XVII a. dvarų inventoriai – Rytų Lietuvos antroponimikos ir demografijos šaltinis

LIETUVIŲ KALBOTYROS KLAUSIMAI XXXVIII (1997) Zigmas ZINKEVIČIUS 17TH-CENTURY MANOR INVENTORIES: A SOURCE FOR EASTERN LITHUANIAN ANTHROPONYMY AND DEMOGRAPHY The aim of this article is to analyze the anthroponyms of Eastern Lithuania recorded in the collection of 17th-century Lithuanian inventories compiled by K. Jablonskis and M. Jučas and published in Vilnius in 1962 (Jablonskis, Jučas 1962), and to draw demographic conclusions. The study does not cover all of Eastern Lithuania, but only those localities for which the aforementioned inventories provide data and where the Lithuanian language gradually became most depleted, namely the following settlements (the distance from Vilnius as the crow flies, inventory number, and pages in the publication are given in parentheses): Nemenčinė (23 km, No. 18, p. 110 and No. 70, pp. 329–330), Maišiagala (28 km, No. 19, p. 111), Zalavas (62 km, No. 28, pp. 141–142; Poland’s Marshal Józef Piłsudski was born at the Zalavas manor in 1867!), Vókė (now a suburb of Vilnius, No. 30, pp. 146–150), Buivydžiai (35 km, No. 57, pp. 272–273), Sužionys (40 km, No. 77, pp. 346–349), Sudervė (18 km, No. 78, pp. 350–352), Karvys (25 km, No. 83, pp. 363–364), Šalčininkai (45 km, No. 88, p. 374), and also two localities outside the borders of the Republic of Lithuania, in Belarus: Kamojys (98 km, No. 9, pp. 59–60) and Lazūnai (100 km, No. 106, p. 416; see also Fig. 1). The inventories of these settlements were drawn up at different times: the earliest is the inventory of the Kamojys manor, from 1611 (the only one in the Slavic chancery language and Cyrillic script; all the others are in Polish), while the latest is the inventory of the Lazūnai manor, written in 1696. Analysis of the anthroponyms found in the inventories shows that the two-part system of personal identification (given name + surname) had not yet become established at that time. A person could be identified, for instance, by omitting the baptismal name but giving the patronymic, e.g., Krynelis Markuns, i.e. Krynelis, son of Morkus (Nemenčinė); alongside Mikłay Kripe, Ławryn Kripe, Piotr Kripe there is also Kripe Stanislawonias, thus Kripe, son of Stanislovas (Sužionys); or by the baptismal name alone, e.g., Urban (without a second identifying element; Nemenčinė). A person could have two patronymics, formed from the father’s name and his nickname or another personal name, as well as his own nickname, e.g., Матъс Симонович Лоймович – Motiejus, son of Simonas Laima; Миколай Стасюлевич Лоймович Киш’келись – Mikalojus, son of Stasiulis Laima, called Kiškelis; Якуш’тын Ян’кович Лопунович – Jakustinas (probably a nickname), son of Jankus (his father’s baptismal name) Lapūnas (his father’s nickname); Томаш а Мартин Матеевич Матюковичы Свир’плеве – Tamošius and Martynas, sons of Motiejus and Matiukas, nicknamed Svirpliai (all examples are from Kamojys). Instead of the second identifying element (the present-day surname), one often finds 63 Fig. 1. The area examined in the article (the names of the localities studied are underlined). 64 an indication of occupation (trade) or social status, e.g., Jan bednarz (cooper), Jan piwowar (brewer), Jan strzelec (shooter, hunter), Jerzy trebacz (trumpeter), Mikołay bojarzyn (nobleman; all from Nemenčinė), Paweł kowal (blacksmith), Jerzy kucharz (cook), Jan szwiec (tailor or cobbler; these are from Sužionys), Stephan kolesnik (wheelwright), Kazimierz pisarz (scribe; from Sudervė), Andrzej cieslia (carpenter), Andrzej Młynarz (miller), Markowa wdowa (widow; from Maišiagala), Stanisław krawiec (tailor; Karvys), Jan Czapocznik (hat-maker; Zalavas). Patronymics could be formed from such occupational designations and the like, e.g., Krzyszthoph Ławn iki ew iecz – Krzyszthoph, son of the ławnik, i.e. a court assessor (a member of the bench); Wdowa Kopaczowa – widow, daughter or wife of a gravedigger (Vokė); Łotyszaniec (son of a Latvian; ethnicity is indicated using the Lithuanian patronymic suffix -onis in a Slavicized form, Nemenčinė); Litwinowicz (originally, “son of a Lithuanian”; Sudervė). These can even occur on their own: Wdowa (Zalavas), Rusin (an indication of ethnicity or a nickname; Vokė). Non-canonical forms of baptismal names, but popular variants of them, are often used—usually Lithuanian diminutives, e.g., Januk, Petrul, Stasiul and the like, often with full endings: Janukas, Petrulis... Some of these are now used only as surnames, e.g., Czepas (also without an ending, Czep, a shortening of Čėponas < Polish Szczepan ← Stefan), Matulis(is), Tum(as), Tumuk(as), Wal(is)... Sometimes a person is identified by two variants of such a baptismal name, e.g., Kryniczelis Tumul Tumuk (Nemenčinė). All this shows that the present-day two-part system of personal identification had not yet become established at that time and varied considerably; the formation of surnames was likewise far from complete. Thus, in many cases, the second identifying element (the personal name accompanying the baptismal name) cannot be treated as a surname. The degree to which Lithuanian personal names were Slavicized varies. The same inventory may contain accurately recorded Lithuanian anthroponyms alongside ones that are considerably distorted, lack an ending, and so on. Evidently, this depended chiefly on the scribes. Who these scribes were, however, can only be conjectured. Inventories were usually signed not by one person but by several, who were treated as witnesses. Perhaps the person who wrote the inventory was among them, but this is not stated. The personal names of those who signed are often non-Lithuanian, with no Lithuanian elements, e.g., Jan Odyniec, Krzyszthoph Zakrzewski, Krzyszthoph Podwinski, Marcyan Streczon, Jakub Bobrowski, Michał Hordziewski. But there are also personal names of Lithuanian origin, usually Slavicized, e.g., Albrycht Michał Mintowt (Mintautas), Michał Kazimierz Kirkilo (Kirkilas), Piotr Rudamina Dusiatski (Rudamina dusetiškis), Mikołay Tomasz Bildziukiewicz (from Bildžiukas), Halszka Uniechowska Montowtowa (from Mantautas), Aleksander Woyna (Vaina). Those who signed were mostly not local people. This is indicated by the titles accompanying their personal names, e.g., woiewoda Połocki, woiewodzic smolenski, straznik wilkomirski, starosta starodubowski, podkomorzyc brastawski, staroscina mozyrska, kasztelan nowgrodzki, woyski y sędzia grodski orszanski, skarbnik brasławski. 65 In the inventories, peasants are often named not individually but as families; for example, we read: Stephan Bartajcis, syny Szymon, Stasiuk y Janek; Piotr Ławrynowicz z bratem Stephanem, syny Piotrowe Bałtruk y Kazimierz; Станиславъ Лаймович Дрыгора[н]дъ з жоною Зофеєю, з сыномъ Яном, з дочками Алжбетою и Кат’рыною. In such cases, the family is counted as one entry. In total, 379 entries (of an individual or an entire family) were found in the localities specified. About half of them (51%) include personal names alongside the baptismal name that contain Lithuanian-language elements. Most of these (31% of all entries) are written entirely in Lithuanian, with a Lithuanian ending; the smaller share (20%) have no ending, but their Lithuanian character is indicated by the personal name’s root or suffix. The proportion of such personal names varies considerably among the inventories of individual estates and apparently depended on the scribe’s chosen way of recording names. The highest proportion of personal names containing Lithuanian-language elements is found in the inventory of the Karvys estate—91%; the lowest is in Sudervė, just 36%. The percentages for the other localities, in descending order, are: Maišiagala—79%, Buivydžiai—77%, Nemenčinė—70%, Kamojys—67%, Zalavas—61%, Sužionys—59%, Šalčininkai and Lazūnai—50%, and Vokė—38%. The variation in percentages most likely does not indicate that the inhabitants of one locality were more or less Lithuanian than those of another, since, as noted, it depended on the scribe’s chosen way of recording people’s names, perhaps reflecting to some extent the fact that anthroponyms were not used uniformly by the people themselves everywhere. Personal names without Lithuanian-language elements make up 49% of all entries. The largest group (34% of all entries) consists of names that at the time could have been used equally for Lithuanians and non-Lithuanians: those with baptismal-name roots (17%), translations into Polish of Lithuanian nicknames (about 10%), and designations of occupations, trades, and social status (7%). Examples of personal names with baptismal-name roots include: Ambrosewicz, Bartoszewicz, Bartkiewicz, Якимович, Ławrynowicz, Maciejkowicz, Maximowicz, Matuszewicz, Mickiewicz, Mitkiewicz, Osipowicz, Pawłowicz, Sawlewicz, Семенович, Stankiewicz, Щаснович, Szymaszko, cf. present-day Lithuanian surnames Ambrasēvičius, Bartaševičius, Bartkēvičius, Jakimavičius, Laurinavičius, Maceikēvičius, Maksimavičius, Matušēvičius, Mickēvičius, Mitkēvičius, Asipavičius, Paulavičius, Saulēvičius, Semenavičius, Stankevičius, Česnavičius, Šimaškà. This group also includes personal names Czapowski, Iwanowski and the like, with a suffix of the -ski type; cf. present-day Lithuanian surnames Čepkauskas, Ivanauskas (there is also Ivōnas from Iwan). That most or even all such personal names designate Lithuanians is indicated by the occurrence of Lithuanian diminutive forms of children’s names, for example, Ławrynowicz, syn Bałtruk; Romanowicz z bratem Jokubom, syny Bałtruk y Januk; Marcinkiewicz, syny Stanisław y Januk, and so on. Examples of possible translations of nicknames into Polish include: Baran, Baranowski (cf. present-day surnames Avinas, Avinėuskas alongside Barōnas, Baranāuskas), Jastrzębski (cf. Vānagas, Vanagiūkas, Vānagāitis alongside Jastrēmbskis), Kylak (cf. Kumštys alongside Kulōkas), Owczyna (cf. Āvelis, Avelys alongside Aučyna, Aučinikas). Personal names Korowka (cf. Karvaitis), Krol (Karalius), Krzywo- may also be calques. 66 nos (* Kreivanos(is), Lupka (from * Liubka: lubić ‘to love’, alongside Méile, Meilius, Meiliūtis, Meilūnas), Obrezka (cf. Skūstas, Kirpaitis, Režys, Raižys), perhaps also Malinowicz (cf. Avietėnas, Avietýnas), Zelazewski (cf. Glėžius, Geležėlė, Geležinis), and so on. It is noteworthy that most such “Polish” personal names (e.g., Korowka, Kylak, Obrezka, Zelazewski) do not appear in the dictionary of Old Polish personal names (Taszycki 1965–1985), and were apparently used only in Lithuania. As analysis of personal names recorded in baptismal and marriage registers of Vilnius’s Church of St. John from the same century shows, translating surnames into Polish was very common at the time (Zinkevicius 1977: 105–11). Some calques became established and were sometimes used by Lithuanian speakers themselves, for example, Grygas Spiewakas (Nemenčinė; cf. Dainius, Dainỹs, Dainiūnas). In 5% of all entries, the personal names have roots that can be interpreted as Slavic as well as Lithuanian, for example, Borewicz, Borowski (cf. Bāras, Barỹs, Bar-gāila), Dorkowski (: Dar-kīntis), Kosina (* Kuosinis, cf. Kūosa, Kuosaitis), San (cf. Sanỹs from Sán-daras, Sán-dargas, Sán-galas, Sán-ginas, Sán-taras, Sán-tautas, San-gāila). The occurrence of Lithuanianized personal names that are most likely of Lithuanian origin is indicated by Lithuanian diminutive forms of the names of children belonging to the persons designated by them, for example, Borewicz, syn Januk, and so on. This group also includes personal names possibly derived from Lithuanian place names, for example, Lawinski (: Loviai), Szydlowski (: Šidlava from Šiluva). It is noteworthy that most personal names of this type (Dorkowski, San, Lawinski...) are not recorded in the dictionary of Old Polish personal names. Only 9% of all entries contain personal names with roots of clearly foreign origin, which are difficult to render as calques or other adaptations, such as Dzierszko, Grzybowski, Magier, Magierba, Kroinski, Stronowski, perhaps Zwierzowski, and the like. Yet even entries with such personal names include Lithuanian diminutive forms of children’s or brothers’ names, for example, Mikolay nowik, syn Marciuk; Sołoduszka z bratem Kryściukiem (both from Vokė). Most of these personal names too (Dzierszko, Magierba, Kroinski, Stronowski, Zwierzowski, Sołoduszka...) are not recorded in the dictionary of Old Polish personal names, and thus most likely originated right here in Lithuania. It was noted that personal names without Lithuanian-language elements—that is, names from which one cannot identify a person as Lithuanian (although Lithuanian forms of family members’ names do occur)—are found in nearly half of all entries (49%). If we calculated the percentage not from all entries but only from those whose personal names are given without Lithuanian endings (262 were found), the result would be not 49% but 71%. Thus, in that case, Lithuanians could be identified from only 29% of the personal names. But this is misleading, because then, as now, Lithuanians were often recorded with personal names lacking Lithuanian-language elements (today such an element is often an ending, which scribes used to drop at the time). Consider the surnames of the current employees of the Institute of the Lithuanian Language (all of them Lithuanian). If we dropped the endings of those surnames and changed the Lithuanian spelling to the kind used at the time, we would get about 67 60% of the surnames are ones whose bearers we could no longer recognize as Lithuanians, while such recognition would be possible for only 40% of the surnames1. If we applied this ratio to the designations in the manorial inventories under examination that have personal names without endings, and took into account that 10% (7% of all designations) include indications of occupation and activity, which are no longer found today, we would have to conclude that at least 83% of all the designations of interest to us applied to Lithuanians. Polonized local inhabitants could then have been found only on manors and in homesteads closer to the manors. About a third of all designations have personal names with Lithuanian-origin roots. These personal names are highly varied. There are very few old two-stem anthroponyms among them, originating as far back as pre-Christian times—only the following (they account for barely 4% of all designations): Biwayna (= Bý-vaina Buivydžiai), Narbut (Nōr-butas Sužionys, Lazūnai), Sumbar, gen. sg. Sambora (Sam-baras Nemenčinė), perhaps Mondrygałto (corrupted; Nemenčinė); they are also concealed in Slavicized patronymics and derivatives of the -ski type: Буйвидович (Bùj-vydas), Бутримович (Bùt-rimas; both from Kamojys), Gielmanowski (Gìl-manas Vokė). Shortened forms of such anthroponyms (somewhat more numerous) are evident in the personal names Dawszkys (Daug-šys Sužionys), gen. sg. Mineły (Min-ela Maišiagala), Naruszewicz (from Nor-ušis Sudervė), Rym-kielis (Rim-k-elis Sužionys: Rìm-kus, cf. Rìm-kantas), Woinius (Vaĩnius Maišiagala), perhaps Buytalaitys (Bui-t-el-aitis Šalčininkai), Butkanelis (But-k-on-ėlis Karvys), Nargielis (Nor-g-elis Sužionys), Woyszkaytis (Vaiš-k-aitis Šalčininkai), Zeim (Žeimis or Žeimỹs Zalavas, cf. Žeim-mantas). Lithuanian personal names of nickname origin are far more numerous, occurring in as many as 32% of all designations. More characteristic examples include: a) from Nemenčinė: Bylduk (Bil-dukas: bildùkas ‘someone who bangs about, makes a rumbling sound; an imp, little devil’), gen. sg. Bilduna (Bil-dūnas, cf. present-day surnames Bildà, Bildáitis: bildėti), gen. sg. Gaidelia (Gaidẽlis: gaidỹs), Kairelis (Kairẽlis: kairỹs), Kirynaytis (Kirinaitis: kirinti ‘to tease, pester’), Klukielis (Kliukelis, cf. Kliùkas: kliùkis ‘chatterbox; half-wit’), Krynelis (:krynis ‘tail’?), Kyniczelis (:?), Lapszys (Lapšỹs: lãpšas ‘weak, unhealthy’), Murmulis (Murmùlis: murmėti), Sidabris (cf. Sidãbras: sidãbras), Swida (Svida, cf. Svidėnis, Svidėnas: svidėti ‘to glisten, shine, sparkle’), Urde (Urdė, cf. Urdavičius: urdėti ‘to surge’); b) from Maišiagala: Dakanis (Dãkanis: dãkanoti ‘to tangle, tear, hack away while tiring someone’), Gasianis (Gasiõnis, cf. Gasỹs, Gasiūnas:?), Giedroic (Giedráitis, cf. Giedrà, Giedrỹs: giẽdras ‘sunny, bright; clear, pure, clean’), Margielis (Margẽlis: márgas), Narogis (Nora-gis: norãgas), Rudakiszki (Rudakiškis: rùdas + kiškos ‘haunches; the legs of trousers’), Szarka (Šárka: šárka); c) from Zalavas: Bala (Bala, cf. Bãlas: bálti, balà), Kul (Kulỹs: kulỹs ‘lame person’), Szacalis (Šakalỹs: šakalỹs), Zyrnielis (Žirnẽlis: žirnis), 1 Maždaug tokią padėtį rodo ir „Lietuvių pavardžių žodyno“ (Vanagas ir kt. 1985–1989) duomenys (tikrintos raidėmis A- ir J- prasidedančios pavardės). 68 Zemel (Žemelis, cf. Žemeliūnas: žemas, or Žiemelis: žiemys, žiemiai); d) from Vokė: Burba (Bùrba: burbėti), Kiele (Kiẽle: kiẽlė), Miazĕlis (Miẽžėlis: miežis), Rudzis (dial. Rudžys < Rudýs: rùdas), Wanagiel (Vanagėlis: vãnapas); e) from Buivydžiai: Jodar agis (Juodaragis: jūodas + rāgas), Kirkilo (Kirkilas or Kirkilà: kirkilas ‘one who croaks’), Machnis (Maknỹs: maknỹs ‘one who stutters’; may also be of baptismal-name origin, cf. Махно ← Эпимах), Szypiełaytis and Szypiela-ys (Šipelaitis, cf. Šipėlis: šipas ‘nimble, quick’); f) from Sužionys: Augulis (Augūlis: augùs, áugti), Auksztawartis (Aukštavartis: áukštas + vartai), Awksztoraytis (Aukštaraitis: áukštas), Garnalis (Garnėlis: garnỹs), Giedroyc (Giedráitis), Jaciowarys (Jaučiavarỹs: jáutis + varýti; cf. the village name Jaučiavariai), Kierulis (Kerùlis: kėras), Kirpe (Kirpė, cf. Kirp-áitis: kírpti), Kukielka (Kukélka, cf. Kùkis, Kukėnas: kùkis ‘hook, fishhook’, kùkti ‘to bend, droop, stumble’), Miszkinis (Miškinis: miškìnis), Rugiedonis (Rugiuadùonis: rugiai + dúona), Statulanis (Stat-ul-ion-is, cf. Stat-ul-ėvičius, Stat-ėvi-čius: statùs), Stukielis (Stukėlis, cf. Stùkas: stùkas ‘stub; stout, clumsy person’), Swilzantis (Svilžentis or Svilžandis: svilti + žéntas, žándas), Szarka (Šárka), Wanags (Vãna-gas: vãnapas), Warna (Várna: várna), Wasarys (Vasãris: vãsara), Wilkanis (Vilkonis, cf. Vílkas: vílkas); g) from Sudervė: Dzidzienis (Didienis, cf. Dìdas, Didónis: dìdis), Pilina (cf. Pilìnka: pilìs), Skrobel (Skrabelis, cf. Skrãbas: skrabėti ‘to scrape; to talk a lot, chatter’); h) from Karvys: Bamelis (Bomelis, cf. Bomeikà:?), Kanapinis (Kanapìnis: kanãpė); i) from Šalčininkai: Balinik (Baliny-kas, Balininkas: balà), Raguza (Ragùžà, may be an alteration of Ragožà, Ra-gožius: ragožius ‘clumsy, boorish person’); j) from Kamojys: Киш’келиц (Kiš-kėlis: kiškis), nom. pl. Свир’плеве (Svirplỹs: svirplỹs), Стубеда (Stubeda: stùbeda ‘an inert, lazy person’), gen. sg. Швал’куна (Švalkūnas, cf. Švalkus: švalkus ‘chatterbox’, šválka ‘one who splashes’). Some personal names of nickname origin are distorted, have a Slavic ending, and are difficult to reconstruct, e.g.: Berbedz (perhaps for Kerbedz < Kérbedis: ker-bedýnas ‘a spreading bush’; Nemenčinė), Boltuszko (Baltùška: baltùška ‘a fair-skinned person’; Sužionys), Borckiel (:? Zalavas), gen. sg. Brackiela (:? Maišiagala), Czu-hielis (perhaps Čiùkelis, cf. Čiùkaitis: čiùke ‘pig’, čiùkinti ‘to scrub’, čiùkti ‘to sneeze’; Sužionys) Gayzaniec (Gaižonis Karvys, cf. Gaižys, Gaižiūnas: gaižùs), Naturgaicis (Naturgaitis Nemenčinė:?), Nerabalis (:? Sužionys), Odrugim (At-rūgimas? Buivydžiai: at-si-rūgti?), gen. pl. (?) Slizow (cf. Sližỹs Vokė: sližỹs ‘a kind of fish’), Slusz, g.pl. Sluzow (Sliùžas or Šliùžas Vokė: šliùžas ‘one who crawls’), Tomoysła (:? Nemenčinė), Uzelis (Ūselis? Sudervė: ūsai), Wągiel (Vanagėlis? Vokė). There are also some derived from loanwords, e.g., Bulkanis (Bulkonis Zalavas, cf. Bùlka, Bùlkius, Bulkáitis: bùlka ‘bun’; may also be a calque, cf. Bandel-iauskas), Baciulaitis (Bočiulaitis Maišiagala, cf. Bočiulis, Bočius: bočius < баця ‘father’), Balubaniec (Balubonis Zalavas, perhaps instead of Balabonas: Tatar balaban ‘big-headed’), Biskupelis (Byskupėlis Karvys: býskupas ‘bishop’), Duda (Dūdà Mai- 69 Šiagala: dūdà, Kolėda (Kalendà Sužionys: kalendà ‘Christmas’), Łowczus (Laučius Sužionys: laučas < ловчий ‘senior hunting overseer’), Przystawąnis (Pristavonis Maišiagala: pristòvas ‘overseer’, Prz- instead of Pr- due to Polish pronunciation), Spiewakas (Spievokas Nemenčinė: spievòkas < śpiewak ‘singer’). Others occur in Slavic patronymics and in other formations with Slavic suffixes: Bildziukiewicz, f. Bildziukowa (from Bildžiūkas Lazūnai: bildžiùkas ‘one who makes a racket, rumbles’), Giełwano(w)ski (Gelvanauskas Vokė: Gélvonai), Kowlewicz (Kaulèvičius Vokė, cf. Kaulỹs, Kaulãitis: káulas), Лоймович (from Laimas or Láima Kamojys: láimė), Лопунович (from Lapūnas Kamojys, cf. Lãpas: lãpas), Popielicki (from Papilys or similar. Sužionys: pa + pilis), Пуйдэлович (from Puidelis Kamojys, cf. Pūida: pūidyti ‘to drive, chase noisily’), gen. sg. Railowicza (from Ráila Nemenčinė: ráila ‘chatterbox, shouter, one who likes to quarrel’), Войводэлович (from Vaivadėlis Šalčininkai, cf. Vaivadas, Vaivada: vaivadà). In one instance, a Slavicized collective (household) name is used: Dudelowczyzna Nemenčinė ‘at the Dūdeliai family’s place’. Some denote an occupation and, at times, ethnic affiliation: gen. sg. Doktoraycia (Daktaraitis Nemenčinė: dãktaras), Gudalis (Gudėlis Zalavas, cf. Gùdas: gùdas), Gudanis (Gudónis Maišiagala, Sužionys: gùdas), Prusznice (Prūšonis Nemenčinė, perhaps from Prūsonis, cf. Prūsas: prūsas), gen. sg. Ratodayli (Ratadaillis Nemenčinė: ratadaĩlis ‘wheelwright’), gen. sg. Zemaytena (Žemaitėnas Maišiagala, cf. Žemaitis: žemaitis), Žemoitel (Žemaitėlis Zalavas, cf. Žemaitis). Personal names with baptismal-name roots, as noted, account for 17% of all designations. Among them are forms with a retained Lithuanian ending or Lithuanian suffixes: a) with an ending: Czapas (Čėpas Sužionys ← Čėponas < Szczepan ← Stefan; also used as a baptismal name), Nakas (Nãkas Sužionys: Enoch, Енох); b) with diminutive suffixes: Bochdanelis (Bagdonėlis Sužionys, cf. Bagdõnas < Bogdan, Богдань – a calque of the Greek Theodosios), Jaczelis (Jočėlis Sužionys, cf. Jočỹs < Jacz ← Jakub), Stanulis (Stanùlis Karvys, cf. Stanỹs < Stań, Стань ← Stanisław, Станислав), Szymuk (Šimukas Nemenčinė, cf. Šìmas < Szym ← Szyman ‘Simon’); c) with patronymic suffixes: Bartaicis (Bartáitis Vokė, cf. Bartas < Bart ← Bartholomeus), gen. sg. Jakaycia (Jakáitis Nemenčinė, cf. Jãkas < Jak ← Jakub), Kazoyc (Kazáitis Karvys, cf. Kazỹs ← Kazimieras), Marciukaycis (Marciukaitis or Marčiukaitis Vokė, cf. Marčius, originating from Martýnas), Miszaycis (Mišaitis Vokė, cf. Mišas < Misz, Миш ← Michał, Михаил), Sawulaycis (Savulaitis Nemenčinė, cf. Savùlis, Šãvas < Сава – Савелий), Witeyc (Vitáitis Karvys, cf. Vìtas); Bananis (Banonis or Baniónis Sužionys, cf. Banỹs, originating from Benediktas), Jakutonis (Jakutónis Maišiagala, cf. Jakùtis, Jãkas ← Jokūbas), Jiurgianis (Jùrgonis Maišiagala, cf. Jùrgis), gen. sg. Mircinania (Marcinónis or Marty- 70 nónis Maišiagala, cf. Martýnas), Maszanis (Mošionis Zalavas, cf. Mõšius < Masz, Maszo ← Matyasz), Mikótanis (Mikalónis Sužionys, cf. Mýkolas), Szymananis (Šimononis Maišiagala, cf. Šímonas ‘Simonas’), Urbananis (Urbononis Maišiagala, cf. Ūrbonas), gen. sg. Watania (Valónis Maišiagala, cf. Valà, Vãlius ← Valentìnas), Witanis (Vitónis Maišiagala, cf. Vìtas); gen. sg. Fronckuna (Franckūnas Maišiagala, cf. Pranckus ← Pranciškus), nom. pl. Gryciuny (Griciūnas Sužionys, cf. Gricius < Гриц ← Григорий), Markuns (Morkūnas Nemenčinė, cf. Mõrkus), Misiunas (Misiūnas Nemenčinė, cf. Mísius < Mĩs, Мись ← Michat, Михаил), gen. sg. Winciuna (Vinčiūnas Maišiagala, cf. Vìñcas). With corrupted endings and suffixes: Rakuc (Rakūtis Zalavas, cf. Rõkas), Валюл (Valiūlis Kamojys, cf. Vãlius ← Valentìnas), and a few others. Examples with Slavic patronymic suffixes derived from Lithuanian diminutive and other baptismal names: z Ławrukowiczami (from Laurūkas Vokė, cf. Laũras ← Laurýnas), Maciukiewicz (from Maciūkas or Mačiūkas Vokė, cf. Macýs, Mačỹs ← Motiejus), Масюлевич (from Masiūlis Kamojys, cf. Masỹs ← Motiejus), Praniukiewicz, Proniukiewicz (from Praniūkas Vokė, cf. Prãnas), Стасюлевич (from Stasiūlis Kamojys, cf. Stasỹs), Wahukiewicz, Wałukiewicz (from Vāl(i)ūkas Vokė, cf. Vãlius ← Valentìnas), f. Witkanowa (from Vitkónis Karvys, cf. Vìtkus < Witko ← Wit ‘Vitas’). A Slavicized collective (household) name occurs once: Terezewyczizna Nemenčinė ‘at the Terz-el-iai’, cf. Teržà, presumably from Terežà ← Terėžijus. Personal names bearing Lithuanian diminutive suffixes are numerous in the inventories, accounting for as much as 22.3% of all recorded names (with -ukas 10%, with -elis 9%, with -ulis 3%, with -utis 0.3%). These suffixes occur in personal names written in Lithuanian with Lithuanian endings (Janukas, Kairelis, Augulis...), in forms abbreviated by scribes (Bylduk, Zemel, z Kierulem, Rakuc...), and are embedded in Slavic-type patronymics (Pran-iuk-iewicz, Пуйд-эг-ович, Мас-юл-евич, Дев-к-гут-евич...). They are also added to personal names with non-Lithuanian stems or of unclear origin, e.g., Gniwt-el-ko Nemenčinė, Tatarzyn (a Tatar!), Ciep-uk Zalavas. Apparently, in ancient times Lithuanians were very fond of diminutive forms of names. It is therefore unsurprising that neighboring languages borrow these suffixes, especially -uk-. There are comparatively many personal names bearing Lithuanian patronymic suffixes characteristic of eastern Lithuania (written in Lithuanian or Slavicized); they account for 10.3% of recorded names (with -onis 8%, with -ūnas 2%, and with -ėnas 0.3%), thus exceeding those with -aitis (6%). Thus, personal names with patronymic suffixes of Lithuanian origin account for as much as 16.3% of all recorded names. Personal names bearing Slavic patronymic suffixes -avičius, -evičius (-owicz, -ewicz) account for 15% of recorded names, while those with -sk- type suffixes account for 7%. The Lithuanian character of the localities under study is evidenced not only by the personal names in the inventories but also by the place names mentioned in them (the Buivydžiai manor inventory contains no place names), which are almost all Lithuanian, though generally Slavicized and somewhat distorted. Mo- 71 st of them can readily be located or at least linked to forms currently used by Lithuanians. Examples: a) from the Nemenčinė manor inventory: w Bezdanach (Bezdónys), w Biłdunach (Bildūnai), Dosiance (Dasiõnys), Jawczowory (Jaučiavariai), w Meironach (Mėironys), Piekielski (Pikeliškės), lake Piekieliszki (Pikeliškių ežeras), lake Okmena (Akmenà), Podziuny (Puodžiūnai), w Pokirniach (Pakirniai), Wornaliszki (Varnališkiai); b) from Maišiagala: w Bakunach (Balkūnai), w Eiciunach (Eiciūnai), ieminia Moyszo golskiego (Maišiagala—the Slavic variant shows that this Lithuanian form was certainly authentic!), w Sktowsciach (Skliaũsčiai); c) from Zalavas: Gricuni (Griciūnai), Guże (Gužiai), Miciani (Mičiõnys), Woitkuni (Vaitkūnai); d) from Vokė: meadow Dzierwany (Dirvónai), w Jurk iszkach (Jūrkiškės), w Kamieniszkach, meadow w Kamieniszkach (Kameniškės), w Pogirach (Pagiriai), w Reysztelach (Raisteliai), na gosćinu rudnickim (the Rūd-ninkai highway); e) from Sužionys: Apanasy (Pónasai), Barany (Barónai), pod Bekiepurami (Bekepūriai), Bordziuny (Bardžiūnai), Botwinszki (Batviniškės), Czahieniszki (Čekėniškės), lake Ilgis (Ilgis), Jaciowory (Jaučiavariai), Miszko-nie (Miškónys), Pawłukany (Pauliukónys), Pozadniki (Pasadninkas, dialectal Pa-sadnykas), ku Pokirniom (Pakirniai), Rakszany (Raksónys), Sapieżyszki (Sa-pieg iškės), Suzany (Sužiónys), Unguys zki (Unguriškės); f) from Sudervė: Soy-dzie (Saidžiai), Suderwie (Sudervė), w Suderwie Wierszyłowskiey (Viršilių or Viršulių Sudervė, cf. present-day Viršuliškės); g) from Karvys: Korvi (Karvys), Zkrudan-ce (Skrudėnai); h) from Šalčininkai: Czuzokom pia, gen. pl. Czuzokom pia (Čiužia-kampis), graniczą ze wsią Daynowką (Dainavėlė), w Khuniach (Klõniai), do Paberzia (Pabėržė), do Swinca (Švenčius), gen. pl. Trybancow, w Trybancach (Tribónys); i) from Kamojys: в ымѣню... Годутіш’ском (Adūtiškis), в ымѣн’ю... Лын’тупском (Leĩtupis), у селы Мешанах (Mešónys), в мес’теч’ку Пос’тав’ском (Paštovis), [ъ] Рокан’тиш’ках (Rókantiškės), село Скайстэли, у селе Скайстэлях (Skaistėliai), фол’вар’ку Сур’вилиш’ского (Surviliškis), до... села Свирак’нов (Svirónys), у селе Войшкунах (Vaiškūnai). Some forms differ slightly from those used by Lithuanians today: Poiuny (Pajūnėliai in Nemenčinė), Pruszance, gen. pl. Pruzancow (Prušinė, in Nemenčinė), lake Niemencze (i.e., Nemenčia, now Nemenčėlis, Nemenčiukas in Nemenčinė), Giedroycie (Giedraičiai, now Giedraitėliai Sužionys), Ławyniance (now Lauryniškės Karvys). Some referred to settlements or localities that apparently no longer exist; at least, they have not been found on available maps. The Lithuanian forms of these names can be tentatively reconstructed, e.g., Audubiški (*Audubiškės or *Audubiškiai, perhaps from *Andubiškės or *Andudiškiai Sužionys), lake Baltelias (*Baltelis Sužionys), w Barckunach (*Barckūnai Maišiagala), Olkus Budwiesie (*Budviesio alka s Sužionys), в Дойлидиш’ках (*Dailidiškės or *Dailidiškiai Kamojys), з села Едупи. едупского (*Juodupiai Kamojys), Ganiszki (*Goniškės or *Goniškiai Vokė, cf. Goničiai Ylakiai), Gieydany (*Geidonys Sužionys), meadow w Kaphun iszkach (*Kap-lūniškės or *Kaplūniškiai Vokė) w Kielmobrydziach (*Kielmabridžiai Nemenči- 72 (continued), Klyszelsizki (˙Klišeliškės or ˙Klišeliškiai, Nemenčinė), 3 села Лелейков (˙Lelekai or ˙Lileikai, Kamojys; cf. Lileikėnai, Šilalė), w Lękach (˙Lenkai, Vokė; cf. Lenkaičiai, Plungė), Limonciszki (˙Limantiškės or ˙Limantiškiai, Vokė; cf. Limantai, Šakiai), 3 села Мергун (˙Mėgunai, Kamojys), 3 села Мелоков (˙Melagiai, Kamojys), в ыйменю... Мерклянском (˙Merklionys or ˙Merklenai, Kamojys), w Mesteliszkach (˙Mesteliškės, -iai or ˙Miesteliškės, -iai, Nemenčinė), у селе... Олянах Добейков (˙Dabeikų or ˙Duobeikų ˙Alionys, Kamojys), в ыйменю... Олешниках (˙Alešininkai, Kamojys), [в] Ожунинах (˙Ožiūninkai, Kamojys), Lake Perwałkas (Pervalkas, Sužionys), Łąki Rodziewicz brodzie (˙Radzevičių Bradas, Vokė). Reconstructing the others is highly risky: w Anteprowołes, Nemenčinė, Dakany, Maišiagala, Giernazyszki, Lake Kiersne (˙Kirsnė?), Nemenčinė, 3 села Лодоса, Kamojys, Odkirny, Sužionys (˙Atkirniai?), Słukowszczyzna, na Słukowszczyźnie, Vokė, Sołubiszki, Karvys, 3 села Тябутов, Kamojys, za łąkę Waslukowszczyznie, Vokė, Wiczance, Karvys (˙Vičionys?), w Wowiszkach, Vokė, Lake Žėtosayne, Lake Zelsa, Nemenčinė, Lake Zławkielis, Sužionys. The names Eitminiškės and Šalčininkai had already been distorted by that time, i.e. they had taken the forms used today by the locally Polish-speaking population. In the inventories we read: gen. pl. Jencmeniszek (Nemenčinė) and Soleczniki, od Solecznik (Šalčininkai). I had previously thought that the Polish substitute for Eitminiškės (a name derived from the old Lithuanian dithematic personal name Eit-minas, dating back to pre-Christian times) had appeared only in the late eighteenth or early nineteenth century (Zinkevičius 1990: 86). It turns out that it was already in use in 1678. Eitminiškės was altered to Jęczmieniszki under the influence of the Polish word jęczmień ‘barley’. In sixteenth-century documents, Šalčininkai was still called Szolczniki (cf. Шольчники in a 1555 document), from the Lithuanian dialectal form Šalčnykai. At that time, the variant Solczniki with s-, arising by analogy with the relationship between šienas and siano, was also already found alongside it. Inserting a vowel e into the difficult-to-pronounce consonant cluster produced the present-day Polish form Soleczniki, which is already recorded in the 1692 inventory. Today, Poles in Lithuania regard the Polish forms of both these names as “authentic” Polish forms, although in fact they are merely the result of distortion of older Lithuanian forms. By then, the Zalavas estate already bore its present name, with the initial Za- and Polish Zo-: Zołowo (written Zolowo, Zołowo² in the inventory), and belonged to the Ashmyany district³. The now widespread variant of the estate’s name with Zu-, Polish Zutowo, is secondary, probably having arisen in the first half of the nineteenth century; it is recorded by 1846 at the latest in the list of settlements in Švenčionys district (Švenčionys district list 1846, 1. 8), where it is written Зуловъ. The name could not have been formed 2 The second variant misled the editors, who named the estate Žalava (p. 141). 3 In 1775, the Užneris district was formed from the area of Ashmyany district between the Dysna and Neris rivers; in 1843 it was renamed Švenčionys district. 73 from the diminutive name of the deceased daughter of Marshal Józef Piłsudski’s father (also named Józef), as is sometimes claimed4. The authentic Lithuanian name of this estate, as shown by the Institute of the Lithuanian Language’s place-name index5, is Žalavas (stress pattern 3b), not Žūlavas. The 1645 inventory shows that the name Žalavas was already in use in the first half of the seventeenth century and is therefore relatively old6. The following difficult-to-localize names in the Kamojys estate inventory were considered heavily Polonized and Slavicized: [в] Литов'щыз'не, з села Луч'евич, з села Мол'девич, з села Нар'кович, з села Роман'кович. The place-name w siele Jaszewskim in the Maišiagala inventory should be treated similarly. Translated place-names are also found: pod Czarnym borem, łąka pod Czarnym lasem, Vokė (from Juodšiliai); Czarna Waka, Vokė (Juodóji Vókė); в вымѣн'ю Полес'ю, до двора Полес'я (from Pagirys or similar); [в] Верх'нях, Kamojys (: viršus ‘top’). The inhabitants of the eastern Lithuanian localities discussed in this article were Slavicized relatively late; moreover, in many places they were first Belarusianized and only afterward Polonized. In the seventeenth century they still spoke Lithuanian, as is evident not only from the inventories but also from other sources (Zinkevičius 1993). The wave of Belarusianization spreading from the east reached Lazūnai, perhaps Zalavas and Kamojys, only in the late eighteenth or early nineteenth century. From then on, bilingualism began to take hold. The Belarusian language, understood by Russian-speaking tsarist officials and Polish-speaking priests, increasingly displaced the ancestral Lithuanian language, which the upper social strata of the population despised and persecuted in every way. In the first half of the nineteenth century, the boundary of the contiguous Lithuanian-speaking area still ran past Kamojys. In the middle of that century, Belarusianization spread especially rapidly from the southeast toward Vilnius and Trakai, reaching the vicinity of Sudervė, where Lithuanian was then predominant. In the 1860s and 1870s, Belarusianization extended as far as Maišiagala, Karvys, and Buivydžiai. Lazūnai became an island of Lithuanian surrounded by Belarusian. In many of the localities under discussion, people remained bilingual for a long time. The Polish newspaper “Kraj” wrote in 1879, no. 52, that there was no village in the town and parish of Nemenčinė where Lithuanian was not spoken. Other evidence also supports the claim that at the end of the nineteenth century Lithuanian was still spoken throughout the area immediately around Nemenčinė, but farther west (toward Riešė) and northeast (toward Pabradė) more people spoke Polish. Polish was also making inroads into Belarusianized villages here. In time, Belarusian became dominant around Sudervė, and Lithuanian speakers formed a minority. In 1890, only 28% of the people in Maišiagala parish still spoke Lithuanian. 4 Žr. Kulbokienė V. 1966: 131. Maršalo tėvui 1846 m. dar buvo tik 13 metų, o jo būs imai žmonai Marijai Bilevičiūtei – vos 4 metukai. Be to, šiame dvare, priklausiusiame Bilevičiams, Pilsudskiai tada dar negyveno, į jį atsikėlė tik po 1863 m. sukilimo, kada dalis Pilsudskių ir Bilevičių dvarų Žemaitijoje (Pilsudskiai iš ten kilę, jų pavardė nuo Pilšūdų dvaro pavadinimo) buvo konfiskuoti. 5 The card completed by Aleksandras Vanagas in 1968 says: Žalavas (incorrectly written Zulavas), locality Zalavi. Švenčionys district 6 The author thanks Vytautas Boguišis, Vidas Garliauskas, Petras Gaučys, and Vidas Račys, who helped unravel the complicated history of this estate and its name. 74 of all inhabitants. However, the Sužionys parish was still almost entirely Lithuanian at that time. In 1932, an elderly woman told Juozas Maceika, a well-known Lithuanian activist in Vilnius, that in her youth people spoke Lithuanian not only in Sužionys, but also in Nemenčinė and Pabradė. At the turn of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the Belarusian language spread particularly widely in the area around Buivydžiai. In the Kamojys parish, people then spoke a mixture of Lithuanian and Belarusian. At the beginning of the twentieth century, Lithuanian speakers still made up about half of the population of the Šalčininkai parish, mostly in its western part. During the interwar period, as a result of the Polish occupation, Polish began to gain ground in place of Belarusian throughout all the localities under study, especially northeast of Maišiagala, Nemenčinė, and Sužionys. Yet at that time, islands and islets of Lithuanian speech still survived almost everywhere. According to the data of the Polish linguist Halina Turska, Lithuanian survived longest in the Nemenčinė parish, in Strūpūnai, and in the Sužionys parish, in Gričiūnai and Padubiuosė. After Vilnius was regained, it became clear that many people in the Maišiagala and Sužionys areas were still bilingual: most spoke Lithuanian and Belarusian, and less often Polish. The western and central parts of what is now Šalčininkai District also had mixed speech at the time; in some places, Lithuanian speakers still made up a majority: 90% in Mištūnai; about 50–90% in Dainava, Gilviniškės, Užuklonys, Vežionys, and Naujadvaris; and 25–50% in Kalesninkai and Purvėnai. Our dialectologists found good speakers of the local dialect near Šalčininkai in Mikantonys (as many as 86), Ažulomys (56), Dainiškės (47), Maž. Baušiai (30), Klynai (27), Kameninkė (17), Širviai (16), Pašalčys (7), Stakų Ūta (6), Milvydui and Vinciapolis (5 each), Pamūrinė and Tribonys (1 each), and as many as 26 in Šalčininkai itself. During the census, people who no longer knew Lithuanian also registered as Lithuanians: 55% of the population in the Maišiagala area, 37% in the Nemenčinė area, and 23% in the Šalčininkai area. When passports were issued, those registering as Lithuanians accounted for as much as 89% in the Maišiagala area and 80% in the Nemenčinė area. During the German occupation (1942), 10% Lithuanians were found in Kamojys municipality. Incidentally, 12 Lithuanian primary schools were established there at that time. The chauvinistic Polish underground (Armia Krajowa) inflicted tremendous damage on Lithuanian identity throughout the Vilnius region. Despite all the hardships, after the war it was still possible to find elderly people who had preserved the local Lithuanian dialect, even in the most heavily assimilated areas. In 1950–1952, the author of this article travelled around those areas with Prof. Povilas Pakarklis, seeking remnants of the Lithuanian language. We found more than one elderly man or woman who spoke Lithuanian well near Maišiagala, Karvys, and Nemenčinė, where Lithuanian is no longer spoken today or where the newly learned standard Lithuanian is used. In 1956–1969, our dialectologists succeeded in studying and describing the main features of the traditional Lithuanian dialect in the Maišiagala, Nemenčinė, and Sužionys areas. In the postwar years, under the Bolshevik occupation, the Lithuanian language declined even further in the Vilnius region. A practice took hold of appointing non-Lithuanian officials, generally anti-Lithuanian in outlook and mostly Polish, in districts undergoing assimilation. From 75 1950 onward, many Lithuanian schools were turned into Polish schools. Not a single Lithuanian school was left in the central part of Šalčininkai District, and only Mištūnai and Gelūnai remained in the western part. But in 1959–1960 those, too, were closed. Many people from Belarus moved to the Vilnius region at that time. In 1985–1989 alone, as many as 3,874 people moved to Šalčininkai District. As a result, according to 1988 data, Lithuanians made up a mere 9.4% of the district’s population. When the National Revival began, the Polonizers also became active: they began creating various autonomies and unleashed powerful anti-Lithuanian propaganda. They told many lies. Articles appeared in their press claiming that neither the authors themselves nor their parents (aged 80–95) remembered anyone ever speaking Lithuanian in the Maišiagala, Karvys, or Nemenčinė areas. They remembered nothing only because they did not want to remember. The newspaper „Czerwony sztandar„ reported that there were no monuments in the Buivydžiai cemetery bearing even a single Lithuanian surname. In fact, there are Baciul, Kairys, Kiežun, Lakis, Likša... Propagandistic lies poured forth unchecked. In a Polish-language broadcast on Vilnius radio, the pastor of Sužionys even claimed that there had never been any Lithuanians in his parish. Of course, he failed to mention that in 1878 his parishioners had asked the tsarist authorities to reopen the Sužionys church, closed in 1866, and had requested that sermons be preached and hymns sung in Lithuanian there. Unfortunately, when the church was returned, the Polish consistory of the Vilnius diocese sent Polish priests there, and they Polonized the parish. In 1905, the Lithuanian language was completely expelled from the Sužionys church. The process of assimilation was completed during the Polish occupation. Far from these localities, Lithuanian-speaking islands have survived in Belarus to this day, near the areas we are studying. North of Kamojys, there are still people who speak Lithuanian. A tragic fate befell the Lithuanian-speaking island of Lazūnai. In 1893, Eduardas Volteris, a privatdozent at the University of St. Petersburg, visited it and found the villages of Bebrėnai (Бобровичи), Bežėmiai (Bežėmnu, Бежемцы), Daniūnai (Доневичи), Gudenionys (Гуденята), Jaskūnai (Joskūnų, Яскевичи), Lazūnai (Лаздуны), and Valdikai (Вальдики) still entirely Lithuanian, while the villages of Kuproniai (Купровичи), Ažubaliai (Забелавцы), and Zubonys (Зубовичи) had already become somewhat Slavicized. Thirteen years later (1906), Jonas Jablonskis, who visited the area, wrote that he had found many mixed families; people told him they had never seen a Lithuanian newspaper or received Lithuanian books, and that the church had spread Polish identity widely. In 1909, the Lithuanian newspaper „Viltis„ wrote that the pastor of Lazūnai, Mackevičius (a Samogitian by origin), had banned Lithuanian in the church, saying „bo to wielki grzech przemówić w kościele po litewsku„ (for it is a great sin to speak Lithuanian in church). The idea that the Lithuanian language was unnecessary was constantly drummed into people’s heads: after all, it was used neither in church, nor in school, nor in government offices. Fortunately, in 1919–1925, Lithuanian identity in Lazūnai was sustained by Karolis Gumbaragis, an energetic promoter of Lithuanian identity who served there as a priest (and was later deported to Siberia by the Bolsheviks). In the postwar years, about half the population (400–500 people) emigrated from the Lazūnai area to Poland. They fled Bolshevik terror. From the 1950s onward, scholars began organizing expeditions to record important data on this unique, dying Lithuanian vernacular— 76 menis. Lietuvių kalbos ir literatūros instituto 1952, 1955 ir 1959 m. ekspedicijos (dalyvavo ir Maskvos kalbininkai) lietuviškai kalbančių dar rado Lazūnuose, Bebrėnuose, Bežėmiuose, Dievėrgiuose (Dervagiuose), Jaskūnuose, Pašalyje, Ūsiagiriuose ir Valdikuose, suprantančių ir šiek tiek kalbančių – Daunorių, Gudenionių, Jančiūnų, Miegūnų, Salinių, Šeškų, Zomāšių, Žydžiūnų ir kt. kaimuose. Lietuviškiausias tada buvo Pašalio kaimas. 1964–1968 m. lietuviškai mokančių rasta (mažėjančia tvarka): Pašalyje, Bebrėnuose, Dievėrgiuose, Gudenionyse, Valdikuose, Lazūnuose, Daunoriuose, Šeškuose, Jaskūnuose, Zomāšiuose, Bežėmiuose (tik suprantančių). Kažkiek lietuviškai suprantančių aptikta net apie Dūdą (Dūdàs, Ažubalių kaime) ir Viją (Ивье). Tačiau praėjus porai dešimtmečių, Lazūnų apylinkėse jau bebūvo likę gal 30–40 senių, šiek tiek mokančių lietuviškai. Visi jie ne jaunesni kaip 70 metų. Tarp savęs šnekėdami lietuvių kalbos paprastai jau nebevartojo, kalbėjo gudiškai. Lietuviškai „padudendavo,“ tik atvykusio iš Lietuvos asmens prakalbinti. Daugelis mokėjo nebelaisvai, kalbėdami užsikirsdavo, įmaišydavo gudiškus žodžius. Tokį įspūdį susidarė šių eilučių autorius, aplankęs Lazūnų lietuvius 1983 m. kartu su žymiuoju šio krašto kalbos tyrėju Aloyzu Vidugiriu ir Kaune tada gyvenusiu lažūniškiu Pranu Semoku. Such is the sad history of the decline of Lithuanian identity in the localities under discussion. However, when the inventories were written, three and a half centuries ago, these localities were still entirely Lithuanian. The inventories record Lithuanian personal names that are absent from the Dictionary of Lithuanian Surnames (Vanagas et al. 1985–1989), and are thus highly significant for the study of Lithuanian anthroponymy and for Lithuanian linguistics more generally. Here they are (given in modern spelling and standard-language form): Aukštaraitis, Aukštavartis, Bagdonelis, Bala, Balininkas, Balubonis, Banonis, Bildukas, Bildūnas, Byskupėlis, Byvaina, Bočiulaitis, Bomelis, Braziukonis, Buitelaitis, Bulkonis, Butkonėlis, Čiukelis, Dasionis, Didienis, Drujus, Gaižonis, Grigeišis, Jaučiavarys, Jočelis, Juodaragiš, Kamaškaitis, Kirinaitis, Kirpė, Kliukelis, Kyvelis, Krinyčėlis (Kriničėlis?), Kunča, Lupka, Marciukaitis, Minela, Mišaitis, Mošionis, Naturgaitis, Noragis, Pilina, Pristavonis, Prūšonis, Puidelis, Ratadailis, Rimkelis, Rudakiškis, Rugiaduonis, Sambaras, Savulaitis, Sidabris, Skrabelis, Spievokas, Statulionis, Stubeda, Švilžentis (Svilžandis?), Šimononis, Šimukas, Šipelaitis, Terzelis, Urbononis, Urdė, Vaiškaitis, Vaivadelis, Žemaitėnas. It should be noted that the inventory scribes used a considerable number of Lithuanianisms which, apparently, were widespread in the Polish spoken in Lithuania at the time (polszczyzna litewska). The more common ones include: dziakła ‘grain levy, grain tribute, due’ (działka żyta pul beczki, from ‘dékłas: déti), and the adjective dziakielny derived from this word (becka dziakielna, owsa dziakielnego, miary dziakielney); kompie ‘ham’ (gen. pl. kompiow); kowsz ‘ladle’ (nom. pl. kowszy); pondeck ‘small bundle’ (borowikow wieniec jeden, orzechow pondeck); 77 punia ‘barn, hayloft, shed’ (punia from Lithuanian pūnē); rojst ‘marsh, swamp’ (w roistach); rum ‘dwelling, building’ (rum wielki, rum tarciami obity, za tym rumem; naprzečiwko tego rumu; from the Lithuanian Germanism rūmas) and the diminutive form rumek (do tego rumku); rykūnia, rykania ‘woman responsible for managing the manor’s livestock and animal products’ (dla ciwona y rykoniey; from rykūnia: rykauti ‘to manage, keep house, arrange’); siaber ‘friend, co-worker’ (z siabrami; from śebras); sklut ‘broad-bladed axe for hewing timber, an adze’ (sklut ciesielski, nom. pl. skluty); swiren, swieren, swierzen, szwieren ‘granary’ (do swirna, w swirnie, w swiernie, w swiernie, w tem swierźnie, za swiernem, dwa swirny, szwierny, gen. pl. swirnow, szwiernow, za swirnami, przed szwiernami, w swiernach) and the diminutive form swirenek (w tem swirenku); trzynitny ‘three-thread’ (żupanik trzynitny ponoszony); untrynik, untrenik ‘assistant, secondary worker, subordinate’ (z untrynikiem, nom. pl. f. untrenicy; from dialectal ūntrinykas, -e); wicina ‘an old-fashioned flat-bottomed cargo boat used on rivers, a vytinė’ (od wicin, od zamarzych wicin). There are loan translations (calques) with Lithuanian meanings, e.g., strona, stronica ‘a side bay of a barn’ (tok nowy z stronami, tok dwadziescia sązi z stronicami), trynog ‘a three-legged stool’ (trynog miedziany). Elements of Lithuanian phonetics occur, for example, the consonant k instead of Polish ch: w kacie ‘in the room’ (w chacie). The inventories also contain other interesting details. For instance, the inventory of the Buivydžiai estate states that the buckwheat harvest was poor because bears destroyed it (medzwiedzie popsowali). It is noteworthy that in Eastern Lithuania, around Palūšė, Mėironys, and Gaveikėnai, bears were still present even in the early 19th century. LITERATŪRA J a b l o n s k i s K., J u č a s M. 1962: Lietuvos TSR Mokslų akademija. Istorijos institutas. Lietuvos inventoriai XVII a. Dokumentų rinkinys, Vilnius: Valstybinė politinės ir mokslinės literatūros leidykla. K u l b o k i e n ė V. 1966: Lietuvių enciklopedija 35, Boston, 131. Š v e n č i o n i ų a p s. s ą r a š a s 1846: Vilniaus gubernijos inventorinio komiteto Švenčionių apskrities gyvenamųjų vietų vardų sąrašas, esantis Lietuvos valstybės istorijos archyve (buv. CVIA), f. 394. ap. 6, b. 350. T a s z y c k i W. [red.] 1965–1985: Słownik staropolskich nazw osobowych 1–7, Wrocław etc. V a n a g a s A. ir kt. 1985–1989: Lietuvių pavardžių žodynas 1–2, Vilnius: Mokslas. Z i n k e v i č i u s Z. 1977: Lietuvių antroponimika. Vilniaus lietuvių asmenvardžiai XVII a. pradžioje, Vilnius: Mokslas. Z i n k e v i č i u s Z. 1990: Lietuvių kalbos istorija 4: Lietuvių kalba XVIII–XIX a., Vilnius: Mokslas. 78 Z i n k e v i č i u s Z. 1993: Rytų Lietuva praeityje ir dabar, Vilnius: Mokslas (žr. gyvenviečių rodyklėje nurodytus puslapius). INWENTARZE DWORSKIE XVII W. – JAKO ŹRÓDŁO ANTROPONIMII ORAZ DEMOGRAFII LITWY WSCHODNIEJ Streszczenie Artykuł ma na celu przedstawienie wniosków wysnutych na podstawie analizy imion własnych znajdujących się w inwentarzach dworskich z lat 1611–1696, dotyczących miejscowości Nemenčinė (Niemenczyn), Maišiagala (Mejszagoła), Zalavas (miejsce urodzenia marszałka Józefa Piłsudskiego, Zułów), Vokė (Waka), Buivydžiai (Bujwidze), Sužionys (Sużany), Sudervė (Suderva), Karvis (Korwie), Šalčininkai (Soleczniki), Kamoja (Komaje), Lazūnai (Łazduny). Najważniejsze wnioski są następujące: Rozpatrywany materiał wykazuje, iż jeszcze w XVII w. miejscowości te były całkowicie litewskie. Dowodzą tego nie tylko imiona własne znajdujące się w inwentarzach, ale także toponimia oraz liczne lituanizmy w polszczyźnie, którą spisane zostały inwentarze. Dzisiejszy dwuczłonowy system nazywania osoby (imię + nazwisko) w owych czasach nie ustalił się jeszcze, proces kształtowania się nazwisk dopiero się rozwijał, dlatego drugiego członu nazw osobowych (obok imienia nadanego podczas chrztu) nie należy w zasadzie traktować jako nazwisko. Stopień slawizacji litewskich imion własnych w inwentarzach jest różny – przeważnie zależał od pisarza i od wybranego przez niego sposobu nadawania imion, co z kolei być może w jakiejś mierze odzwierciedlało nie wszędzie przecież jednakowe używanie antroponimii przez miejscową ludność. Wśród nazw osobowych pochodzenia litewskiego przeważa antroponimia związana z przezwiskami (w szerokim znaczeniu); mniej jest archaicznych nazw dwuczłonowych oraz ich skrótów, odziedziczonych z okresu przedchrześcijańskiego. Większość nazw osobowych pochodzenia nielitewskiego (imion nadanych podczas chrztu, przekładów słowiańskich itp.) zawiera elementy języka litewskiego, zazwyczaj przyrostki oraz końcówki. Ludzie noszący nazwy osobowe, które nie mają elementów języka litewskiego, z reguły także byli Litwinami, ponieważ ich rodzeństwo lub imionami zawierającymi elementy języka litewskiego. Przyrostki (sufiksy) słowiańskie (przeważnie patronimiczne) dołączone do antroponimii pochodzenia litewskiego, w tamtych czasach jeszcze nie przesłaniały przyrostków litewskich, w większości charakterystycznych dla Litwy Wschodniej i bardziej różnorodnych niż słowiańskie. W inwentarzach jest wiele litewskich nazw osobowych, których nie uwzględnia „Lietuvių pavardžių žodynas„ („Słownik litewskich nazwisk„, t. 1–2, Vilnius, 1985–89), więc badanie antroponimii znajdującej się w inwentarzach dworskich otwiera bardzo szerokie perspektywy. OSTLITAUISCHE INVENTARE DES 17. JAHRHUNDERTS ALS QUELLE ANROPONYMISCHEN UND DEMOGRAPHISCHEN STUDIEN Zusammenfassung Das Ziel des vorliegenden Beitrags besteht darin, die Resultate darzulegen, die sich ergeben aus der Analyse der in den Inventaren der Gutshöfe von Nemenčinė, Maišiagala, Zalavas (J. Pilsudskis Geburtsort), Vokė, Buivydžiai, Sužionys, Sudervė, Karvys, Šalčininkai, Kamojys 79 und Lazūnai (1611–1696) vorliegenden Personnamen. Die wichtigsten Ergebnisse sind folgende: Die zu untersuchenden Ortschaften trugen noch im 17. Jh. einen durchwegs litauischen Charakter. Davon zeugen nicht allein die in den Inventaren belegten Personen- und Ortsnamen sondern auch die vielen Litauaismen im Polnischen der Inventare. Damals war das System der zweiteiligen Personenbezeichnungen (Namen + Familiennamen) noch nicht eingewurzelt (die Entstehung der Familiennamen begann sich erst zu entwickeln); deshalb ist der zweite Teil der Personenbezeichnungen (der Personennamen, der neben dem Tafnamen steht) in vielen Fällen nicht als Familiennamen zu betrachten. Der Grad der Slawisierung der litauischen Personennamen ist in den Belegen aus den Inventaren nicht der gleiche. Er hing größtenteils ab von dem Charakter des Schreibers sowie der von ihm gewählten Art, die Personen zu bezeichnen. Andererseits spiegeln sich wohl auch in der Bezeichnungsweise die unterschiedlichen Gebrauchsformen der Anthroponyme unter der einheimischen Bevölkerung wider. Unter den Personennamen litauischer Herkunft herrschen aus Spitznamen entstandene Anthroponyme vor; seltener belegt sind zweistämmige archaische Personennamen und deren Kurzformen, die aus der vorchristlichen Periode stammen. Die größte Anzahl der Personennamen nichtlitauischer Herkunft (Taufnamen, slawische Entlehnungen u.a.) enthält litauische Sprachelemente, meistens Suffixe und Endungen. Personennamen ohne litauische Sprachelemente bezogen sich auch größtenteils auf Litauer, denn die in den Inventaren belegten Anthroponyme, die Namen der Brüder bzw. Kinder ausdrückten, trugen schon einen litauischen Charakter oder enthielten litauische Sprachelemente. Die slawischen Suffixe (gewöhnlich in Patronymen), die in den Anthroponymen litauischer Herkunft vorliegen, haben damals die litauischen Suffixe noch nicht verdrängt, von denen viele kennzeichnend für Ostlitauen und verschiedenartiger als die slawischen sind. Die Inventare enthalten viele litauische Anthroponyme, die in den „Lietuvių pavardžių žodynas“ („Wörterbuch der litauischen Familiennamen“) Bd. 1–2, Vilnius 1985–1989 nicht vorliegen. Deshalb ist die Untersuchung der in den Inventaren belegten Personennamen ein aussichtsreiches Forschungsobjekt. 80