by automatically replacing their o with Lithuanian a, and their a with Lithuanian o. After affricates and the consonants r, š, ž, our Slavic neighbors have a secondary-origin vowel a, which arose as a result of these consonants becoming hard. In such words, Lithuanians often have ė or e instead of the expected o or a. For example, cėlius in Tvr, alongside cōlis in other dialects, ‘a unit of length equal to 25.4 mm’ (from Polish cal); andarēkas (undarēkas) in Brsl, instead of andarōkas (undarōkas) in other dialects, ‘skirt’ (from Polish andarak < German Unterrock), šarenčius in Žml instead of šarančius ‘locusts’ (Polish szarańcza, Russian саранча), pažėras in Kls, Tvr, Lz instead of pažāras ‘fire’ (pożar, пожар). Our eastern neighbors, the ancestors of today’s Belarusians, began hardening the palatalized affricates and the consonants r, š, ž in the 14th century, while our southern neighbors, the Poles, hardened them even earlier. In any case, these consonants are already reflected as hardened in the chancery language of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. Thus, the ancient Slavic sequences c'a, č'a, r'a, s'a, z'a (= ce, če, re, še, že) changed to ca, ča, ra, ša, ža as a result of the hardening of palatalized c', č', r', s', ž'. In Lithuanian Slavic loanwords borrowed before this hardening, the vowel after these consonants is e, which narrowed in lengthening position and became the present-day ė; for example, čerepvčia Sd, čerpe in 17th-century dictionaries < черепица (>Belarusian чапаніца). In loanwords borrowed after the hardening, we find o(ă) instead of e(ė), 197 but the softness of the consonant is usually retained, e.g., čiobras, čiobrelis ‘a kind of medicinal herb’ alongside čėbras, čėbrėlis—both variants are already found in seventeenth-century texts, and it is difficult to determine which is the result of normal phonetic development and which a product of hypercorrection, especially since the origin of Slavic чабръ is unclear. It should be noted that the če (čė) || či-type doublets have been affected by sound adaptation and hypercorrection even more than the a || o alternation. Therefore, only more characteristic examples of this phenomenon will be presented below, with attempts in some cases to offer a tentative explanation for the reasons behind their particular vocalism. We shall begin with words containing ė, e, which are attested in the old writings. First, words with this vocalism in the position after č are presented: čebàtas ‘long boot’ DP, Vln, SD, KN from чеботь> чобот (a Tatar loanword?). Cf. čebatõrius ‘shoemaker’ DP, SD < чеботарь; čėdyti ‘to save, conserve’ Mž, WP, BB, MP, SD from щадить (Slavic *ščędĭti); čėrkà ‘small glass’ Ch, SD from czarka (hypercorrection?); černýlas ‘ink’ BB from чернило (Belarusian чарніла). In time it was displaced by the native word rašalas, čėrtas ‘devil’ Mž, DP, WP, KN from чертъ (Belarusian чорт, Polish czart, czort); čėsas ‘time’ from часъ (probably hypercorrection); čėsnākas BB, Ch, SD from чеснок (Belarusian часнок); čėstis ‘happiness’ Mž, BB, DP, Ch, KN from счастье (Slavic *ščęstьje). Cf. čėst/lyvas ‘happy’ Lex, ščėstlyvas ‘ditto’ KN (Belarusian счастливый); čėstis, čėstis ‘honor; treats’ Mž, BB, DP, Ch, PK from честь; čėstavóti ‘to entertain, treat’ Mž, BB, DK, KN from чествовать; čėvergàs ‘Thursday’ DP, PK, WP from четвергъ (Belarusian чацверг); pėčėtis ‘seal’ Mž, BB, Vln, PK, SD from *печать> печать. Cf. pėčiotis ‘same’ S. Dauk. Position after r (soft r′ hardened only in Belarusian, and then not in all of its dialects): rėčkà ‘half-barrel’ Mž, Q from ряжка (Belarusian ражка); rėdas ‘row, order’ Mž, DP, Ch from рядъ (Belarusian рад); rėdyti ‘to put in order, adorn’ from рядить; Position after š. šenavóti ‘to respect, love’ Ch, KN from Polish szanować< and Old High German schonen; šėnavõnė ‘respect’ Ch from Polish szanowanie (hypercorrection?); šėpà ‘cupboard’ SD from шапа or Polish szafa<, German Schaff (hypercorrection?); šėporius ‘overseer, servant’ KN from Polish szafarz <, Old High German schaffâri (hypercorrection?); šėtrà ‘tent’ DP from Polish szatra (a loanword from Turkic, cf. Tatar čadyr; the Lithuanian form with ē is most likely to be explained as hypercorrection). Position after ž. žėdnas ‘everyone; no one’ BB, WP, Ch, KN from жадны, жадень, Polish żadny (hypercorrection?); 198 žėglius, žėglis ‘sail’ MP from Polish żagiel (<German Segel). Bretkūnas also used it; in his writings it may be a loanword from German. Cf. žėgliorius ‘sailor’ MP; žėkas ‘church attendant, pupil’ Mž, BB, WP, DP, MP from Polish żak < Latin diacus, diaconus (hypercorrection in Lithuanian?); želavóti ‘to pity’ BB < жаловать, Polish żałować and želaba ‘mourning’ Ch from жалоба (hypercorrections?). Cf. želaba ‘mourning’ BB; žertas, ‘laughter, mockery’ KN from картъ or Polish żart < German schérz. Cf. žertavóti ‘to joke, to mock’ Ch from Polish żartować. Examples with e, ė, not attested in old writings but found in present-day dialects: Position after c, č: čėrius ‘tsar’ Ad, Tvr, Dsn, Šlčn, Lz from царь (adapted from цѣсарь < Latin Caesar); čėdas ‘soot’ Ad, Dv, Lz and čėdas ‘same’ Grv, Žž, Bsg, Vb from чадъ, Polish czad (hypercorrection?). Cf. čiõdas ‘same’ Plš, Kltn; čėjus ‘tea’ Ad from чай < Tatar čaj (hypercorrection?). Cf. čõjus ‘same’ Švnč; čėrai ‘sorcery, enchantment’ Lz, Švnč, Rdm, Kp and čėrai ‘same’ widespread from чары (hypercorrection?). Position after š. šebalbónai ‘a plant of this kind’ Šn and šabalbónai ‘same’ widespread from Polish szabelbon or East Prussian German šabalbóne (hypercorrection?); šėbas ‘Jewish Sabbath holiday’ Ds and šābas ‘same’ widespread from шабас, Polish szabas < Yiddish shabbes < Hebrew shabbāt⁹ (hypercorrection?); šėželka ‘pond’ Mlt, Dkšt, Dglš and šėžlauka ‘same’ Tvr from сажевка, Polish sadzawka (hypercorrection?). Cf. sõdžiauka widespread, sōdzauka Ch, sõžiauka DP, SD. Position after ž. žėba ‘frog’ Lz, Kls, Šlčn, Dbč, Zt, Nč from жаба, žaba (hypercorrection?). Further study of these and other words (only more representative examples are given) should clarify the actual causes behind the emergence of variants with a, o, ė, e; that is, determine where normal sound development is involved and where the outcome was shaped by adaptation, hypercorrection, or other phenomena. ŠALTINIAI BB – Biblia tatai esti Wissas Schwentas Raschtas Lietuwischkai pergulditas per Jana Bretkuna Lietuvos Plebona Karaliaucziuie (1590 m. rankraštis). Ch – S. B. Chilinski – Biblie su didžiu dabojimu perguldita Lietuwos žmonėms..., išspaus­ta Londone 1660 m. S.Dauk – Simonas Daukantas, jo raštai. DK – Kathechismas arba mokslas kiekwienam kriksczionii priwalws... Išguldytas... per Kuniga Mikaloju Daug sza... Išspąustas Wilniuie... 1595. DP – Postilla Catholicka... Per Kúnigą Mikaloiv Davkszą... iż lękiszko perguldita... Wilniui Drukárnioi Akademìos... 1599. KN – (S. Jaugelis Telega) Psalmay Dowida szwenta... (Kniga Nobaznistes Krikščioniszkos... antra karta perdrukawota... Kiedaynise... 1653). 199 MP – Postilla Lietuwiszka... Wilniwy per Jokubą Morkuną... Metuose... 1600. Mž – Mažvydo s. Seniausieji lietuvių kalbos paminklai iki 1570 metams... Kaunas, 1922. PK – Polski z Litewskim Katechism... Nakładem... Málcherá Pietkiewicżą... W Wilnie: Drukował Stanisław Wierzejski... Roku 1598. Q – Buv. Karaliaučiaus archyvo rankraštinis (vadinamas A.Krauzės) vokiškai lietuviškas XVII amž. žodynas. SD – Dictionarium trium linguarum, In usum Studiosae Iuventutis, Avctore... Constantino Szyrwid... Quinta editio... Vilnae... M. DCC. XIII. Vln – Bartholomäus Willent’s litauische Uebersetzung des Luther’schen Enchiridions und der Episteln und Evangelien... Göttingen... 1882. WP – Volfenbiutelio postilė (Volfenbiutelio bibliotekos 1573 m. rankraštis). ZUM WECHSEL DER VOKALE a, o, e, ē IN DEN SLAWISMEN Zusammenfassung Statt des slaw. a liegen in den lit. Entlehnungen die Vokale a, o, e, ē vor, vgl.: panna, pan, zart, szas und lit. panā, põnas, žērtas, čēsas. Wie ist das zu erklären? Im Beitrag wird diese Erscheinung untersucht; es wird der Schluß gezogen, daß sie im Litauischen vor allem bedingt sind durch den Übergang der baltischen langen ā, ē in die geschlossenen engeren o, ē sowie der slawischen palatalisierten c, č, r, š, ž in harte Konsonanten und der Veränderung der nachfolgenden Vokale. Die vorliegenden Varianten spiegeln in vielen Fällen die Chronologie des Entlehnungsprozesses wider; doch ist diese ziemlich ungenau wegen des nichtsynchronischen Übergange von ā, ē in engere Vokale, der in litauischen Dialekten beobachtet wird wie auch wegen der Adaption und der Hyperkorrektion der Entlehnungen, die nicht immer leicht zu erklären sind. Die eigentlichen Ursachen also, die Entstehung mancher Varianten im Vokalsystem bestimmt haben, sind schwer zu ergründen. 200