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LITHUANIAN LINGUISTICS QUESTIONS XXXVIII (1997) Gražina AKELAITIENĖ TENDENCES OF VOCAL COMBINATION IN THE END OF WORDS In the 1938 edition of the “Archivum Philologicum” there is published an article by P. Skardzis “On the assimilation of vowels”. Based on such facts of Eastern Highlander dialects as kuma-fa., ba-ga, naša, he states that “vowels often influence each other in a similar way, both progressively and regressively” (Skardžius 1938: 40-44). He finds such phenomena of assimilation not only in dialects, but also in some words of common language. He considers that the former variants of the Lithuanian words vakaras, vasara, nugara, vabalas are *vekeras, *vesera, *vebelas, *nugera, and that their first e has probably been transformed into a due to the influence of the neighbouring a. The aforementioned article, in addition to the assimilation of vowels in dialects described by several linguists (see: Girdenis, 1962; Skirmantas, Girdenis 1972; Vitkauskas 1974; Babickienė 1991) prompted attention to the position of the morphological change of vowels /6/>/4/ and to interpret the functioning of the change accordingly. /e/->/a/change is undoubtedly the nucleus of the whole Lithuanian morphological system. It is a reflection of the variation *e:*0 inherited from the Indo-European protolanguage. The productivity of the /e/~/a/ change is easy to explain phonetically: in all positions, except the absolute word beginning, there is an additional distribution between the phonemes /e/ and /a/ (see Pakerys 1971: 18-19; Girdenis 1981: 128; 1995: 148). Only the morphological /e/~/a/ shift differs from the phonetic opposition in the direction: the unmarked member here is the anterior vowel /e/; because it belongs to the base trunk. In this case, the root morpheme <e/a> is formed in the verb oppositions. The morphon <e/a> is most commonly found in verb nouns. The most significant in this respect are the -a derivatives: they make up 6596 of all the nouns with the <e/a> ending. The morphphonem <e/a> is usually found in the surrounding of sonorous consonants (the roots of this structure make up 7896)!. R-type consonants either form the finals of spoken roots alone, or they begin the binary and very rarely the ternaire final: Sneria->isnara, prakerpa->prakarpa, įteigė-> įtaiga, skėlia->skala, paremia->parama. Conditionally, based on phonological interpretation of the syllable structure, Kert-, /eid-type roots are also assigned to this group. The diphthongs of these roots are divided, i.e. only the vowel /&/ is considered to be the center, because in the oppositions of the kef/tė->kaita type only the first diphthongs alternate. Thus, here, as in other cases, it is possible to investigate what kinds of phonemic relationships the descriptive morphphoneme has with the sonant in the final. mų <e/a>. 147 /fy/, Initial next to morphphonem is usually 47 o The initial itself, like the final, ir is usually a binary. Thus, the generalized morphphoneme of su roots The structural formula of <e/a> is as follows: (C)RVR(C)(C). Since the initial next to the morphem usually has /v/ in the 0 final -/n/ can be expected to <e/a> often occurs between consonants /v/ir /n/. In practice, the ši probability is almost unrealized: combination ...v <e/a>n... occurred only in the roots. se (tv<e/a>nk-), (v<e/a>ng-) (trough, opening). The combinations of consonants on both sides of the root center are different, ir nė one does not differ much in frequency. Only note the fact that in one į root morphphonnė em <e/a> was not found between consonants of the R same type. This is quite understandable. because combinations of two identical vowel consonants (homogeneous sequences) on both sides of the root center are quite rare in Lithuanian words (see Karosienė 1985: 27-28). Comparing the vowels of all the derivative -a roots of the endings, it appears that very rarely the central phoneme/- e/Ją seems to have only izgesos (<išgėso), delsa (< delsia), kerčia («kertasi- »), išpeika(<-išpeikė), nėpena(+-- nesipeni), seka («séka»), apsema (<+apsemia), sutema (<sutémo), nétesa (<-nėtesi). There seems to be some correlation between the expression of the formant and the root center. The formant -a, when joined to roots having the same ascending vowel of another order /&/4, implies its change: the ending expressed by a vowel of the posterior order as if "causes" the root vowel to change with respect to the order (backward). This control "effect" can be shown in a diagram: 1 OR live {sec-} + {a} —> {sag}-a Vike ——V Vv (lek-) + {-a} —> {lak} a Such an implication seems to indicate a tendency to match adjacent morphemy vowels in order, a kind of assimilation that can be explained by the pursuit of vowel harmony. The change of the root vowel can also be interpreted slightly differently. The very frequent change of /e/->/a/ in derivatives suggests that the final and initial consonants of the root tend to be harder. There is a sort of regressive chain reaction of phoneme influence: the hardness of the root final depending on the formant vowel implies the backwardation of the root vowel; The posterior vowel in the center of the root implies the hardness of the initial (Ce~VueCe«{-a}). This interpretation is contradicted only by one other derivative with the soft root ending before -a: kančia, aplaidžia, ūžmačia. 1 By interpreting this way, of course, it is not meant to say that palatalization before the vowels of the anterior row is a morphological phenomenon, but here the phonological position creates conditions for the morphological change of the root center. 148 The -as ending derivatives with the root morphem <e/a> are half as many as the -a ending derivatives. However, this does not imply that the ending -as has a different effect. After all, in general the ending -as derivatives are twice as few as -a derivatives (see Urbutis 1961: 29, 47). The vowel /e/ of the verb base is preserved only in a few derivatives: paveldas («pavéldi- »), ūžperas (+ūžperi) apkepas (+apkepa- ), pénas (<péni), aptepas (<aptepa- ), atmenas (+ atmena). Morphologically significant is the fact that there are much more derivatives of the spoken ending with the morphophonem <e/a> than those of the older ending -/s. This only confirms the previously formulated assumption about a tendency to match the root center to the formant expression — a kind of regressive assimilation of vowels. It can be concluded that there is a clear tendency of the formants with posterior vowels to join to the roots with vowels of the same order. When the formant joins the /e/-vowel roots, the /e/ is decreased to /a/, and a harmonic sequence of the root center and formant vowels /a/../a/is formed. Since many spoken derivatives are based on roots with the /2/ phoneme also in the prefix, a homogeneous trinomial sequence of /a/.. /a/.../a/vowels is formed, for example: apžvalga pražanga parama, pastaba; enclosure, feed, border, mole, fence. Taking into account the most typical pattern of structure of roots characterized by the morphphoneme <e/a> (the vowel passes between R-type consonants), the tendency to match the articulation of the root vowel to the articulation of the formant vowel can be expressed by a scheme showing the relationship of neighboring morphemes: — {RVR} + {Va} —> RVRV It is also possible to talk about the reverse relationship: the allomorphy expression of the spoken root informs that the most likely second structural derivative is the ending -a or -as. In this way, understanding the relationship of change with the expression of the formant, it would be logical to conclude that change should be considered a component of the formant." The correlation of another derivative ending -jus, which also has a posterior vowel, with the morphon <e/a> is not so clear, since the verb derivatives of this ending are relatively few, and the morphon <e/a> is found in only a few roots, for example, /ékia—>lakius. In adjectives, the morphem <e/a> functions more often with the ending -us than with the ending -as: kvapūs, laidūs, landus, talpus. But this does not indicate a different effect of the extremities on the expression of the root, but depends on the total number of derivatives. ! Limb -implying quantitative, morphological changes of a different nature. V. Urbutis does not consider changes to be a component of the formant (see Urbutis 1978: 231). 149 The probability of changing /e/ to /a/ is lower when the root adjectives are joined to the paradigm endings. Morphonem Adjectives with <e/a> form all derivatives 7596 that had a phoneme /e/ in the root of the verb. Thus, the morphological effect of noun endings on the root is greater than that of adjective endings of the same expression. This can be affected by the quality of the root final. Many adjective vowels, unlike nouns, have a soft consonant ending po (at/aidžiam, atlaidžiū, atlaidžiamė), therefore it is likely that the final may imply less vowel backwardation than in noun roots. The observed tendency in the present language, ko well, allows to make certain diachronic assumptions. As you know, vocalism is widespread in Lithuanian nouns /a/ (see section 4.4). Karosienė 1987: 45). Perhaps the /2/ frequency of the phoneme in the noun root indicates that there was a diachronic tendency of combination in ordinary words (not in vedas). After all, most nouns have endings -as or -a, so they also often form a harmonious combination of vowels of adjacent syllables (and morphemes). LITTERACY Babickienė Z. 1991: Regressive vowel assimilation in Kretingos dialect. —Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai 29, 15-25. 1962. "The Atmospheric Conditions of the Earth's Atmosphere". —Ka/botyra 4, 141-151. 1981. pp. 1. "Physics". Vilnius: Mokslas. 1995: Theory and Practice of Phonology. Vilnius: Petro ofsetas. Karosienė V. 1985: Combining initial and final consonants in single-syllabic noun roots. —Kalbotyra 36(1), 18-31. Karosienė V. 1987: Statistical characteristics of primary noun roots. —Ka/botyra 38(1), 44-55. Pakerys A. 1971: Psychoacoustic Similarity of Vocals. —Ka/botyra 23(1), 17-33. Skardžius P 1938: On the assimilation of vowels. —Archivum Philologicum 7, 40-44. Skirmantas P, Girdenis A. 1972: Progressive vowel assimilation in southern „dounininky“ dialects. —Kalbotyra 24(1), 91-96. Urbutis V. 1961: Modern Lithuanian Nouns with Endings. Ka/botyra 3, 27— 60. Urbutis V. 1978: Theory of word formation. Vilnius: Mokslas. Vitkauskas V. 1974: New facts on the functioning of regressive vowel assimilation in Kuršių kalba. Linguistics 26(1), 81-85. Abstract In this article, the process of vowel change /e/— /a/ is interpreted from a morphological point of view. Based on the assimilation of the vowels quite frequently observed in the dialects, it is argued that the expression of the derivative stem is implied by the added word-forming formants, the nominal endings -a, -as, cf.: ei i —> saga, tek +8) —> Jaka, {keit-}+{-a} —> kaita, {paser-}+{-as} —> pašaras, Sl aha iki dia 150 {palenk’-}- +{-as} —> favourable. t — Such an adaptation of the vowels of successive morphemes (it is a tendency, by no means a law) is to be regarded as morphphonological regressive assimilation. 151