Pietų aukštaičių ir rytų aukštaičių vilniškių priežastiniai veiksmažodžiai žodynuose

LITHUANIAN KALBOTYROS QUESTIONS XXXVII (1997) LEXICOGRAFIES IR Gertrūda NAKTINIENĖ SOUTHERN AUKŠTAITIS AND EASTERN AUKŠTAITIS VILNIUS LANGUAGES CAUSAL VERBS IN THE DICTIONARIES 1. Difficulties in presenting causal and auxiliary verbs in the academic “Lietuviy kalbos žodynas” (hereinafter —LKŽ) prompted a broader interest in their use in the South Highland and East Highland Vilnius dialects. These dialects are particularly problematic in terms of the -(J)ytr, -(J)intived suffixes. Some of them are improperly regarded as pre-causal, e.g., to empty Pls (LKZ XI 427), or even as subordinate, e.g., to abandon Rod (LKZ VII 243), to answer Grv (LKZ XII 22), to deseriate Grv, Rod (LKZ XII 356-357), to accept Dv, Rod, Knv, Arm (LKZ IV 66). Therefore, it is interesting to examine what priezastiniy (and subordinate?) verbs are presented in “Lazūnų tarmės žodynas” (hereinafter — LzZ) and “Druskininkų tarmes žodyne“ (hereinafter — DrskŽ), and to compare their data with LKŽ data and works of various authors. All the verbs presented in LzŽ and DrskŽ were selected, having the formal and semantic features of causative verbs and base words recorded in these dictionaries or in “Dictionary of Lithuanian Language". 2. Unlike LKŽ, the prepositional verbs LzŽ and DrskZ are not usually associated with the base words. As stated in the introduction to the LzŽ, the use of grammatical marks for marking verbs was refused, “because many of them have the same characteristics as Ik. " (LzŽ 11), while -dy and some other suffixes may have more than one meaning, depending on the context, therefore “without further examination of them such characteristics can only be misleading" (LzŽ 11). In DrskŽ there are only a few occasional cases where causative verbs are associated with base words: a) several causative verbs are marked with grammatical abbreviations, e.g. migdyti caus. migti (DrskZ 210), b) several times used perphrases “make that...”, “turn (what to do)", e.g.: siūgždyti, -0, -€ “make that Siugzdety” (DrskZ 377), (DZ,prz.), 2 pidyti, pūdžia, -ė “make to rot" (DrskZ 285), plukdyti, phikdo, plikdé 1. “teaching, forcing to swim" (DrskZ 274). When limiting the volume of the dictionaries, methods of presentation were chosen, when words are compared with common language equivalents presented in DZ, LzŽ explained “as Ik. " (after words, meaning and form coinciding with DZ) and “as Ik. 1" (after words whose form differs somewhat, but the first meaning coincides with the given DZ). The same is true for DrskZ. When associating words with DZ, the corresponding forms of Sie are used: “kaip bk.”, “kaip bk. reikšme- “, “kaip bk. 154 meaning". That the verb is considered causal in these dictionaries can usually be perceived only in an indirect way. E.g.: lipdyti, lipdo, lipdė “as in bk. " 193) (p. sculpt, sculpt, sculpted 1. prž. 2 lipti 1 (DZ, 372); sing, singing, singing “as bk. reikSmemis’ (DrskZ 327) —see skandinti, -a, -0 1. pr. skesti 1. (DZ, 704). The same applies to the interpretation of synonyms, e.g., mirkdyty, -ina, -ino “to hide” (DrskZ 212) —cf. $/apinti, -a, -o “to make wet" (DZ, 817), i.e. “to make what" is the usual perphrase of adjective-origin adverbs of Zastiniy. Such inaccurate descriptions of meanings and the absence of illustrations for reasons of conciseness make the picture of dialectal lexicon incomplete, and the study of semantics and usage often even impossible. It is not always possible to determine whether the meanings of causative verbs and their base words correspond, and the base word is sometimes not even given. 3. least differences from bk. have primary verbs of another degree of vowel change, which, although irregularly in dictionaries (DZ, DZ, DZ,, LKZ) and in theoretical literature are considered to be preZastiniai (Jablonskis 1957: 289; LKG II 25; Paulauskienė 1994: 286 —287). That they are considered such in these dialect dictionaries can only be guessed from the presentation, e.g., plėšti, -ia, -¢ “as Ik. 2000. pp. 10. "About Us, About Us, About Us, About Us". tear. 1. “to moisten, to peel off the surface” (DS, 573). Difference in form from bk. matches occur only one another. The minetine verb grduti, -na, grove “to turn” (LzZ 84) next to griūti, griūna, griūvo (LzZ 87), esam. I. III person variant kė/a next to kélia (DrskŽ 146). LzZ does not record any meanings that could directly relate the verbs dziduti (LzZ 68), traukti (LzZ 269), vefsti (LzZ 284) to the verbs džiūti (LzZ 68), trūkti (LzZ 271), virsti (LzZ 288). It is not clear whether these meanings are not present in this speech or whether they were not recorded by lexical data collectors. 4. A fairly abundant form of causative verbs is -inti, -ina, -ino. Most of them coincide with the corresponding bk. verbs, e.g.: b4A/tinti, -ina, -ino “as Ik. " (LzŽ 31): white (LzZ 31), white (LzŽ 31); fermented, -ina, -ino “as in lk. " (LzZ 225): bitter (LzZ 226), etc. Analog derivatives of the suffix -intfi are found in Dievėniškės, e.g. reik'a paval ginc’ (feed) vaikams (Lipskienė, Vidugiris 1967: 207). Among the causative verbs presented in DrskZ, the subtypes -yti, -ina, -Ino stand out for their particular abundance. In Druskininkai dialect, like in other southern Altai dialects, the -inti verbs have been replaced by the -y#/verbs. The variations of these prepositions, although not sufficiently studied, are known more widely, for example, Š/apinti || šlapyti Ukmergė (LD 198). The communicative suffix -ytr probably originated by analogy with the new future tense forms without n, resulting from the action of the phonetic law in/s>y 155 (Endzelynas 1957: 181; LKG II 265). There is no prefix -inti in Druskininkai dialect at all, so DrskZ is used in the headings of these verbs to communicate with -ytr. This is the opposite of the LKŽ, where facts of many dialects and dialects are presented together. In this case, the variants of the same verb root, when the present and past tense forms coincide, are included in one dictionary article. The communicative suffix -yti in LKZ is indicated as a variant of the suffix -inti, e.g.: sadsinti(- -yti), -ina, -ino Drsk, Grv (LKZ XII 217-218). From this subtype of verbs distinguish: a) pronunciation variants, e.g.: dZiovyti, -ina, -ino (DrskŽ 82), ilsėti, -ina, -ino “to bother” (DrskZ 119), juoktis, -ina, -ino “as in bk. meaning" (DrskŽ 129); b) variants of meanings, e.g.: nugeibyti, -ina, -ino “to number” (DrskŽ 97), gyvyti, -ina, -ino “to revive” (DrskŽ 104), grynyti, -ina, -ino “to make poor” (DrskZ 113): cf. gryninti, -a, -o “to make pure” (DZ, 187). 5.Compared with the common language, the forms of construction of priezastiniy verbs -yz, -0, -ė are rare in the dialects of Southern and Eastern Vilnius Highlands. The examples LzŽ and DrskŽ are found only one another, e.g.: junkti, -o, -ė 1. “wean from sucking", 2. “teaching” (DrskZ 127): join (DrskŽ 128), extinguish, géso, gésé see extinguishing (LzŽ 79). 6. Very darus is the subtype of the -yti variant of the prefix -dyt/action -dyti, -o, -€. Many of the verbs of this subtype are the same as bk., e.g.: 1) liečiť, -0, -ė “like 1k.” (LzZ 79): 1 gyti (LzZ 81), migdyti, migdo, migdė “as 1k.” (LzŽ 163): migti (LzŽ 163), tildyti, -o, -ė “as 1k.” (LzŽ 267): titi (LzŽ 267), etc.; 2) klupdyti, klipdo, klupdė “as in bk. " (DrskZ 159): klūpti (DrskZ 159), tupdyti, tūpdo, tūpdė 1.“ daryti, kad tupéty” (DrskŽ 422): klūpti (DrskŽ 422); žėldyti, -o, -ė 1. “to make gold” (DrskZ 474): Zélti (DrskŽ 474) etc. In Druskininkai dialect, cases of o-stem verbs transitioning to sa-stem have been observed, e.g.: girdžia (DrskŽ 102) “he heard”, migdžia (DrskZ 210) “migdo”, pūdžia (DrskZ 285) “he blew” and so on. J. Kardelytė has described the transition of the o-stem forms of this suffix to Ja-kamieng in Gervėčiai dialect, e.g.: girdz'a—girdžia “heard”, rddz'a~ rodžia “shows”, unšildz' a —anšildžia “warms up” (GrvT 82-83). According to Z. Zinkevičius, iakamieno forms of causal -dprepositional verbs have been observed in many eastern Altay dialects. “The beginning of the fluctuation will have been given by the same past tense, cf. gydo, gydė and snaudžia, snaude” (LD 344), 7. few causative verbs of the subtypes -dyti, -dina, -dino were found (their present and past tense forms are usually presented in dictionaries without -d-), e.g. : Sokdyti, -ina, -ino 1.“ make jump" (DrskŽ 383), hinder, -ina, -ino 1. “to waste time, to obstruct” (DrskZ 420) etc. Only two words in LzZ found with the forms -yti, -ija, -ijo —baltyti, -ija, -ijo (LzZ 31): baltas, balti (LzŽ 31) and the Slavic root čfstyti, -ija, -ijo “clean” (LzŽ 48) —are quite atypical derivatives of this system. 9. The causative verbs of both Druskininkai and Lazūnai dialects are characterized by variability. In LzZ there are variants between -inti, -ina, -ino and -(d) yti, -0, -ė verbs, e.g.: gesyti, gėso, gėse see gesinti (LzZ 79): gesinti, -ina, -ino (rt.) “as lk.” (LzZ 79), pirkdyti, pirkdo (pirkdžia), pirkdė see pirkdinti (LzZ 195): pirkdint, -ina, -ino “to buy” (LzZ 195), sdldyti, -o, -ė zr. sweeten (LzZ 228): sweeten, -ina, -ino 156 ‘as 1k.” (LzZ 228). The variants -(d)yti, -0, -ė are quite reasonably referred to -intr, -ina, -ino as the main ones: the latter are the most common of all causative verbs recorded in LzŽ. In Druskininkai dialect, as in other southern Highland dialects, these types and subtypes of usage are even more confused and abundant in adjacent variants. Since the present and past tense forms vary, they are usually presented in the same article, e.g.: gydyti, gydzia (-ina, -ino), -€ (-ino) “as bk. reikšme" (DrskŽ 99), girdyti, girdžia (-ina), -ė (-ino) 1. ‘as bk. reikšme" (DrskŽ 102), migdyti, -ina (migdžia), -ino (migdė) (DrskZ 210), nužudyti, -ina (-0), -ino (-ė) see nužudyti (DrskŽ 484): nužudyti, žūdo, žūdė (nj.?) “as bk. " (DrskŽ 484) etc. This mixture, where instead of a-stem forms are used forms with -/na and vice versa, is quite widespread in the Southern Highland dialects. According to Z. Zinkevičius, “the beginning of the mixing could have been communicatis, which fluctuates widely between forms with -ytr and -inti” (LD 344). Thus, the phonetic law, changing the form of the future tense, forced the communicative to change, and this change confused the constructive types of causative verbs. The uniform past tense, which caused the sa-stem to push | a-stem to present tense, increased the number of variants even more. 10. Vedic -(d)yti, -(d)inti of adverbs in the southern and eastern Vilnius dialects of the Altay people as well as in bk. (cf. LKG II 262), but more frequently, can mean not only causative, but also a) a simple (usually indefinite) action, e.g. weaving, weaving, weaving “weaving- (s)” (LzZ 26), b) a sound-related repetitive or test action, e.g. knibZdyti, knibždo, knibždė “brazdéti” (DrskŽ polių c) a repetitive action of indefinite duration (iterativity and durativity), e.g. vesdyti, vėsdo, vėsdė see vesdinėti (LzZ 285). According to the authors of the LzŽ, iterative durative -dytr, -inti verbs are quite common in the Lazūnų dialect (LzŽ 8). P. Arumaa (Arumaa 1930: 57-58, 63, 68, 78) already wrote about durative binary in the dialects of Dievėniškiai, Gervėčiai, Lazūnai, Zietela. In the Rēdūniai and Lazūnai dialects, the use of the adverb -dyti in place of or next to -(d)inéti with the same meanings has been found (Vidugiris 1961: 224, 227). The use of the iterative suffixes -dyti, -(d)inė(dy)- ti in Gervėčiai dialect was analyzed (GrvT 77, 82-83). The lexical interpretation, which is often found in dictionaries, shows that it is not always possible to accurately describe the nature of the use of a verb in a particular sentence. For example: imdyti, irūdo, irūdė, “take, iminéti” (LzŽ 92), sukdyti, sūkdo, sūkdė “turn, twist” (DrskZ 355). A similar phenome157 non is observed in the description of Ramaškėniai, Zietelas šnektas. The adverb -ded verbs in these conversations may not indicate the repetition of the action (Šukys 1960: 183; Vidugiris 1961: 223-225). In the Dieveniškiai dialect the suffix -dyti “can mean both a repetitive (often repeating over a certain period of time) and a continuous extended action, its duration (Lipskienė, Vidugiris 1967: The a) form, b) sentence structure, frequency and semantic harmony 206). of their elements are similar to those of the causal and auxiliary verbs of these and other dialects. For example: pirkdinti, -ina, -ino 1. cur. pirkti 1: Dirbysiu Zagrele, pirkdysiu bultukus, kaldysiu noragėlius Klp (LKZ IX 1089) —2. “buy”: LandZioja children under the fences, kelines palupa, rubaska palupa, and you buydin’ again Lz —(LKZ IX 1089); I don't know. nurengti 1: The block clerk stripped them B. Sruog (LKZ XI 445) —nurengti “stripped”: Paporino, kap witch sesele pagriové and nurengdé Zrm (LKZ XI 445). In this case, the incorrect use of the term would lead to a lexicographical error. No examples support the attribution of the abbreviation cur. to the verb redať nizdo, whose all prepositional verbs are correctly interpreted as unprepositional bk. equivalents (LKŽ XI 445). It was not allowed to be used as a substitute for the IPA, e.g. : I built a too large sagon, water a lot — nusemdžiaū as Rod (LKŽ XII 356-357). It is not necessary to remove the caudal fin. zaremti 1: We opened the door and we will go to bed Pls (LKŽ XI 427). This is probably an example of an iterative durative value. Subordinate verbs that meet all the criteria for their allocation (such as dusdinti, kaldinti, siūdinti) are not found in dialect dictionaries LzZ, DrskZ. Two abbreviations cur. ER cases in DrskZ are random: mirkyti, -ina, -ino cur. mirkti 1. ‘keep submerged’, 2. "pour water" (DrskŽ 212); myžti, myždo, myždė cur. myžti (DrskŽ 213). The base verbs of both are intransitive, and the deep structure of the sentences does not correspond to the complex structure of sentences with auxiliary verbs [(subject initiator + his supervising action)> (subject performer or intermediary of the action + his specific action) (object + change of its state or action)]. Veiksmazodzio work, work, worked “as bk. meaning: add.rbd{i)e patagra piju. | turės'u paki mirs'i (DrskŽ 68) similarity to dirbdinti, -a, -o etc. work 2 (DJ, 122) is only external. Somewhat less problems of lexicographical treatment are those cases, when the -(d)yti, -(d)inti verbs of the aforementioned dialects have other lexical meanings. E.g.: nutvodyti “to pluck": [Linų galvutes] kultuve tvoja i nutvodo Grv (LKŽ XVII 329) —nutvodinti cur. nutvoti 1: Witches nutvodina S. Dauk (S. 329). However, there may be some inaccuracies here as well. Should not have been shortened 158 Let's have a drink. to the lexically altered verb to adopt cur. to be adopted. 1. “take to yourselfar ": Viedma took the child into her care (ps.) Dv [...J, 2. “pavaišinti": The guests were welcomed with cakes and cakes Rod [...], 3. refl. “to put on the head; memorize": Whatever they say, I'll offer Arm (LKŽ IV 66). These examples of use can be compared with the real auxiliary verb neirūdinti cur. su nuirati 1. The seniority took down the roof M. Valanč (LKŽ IV 66). There should be no abbreviation cur. /ėisdyti in the heading of the nest, because not all illustrative examples of its prepositional verbs are treated equally. It can be discussed whether the verb j/éisdyti in the sentence Aš Heisdyciau šviesią saulelę KWD 115 (LKZ VII 243) should be considered a causative or a subordinative verb. However, data from Gervėčiai, Pelesa, Rėdūnai do not show curativity, e.g. : A sharpened knife juiced pe belt to be sharper Grv (LKŽ VII 244). The characteristics of the use of the -(d)ytr, -(d)inti suffixes in the Vilnius dialects of the Southern Highlands and Eastern Highlands testify to the long-known proximity of 1) causative, curative and 2) frequency, repetition, and continuity meanings. The hypothesis of the origin of causative verbs from iterative verbs (Delbrūck 1897: 119) was also considered possible by B. Serebrennikov, based on the frequently occurring closeness of these prepositions and their meanings (Serebrennikov 1974: 175-176). That's the idea. derivatives of languages are called iterative-causative (Meje 1951: 191). By analyzing Lithuanian iterative-causative verbs, the dependence of the meaning of the vedic verbs on the meaning of the base word was established. “If the reference word means an active action directed at the object, then the vedic is either iterative (the repetitive meaning is often considerably faded), or curative. If the reference word means movement or some other spontaneous process, then its derivatives have causal meaning" (Kaukienė 1994: 204). This connection can also be observed in the use of Latvian verbs with the suffix -ind (relative to the Lithuanian dialect suffix -inoti). In Latvian, suffixes -ina verbs, sometimes having the formant -d-, although usually denoting causation, can also have a) the shade of iteration, e.g.: grabinat “barbenti, brazdenti, krebzdenti- ”, skubinat “promote, encourage, drive, defend” or b) an iterative meaning, e.g.: /uncinat (asti) “to whisper (tail)”, purinat “to shake, shake; purenti’. Verbs such as audinat, Šūdinat mean either a continuous action (long-term process) or the same as their base verbs aust, šūt (MLLVG 339). In the dialects of the Southern Highlands and the Eastern Highlands, the common feature of the meanings of these adverbs is the continuity of action (durativity). All the verb meanings discussed (1) iterative, frequentive, durative and (2) causative, curative have a common characteristic of longer duration. They express actions that are more complex in terms of time than those of the base verbs. The suffix -(J'inėti, which denotes frequent, repeated, continuous actions, is used 159 extensively in these dialects and often has the meaning of a transitive verb, similar to the Slavic languages. (Vidugiris 1961: 228-229). It may be that the Slavic language neighborhood supported also suffixes ir -dye (-dintr) the continuity value of the action. Whatever the ir reasons for this phenomenon, verbs such as atsakyti, nusilndyti, priimti, užremti, etc., would seem to be similar to servile verbs, but they only denote a longer-lasting action described by the base word. This was not a solution to a more complex problem. Its derivatives have not become auxiliary verbs, which presuppose the presence of the mediator (performer) of the subject in the deep, sometimes even superficial, part of the sentence. Example: atnėšdinti 1. cur. atnešti 1: P/laučiūns daug... ragaišių per tarnus atnešdino kūmams K. Donel (LKŽ VIII 702); Belshazzar brought gold and silver vessels 1 (LKZ VIII 702). —atnešti 1.“atnesti": You, son, wash —I will bring you here to eat Aru 11 (Grv) (LKZ VIII 703). 12. Conclusions. 12.1 Causal verbs of the South Highlands and East Highlands Vilnius dialects are not always properly presented in the dictionaries. Insufficiently accurate descriptions of meanings and grammatical lexical groups. The lack of illustrative sentences makes the picture of dialectal vocabulary incomplete, complicates the study of semantics and usage. 12.2. More data can be found in dialect dictionaries for form studies. Most similar to bk. corresponding are the primary causative verbs of the other degree of vowel change. There are differences in the use of adverbial verbs. In Lazūnai dialect, the most abundant is the constructive type of causative verbs -(d)inti, -ina, -ino, in Druskininkai dialect —-(d')yti, -o, -€. There is no interaction between the speakers in the conversation. The Southern Highland suffix -yti, which arose by analogy with the new future forms without zn, caused a mixture of adjective types. In the present tense, due to analogy with future tense forms, there have been cases of transition of the o-stem to the sa-stem. These reasons have led to a multitude of options. 12.3. The derivatives of the adverbs -(Jyti, -(d)inti in these dialects may not only denote causation, but also simple (e.g. continuous) action or iteration, durativity. Often the verbs of these prepositions have different lexical meanings than bk. The inaccuracies of the lexicographical treatment are explained by the misleading similarity of the form and syntactic environment of the iterative durative and servile verbs. All the derivative meanings of these suffixes (1) iterative, frequentive, durative and (2) causative, curative) are united by common features of longer duration. In the southern and eastern highlands of Vilnius dialects, this adverb did not acquire a provisional meaning. Thus, knowledge of the facts of linguistic geography can help to avoid lexicographical errors. 160 Arumaa P. 1930: Lithuanian Oral Texts from the Vilnius Region, Dorpat: Postimees. Delbriick B. 1897: Comparative Syntax of the Indo-European Languages 1, Strasbourg. DrskZ-Naktiniene G, Paulauskienė A, Vitkauskas V. Dictionary of Druskininkai dialect, Vilnius: Mokslas, 1988. DŽ, —Dictionary of Contemporary Lithuanian Language, Vilnius: Mintis, 1972. Endzelynas J.1957: Baltų kalbų garsai ir formos, Vilnius: Valstybinė politinės ir mokslinės literatūros leidykla. GrvT-Kardelytė J. Gervėčių dialektas, Vilnius: Mintis, 1975. Jablonskis J. 1957: Selected Writings 1, Vilnius: State Political and Scientific Literature Publishers. Kaukienė A. 1994: The History of the Lithuanian Verb 1, Klaipėda. LD-Zinkevičius Z. Lithuanian dialectology, Vilnius: Mintis, 1966. Lipskienė J, Vidugiris A. 1967: Dieveniškių dialektas. —Questions of Lithuanian Linguistics 9, 183-222. LKG II —Lithuanian Grammar 2, Vilnius: Mintis, 1971. LKŽ III-XVII —Lietuvių kalbos žodynas 3-6, Vilnius: Valstybinė politinės ir mokslinės literatūros leidyka, 1956, 1657, 1962; 7-9: Mintis, 1966, 1970, 1973; 10-15: Mokslas, 1976, 1978, 1981, 1984, 1986, 1991; 16-17: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidykla, 1995, 1996. LzŽ-Petrauskas J., Vidugiris A. Lazūnų dialekto žodynas, Vilnius: Mokslas, 1985. Meje A. 1951: Obsceslavianskiy jazyk, Moscow: Izdatel'stvo Inostrannoi literatury. MLLVG -Modern Latvian Literary Language Grammar 1, Riga: Latvian PSR Academy of Sciences, 1959. 1994: Morphology of the Lithuanian language, Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidykla. Serebrennikov B. 1974: Probability in Comparative Studies, Moscow: Science. Šukys J.1960: Characteristic features of the Ramaškoniai dialect. —Lietuvių kalbotyr177-189. os klausimai 3, Vidugiris A. 1961: Verbs with prepositions —ineti and -dinéti in the Zietela dialect. — Lietuvos TSR MA Darbai, Serija A, 2 (11), 219-231. The Southern Aukštaitish and Eastern Aukštaitish Vilnius subdialect causative verbs found in dictionaries Summary It is not always that Southern Aukštaitish and Eastern Aukštaitish Vilnius subdialect causative verbs are properly presented in dictionaries. The descriptions af their meanings and separate grammatical-lexical groups lack precision, the illustrative materials are not sufficient, which does not allow to form an exhaustive picture of dialectal vocabulary and makes investigation into its semantics and usage more difficult. In the Lazūnai subdialect the formative type of causative verbs (-(d)inti, -ina, -ino is most numerous e.g. rūginti, -ina, -ino (LzZ 225), in the Druskininkai subdialect it is -(d)yti, -o, -€ type e.g. skandyti, skarido, skaūdė (DrskZ 327). The Druskininkai subdialect does not have the infinitive suffix -intr. The Southern AukStaiti~ch suffix -yti, which found its way into the dialect by analogy with new forms of the future tense without ‘n’, caused word-formation type mixing. Cases of the o-stem change into the ja-stem in the present tense, by 161 analogy with future tense forms, have been observed, all this giving rise to abundance of variants, e.g. gydyti, gydžia (-ina, -0), -ė (-ino) (DrskZ 99). The derivatives of the suffixes -(d') yti, -(d)inti in these subdialects can denote not only causativity, but also a common action, iterativity or durativity e.g. /mdyti, imdo, imdé “imti, imineti’'(- LzZ 92). There are no curative verbs at all. Inaccuracies in lexicographic interpretation can be accounted for by the misleading similarity of the forms of the iterative durative verbs and the curative verbs and their syntactic environment. 162