Kai kurie morfologijos norminimo bruožai 1858 m. Evangelijose

LITHUANIAN KALBOTYROS QUESTIONS XXXVIII (1997) Milda LUČINSKIENĖ KAI KURIE MORPHOLOGY NORMINIMO CHARACTERISTICS 1858 m. EVANGELIOSES One of the most frequently ir published revised religious books to date XX a. was "Polish Lithuanian i Gospels". Brightness Translata. ion XVII Jonas The East Highlands Intermediate. Later they were reprinted several times, but the linguistic basis remained as it was until 1990, when they were 1705 reprinted in the middle dialect of the written language (Zinkevičius 1988: 268-2690). XVIII a. jų language has changed little. 1858 m. In the edition of the Gospels entitled „Ewangelje i polskie na żmudzkie niedziele i wszystkie swieta catego roku", the more archaic genders of the language are replaced by newer ones, typical of the Middle High German dialect of the time. to In this article we will review some more important features of morphology. 1858 The 1856 edition of the Gospels is compared with the 1856 edition (a third of the following texts are consistently revised): 1856 m. — p. 4-98, 244-253, 1858 m. — p. 7-136). Iš The most numerous corrections are found in the plural noun user editing group (114 X). The following is the change of postpositional pronouns (62 X) and athematic verbs (17 X). 1. The plural noun ending -mis is replaced by ms (mis —ms 108 X) and -mus by -ms (mus —ms 6 X), e.g.: jemis — iems (47 X), iumis > iums (45 X), mumis—mums (6 X), tiemis—tiems (3 X), Zidamis —židams (1 X), iemus —iems (2 X), Zmonemus —Zmonems (1 X). The examples show that the most commonly changed forms of pronouns. The longer endings of pronouns were much better preserved in the Gospels of 1856, although a marked shortening of them was already noticeable in the 17th century: already then, in addition to the genders with -mus (they are found in all known writings of the 16th-17th centuries), there were also adjacent shortened genders with -ms (Palionis 1967: 117-118; Zinkevičius 1980: 193). From D. Klein’s grammars and other Lithuanian writings of the time, it can be concluded that the abbreviation occurred more rapidly in nouns, and somewhat slower in adjectives and pronouns. This is also reflected in the Gospels of 1856, where pronouns were more often retained with a longer ending. In the meantime, nouns very rarely had it here. In 1858, the editor of the Gospels treated the ending -mus of both pronouns and nouns as an archaism. These old vns. the forms of the noun are no longer present in present-day dialects (Zinkevičius 1966: 232-233, 303). In linguistic literature, the most commonly mentioned is the abbreviation of the ending -mus and more rarely -mis. 88 Jau Ms. Skardžius (1930: 117), compared to Gospels ir Universito speech, noted that ir University, ir Evangelijose dgs. the user usually had a limb -we, less often -ms ir -mus. A similar situation was ir 1856 m. In the o 1858 m. Gospels, the edition editor avoided forms ir su -We, and with us. - Limb -mis is the old healthy plural noun ending, which has been used dgs. ir the meaning of the beneficiary (Kazlauskas 1968: 166-170). Lithuanian language atlas (Lithuanian 1991: 80, map. No. 75) indicates that the plural su noun forms mumis, jumis, which coincide with the plural noun forms, are found in another Western Highland dialect (approx. "Kėdainiai, Kaunas"). They are recorded in ir some of the In the a. XVI-XVII writings (e.g. Carrot Postila, M. Daukša, M. Petkevičius), as well as in an anonymous grammar of 1737 (Universitetas 1981: 73—74), in the writings of A. Tatarė, whose origin is in Griškabūdis. However, it should be noted that in anonymous grammar the shortened ending -ms (ka/bomis, kalboms) is already given next to -mis. In 1856, the D.C. caud. form -we could show a dialect preserved from ancient times. However, it is clear that in the middle of the 19th century both forms with -mus and with -mis were perceived by the editor as archaisms. So, the new genders’ establishment was quite consistent and uniform. 2. The Gospels of 1858 attempt to reject the old post-piscean substitutes. The iliative is very often replaced by a preposition with a suffix (34 X) and rarely by a nobleman's vowel, e.g.: avicion —ing aviczią (1 X), namosna —ing namus (2 X), piedosna —ing piedus (1 X), weidon —in weida (1 X), garbien —ing garbę (1 X), szonan —ing szoną (2 X), winizion—ing winizia (4 X), erszkiecziosna — tarp erkiecziu (1 X), Jerycho —prie Jericho (1 X). The extensively edited iliativ shows that it had already disappeared in the middle 19th century Altai dialect. It was widely used in 16th-17th century writings (Palionis 1967: 121), but much less frequent in Universite (1981). Now the iliative, as a living vowel, has survived only in the eastern and southern Altay dialects, and elsewhere it is usually replaced by a preposition / with a suffix (Lietuvių 1991: 54—55, 76, map no. 48). The aliative is usually replaced by a prefix with a suffix and the vowels of nobleman (20 X), servant and local, e.g. : Diewop —pas Diewą (1 X), grabop —pas grabą (3 X), Tiewop —pas Tiewa(ą) (6 X), iop —at her (1 X), Kaifosiump —nuog Kaifosziaus (1 X), Diewop —Diewuje (1 X), Jezusop —Jezuj (1 X), miniump —miniomis (1 X), musump —mumise (1 X). The examples show that in the Gospels of 1858 the single alif was mostly edited (only 3 examples of the plural alif were corrected: mekemp, miniump, musump), which was better preserved in the earlier edition of the Gospels. 89 Lithuanian language atlas 1991: 55-56, (Lietuvių žemėl. No. 48) indicates that as a verb vns. aliative used in the southeastern edge of the Lithuanian language area — Dieveniškių apylinkės ir In Gervėčiai, Lazūnai, Zietelas talks. In other dialects vns. The aliative is now rarely used recorded ir only in aliative prepositionvo s. Meanwhile, dgs. aliative today has iš completely disappeared (Laigonaitė 1957: 31-32). Found three examples of editing the sticker: — manimp maniej(e) (2X), 100% viewed — (1 X). In ancient writings there were several types of negimininiy pronouns of adhesive genders: a) manip, tavip, savip ir b) manimp, tavimp, savimp. 1856 m. The second version is used in the Gospels. Although the noun sticker in iš our writings began to fade rather early (already 17th century), but the adhesive forms of personal pronouns survived much longer (Zinkevičius 1982: 25). This is reflected ir 1856 m. In the 0 1858 m. Gospels, the forms of the adesive are iš no longer present. Jų is almost absent in ir the present dialects, except only the southeastern edge of the Lithuanian language area about Zietela, Lazūnai, Gervėčiai; elsewhere in place of jų systematically used prepositional constructions (Lithuanian 1991: 55-56, 77-78). The examples given here show that At the a. beginning of the 19th century, postpositional locals in the middle Altai dialect were severely decreased, 1858 m. The editor of the Gospels perceived them as archisms because they ir were replaced to by other forms more to typical of the spoken language of the time. 3. Change of form (7 X) the decay of athematic forms. However, a different type of ir editing has been noted: the form esmu keistaį esmi (10 X). J. Senkus (1958: 82) wrote: “The present tense forms of the verb be in the kapsy and zanavyky region are quite diverse, namely: I am, I am (I am), I am and I am, I was.” The form esmi is rare and occurs in the language of the old people of Ukmergė region, about Siesikus, Panevėžys region, about Raguva, Karsakiškis and Maišiagala, Kybartai, Naujoji Uosta neighborhoods, as well as in folklore. The form esmu (originated from the consonant m of the athematic ending after the thematic ending u) is somewhat more widespread, mainly in the eastern Altay dialect (Lietuvių 1991: 82, map. No. 78). The substitution of the obscured form esmu by the old, already dying form esmi may indicate a reflection of the dialect of the 1858 Gospel Editor, although it is difficult to localize jo the dialect so far. The common tendency of almost all the changes mentioned here is to normalize, to modernize, i.e. to deliberately standardize the text and, apparently, to adapt the Gospels to the spoken language of the time. In 1856 and 1858, the title pages of the Gospels state that they were approved by Matthias Wotonczewski. This perhaps allows us to guess that this classic of our literature or his accomplices have contributed to the correction, editing or compilation of these texts. It should be noted here that in the middle of the 19th century, around M. Valantis gathered enlightened people, ready to create a common Lithuanian language, albeit mainly on the basis 90 of the Žemaičių dialect. (Subatius 1993: 8th color. ). Dad The editing of the Gospels was significant for the Lithuanian language standardization process at that time. LITERATŪRA Evanielie niedziele wszystkie na swigta Polish i Lithuanian, reprinted w i Vilnius, 1856. Ewangelje polskie i žmudzkie na niedziele w wszystkie święta catego roku, Vilnius, 1858. Kazlauskas J. 1968: Historical grammar of the Lithuanian language, Vilnius: A thought. 1957. "Lietuvių kalbos žodynas". —Some questions of Lithuanian grammar, Vilnius: 1991: Atlas of the ir Lithuanian Language 3, Vilnius: 21-39. Mokslas. Palionis J. 1967: Lithuanian literary language in the 16th-17th centuries. Vilnius: Mintis. Senkus J. 1958: Some characteristics of verbs in the dialects of Kapsas and Zanavykas. —Works of the Academy of Sciences of the Lithuanian SSR. Ser A, 2(5). Skardžius Pr. 1930: About the author of "Universitas lingvarum Litvaniae". —Archivum Pholologicum 1. 1993: Simonas Daukantas' Great Polish-Lithuanian Dictionary. —Simon Daukant- 's writings. The Great Polish-Lithuanian Dictionary of Languages 1. London: Oxford University Press, 8-54. 1981: An anonymous grammar of 1737: Universitas Lingvarum Litvaniae. Vilnius: Science. Zinkevičius Z. 1966: Lithuanian dialectology, Vilnius: Mintis. Zinkevičius Z. 1980: Historical grammar of Lithuanian language 1, Vilnius: Mokslas. Zinkevičius Z. 1982: Lithuanian postpositional locutors. —Ba/tistica 1988: 21-38. 18(1), Zinkevičius Z. 1988: History of Lithuanian Language 3: The Language of Ancient Writings, Vilnius: Mokslas. Some features of the standardization of morphology in the “gospels” FROM THE YEAR 1858 Summary “Ewangelie polskie i litewskie” (Polish and Lithuanian Gospels) are among the books of religious content published in the 19th century. Year. most frequently re-released with improvements. The comparison of the editions of these “gospels” of 1856 and 1858 allows to observe striking peculiarities in the morphological improvements, which point to a linguistic modernization process: 1. The inflection endings of the dative plural -mis and -mus are replaced by -ms (-mis —-ms and -mus —-ms)(108X), cf. : Zidamis —Zidams, Zmenemus —Zmoniems. 2. The illative, allative and adjective are replaced by prepositional constructions (34X), cf.: namosna —ing namus, grabop —pas graba, sawimp —pas sawe. 3. The athematic verbs are also improved (17X), cf.: eim/—einu and esmu —esmi (the replacement of esmu by the old form esmi, which is already out of use, perhaps reflects the editor’s dialect, which is however difficult to locate for the time being). 91 Die Improvements in the New issues point to the Aspirations to the already im Run 200 years of in several issues published Text of the to adapt colloquial language. Die Improvements in of the Arrangement of the Text and the language testify to the da fact that one Process of Development of a Sprachnorm bewuBt is. 92