Lietuvių kalbos ypatybės turėtojų pavadinimų su priesaga „*-no-“ darybos raida

LIETUVIŲ KALBOTYROS KLAUSIMAI XXXIX (1998) Saulius AMBRAZAS Lietuvių kalbos institutas, Vilnius THE DEVELOPMENT OF LITHUANIAN FEATURES OF THE FORMATION OF POSSESSOR NOUNS WITH THE SUFFIX *-no- § 1. The process by which adjectives with the suffix *-no- became substantivized and developed into possessor nouns (nomina attributiva, hereafter NAttr) began considerably earlier than that of adjectives with *-io- (cf. author 1997). About 40 suffixes have developed from *-no-, with which possessor nouns are formed in Lithuanian. Among them, the suffix -inis(-ė). is especially productive. Derivatives with the suffixes -inas, -ina § 2. There are very few possessor nouns with the suffix -inas. The name of the monetary unit auksinas ‘golden’ is simply the substantivized adjective auksinas(-a) ‘golden’, used in old writings; cf. also drōbinas ‘linen cloth’ A.Baran; J; Sdb; Rm; Pg; Srv; Lnk; Jnšk (LKŽ II² 739) and drōbinas(-a) ‘linen’ BB 2 Moz 28,42; 3 Moz 6,10; J; Š. § 3. The origins of other corresponding derivatives with -inas are not so clear. Antai S. Karaliūnas (1974: 201–203) vedinyje ákštinas „spygluot as dyglys; spailis, padaigslis; šakalys; lazdelė rambi ems gyvuliams varyti“, kuris siejasi su akštis „smailas pagaliukas, kartele; virtinė, kibirnė“ (LKŽ I² 85–87), įžiūri het eroklitinę formą balt. *aśti: *aśtṇ, plg. s. ind. ásthi: gen. sing. asthnáḥ, av. asti: asta(n) (žr. dar Hamp 1953). It is uncertain whether the name of the god of the dead, Vėlinas > Vėln̄ias (cf. Latvian velns ME IV 532–533), is a Baltic derivative with the suffix *-ino-¹, or whether it too developed from some heteroclitic inflectional form; cf. Hittite wellu ‘pasture, meadow of the dead’ (which may derive from *welnu or *welśu), Greek Ἡλύσιος (< *wḷnu-ti yo) ‘belonging to the meadow of the dead’, Old Russian Velesъ ‘god of cattle’, etc.² One may discern the alternation kirmis: kirmuō: kirminas among derivatives (all are used chiefly in the Samogitian dialect; see LKA III 135–136); cf. Latvian cirmis: cirmens, cirmenis: cirminš, cirminis, cirmins (ME I 386; EH I 273); Latin vermis: vermen 1 Cf. the older form of the word vėlė, recorded in A. Juška’s dictionary and the songs he collected: vėlė bei velės ‘deceased’ VoK 121; TS 1898,5–6 (LKŽ XVIII 606, 633), vel(i)uoka ‘devil’ (author 1996: 115), and especially Latvian Vels ‘god of the dead’, velis ‘soul; All Souls’ Day’ (ME IV 530; Gimbutienė 1970; 1985: 168 ff.). 2 Cf. Puhvel 1969; Ivanov, Toporov 1973; Ind. 824. 148 (vermina) ‘worm’ (Specht 1944: 181; Otkupščikov 1967: 263; 1967a: 125–126). The derivative pentìnas is also related to the i-stem noun pentìs (see DaiktvDrR 90 on this; cf. Old Church Slavonic petъno3); compare also kūkštinas and kukšnìs. § 4. The following NAttrs are undoubtedly secondary: kelinai ‘trousers’ C I 977 (cf. kelinės, see § 6), pleperìnas ‘chatterbox’ Tv; Šts (LKŽ X 146), stipìnas (: stipė ‘tongue of a buckle’ Kos 54; Ds; Lkm; ‘board beside a millstone into which the millstone spindle is inserted’ Užp – LKŽ XIII 793), žirginàs J; Jsv; Krs, žirginai Bsg, žirginai Žr, žirginai ‘stud farms’ Ds, žmogìnas ‘human excrement’ Prk (LKŽK). The considerable number of hydronyms and helonyms with the suffix -inas (e.g., Jūdri-nas Tl, Daūsinas Krž, Gardìnas Pn, etc.; see Vanagas 1970: 154–156; Bilkis 1998: 105–106) indicates that adjectives with the suffix -inas(-a) were once prone to undergo substantivization; compare also Prussian asvìnan ‘mare’s milk’ (Kolbmilch) E 694 (PJa A–D 135–138; PKEŽ I 106 with lit.; Eckert 1995: 54–56) and Lithuanian ašvà ‘mare’. Moreover, diminutives and nomina masculina with *-ino- arose in the Baltic languages from such substantivized adjectives. Later, the suffix *-ino- began to be displaced by the newer-form suffix *-injo- (see §§ 6–8). Thus, when the syllabic Indo-European sonant *ṇ became the diphthong in in the Baltic languages, the old remnants of heteroclitic inflection became inextricably mixed with newer substantivized adjectives in *-ino-. § 5. A few names of possessors of a characteristic are also formed with the variant -ina of the suffix -inas, e.g., auksina ‘gold piece’ BB Ps 56,1; 57,1; 59,1; 60,1, smulkinà ‘trifle’ Šlčn (LKŽ XIII 219). Derivatives with the suffix -inis(-ė) § 6. In Lithuanian, when adjectives with this newer-form suffix are substantivized, they often acquire the meaning ‘possessor of a characteristic’; in this way, a highly productive NAttr formation type arose (ŽD 257–259; DaiktvDr 344–346). Derivatives of this type are attested already in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century writings. The derivative krūtinė has been widespread since the beginnings of written records. A now-obsolete derivative kilpinis ‘firearm bow’ is frequent in old writings. Others are recorded in individual texts. Some of them are still used in dialects, e.g., bergždinė ‘barren cow’ SD³ 84, 132, dešimtinė SD³ 38; Ch¹ Mt 23,23, kailiniai SD¹ 62; SD³ 126; Lex 67; SE 224₇, kaklinė ‘the last one’ DP 293₄₃, kaktinė ‘forehead band’ BB Ekli 45,14; SD¹ 85, kelinės ‘trousers’ SD¹ 32, 133, 184; SD³ 65, 301, 452; KlG 70 (cf. also the shortened form kelnes Ch¹ Mr 28,42), kempinė VlnE 218₁₁–₁₂; SD³ 67, krūminis ‘molar’ Lex 12a, kruvinis ‘person with leprosy’ BP I 192, lapinė ‘tent’ BB 3 Moz 23,42; Ps 81,4; BP I 163₂₄; II 136₁₁; Lex 57a, 80a; ‘fox fur’ ³ Trautmann 1923: 214; ŽD 243; GJL II 187–188. 149 ‘cap’ Lex 38, 63, marškiniai SD¹ 17, 62; SD³ 33, 80, 125; Lex 47, naginės Lex 66a, pirštinės SD¹ 154; SD³ 154, 376, rytinė ‘morning’ VlnE 120₅; BP II 394; MP 325, sėklinė ‘seed plant’ C II 351, šaltinis BB Ps 74,15; SP IX, šoninė SD¹ 162; SD³ 398, vakarinė ‘supper’ DP 3X; SD¹ 192; SD³ 477. § 7. Others now extinct or rare, e.g.: apskritinė ‘bump, lump’ SD³ 66, 69 (“a peasant’s land in one plot” Sut), apskritinis ‘sphere, ball’ Mž 315₂; BB Išm 11,7; Job 12,14; Ps 97,5; 98,10; BP II 32₂₃ (also B; [K]; ‘wheel, arc’ J), ąžuolinė ‘oak firewood’ Lex 27, balsinė ‘vowel’ Mž 7X (also K II 320), beržinė ‘birch firewood’ Lex 18 (cf. beržinė/beržinė ‘birch rod’ BM 290; Pln; ‘medicine made from birch buds steeped in vodka’ Skr; Ggr; ‘the feast of Corpus Christi’ Kos 236 – LKŽ I² 727), drebulinė ‘aspen firewood’ Lex 33, dvibalsinė ‘diphthong’ Mž 13₁₂ (also K I 300), alksninė ‘alder firewood’ Lex 30, ypatinė ‘person’ Mž 23₁₆,₁₇; 76₄; 373₈; BP I 65₁₈; DP 143X (“separate place; eating apart from everyone” J; “a flower-bed” BŽ 223), kadaginė ‘juniper firewood’ Lex 102a, kelinė ‘sock, legging’ SD¹ 98; ‘one leg of a pair of trousers’ C II 145 (also J), kruopinė ‘sausage made of groats’ Lex 44a, medinis ‘black grouse’ Lex 18; C I 336, pūkinė ‘a kind of downy caterpillar’ SD³ 679 (“bed of down” Vaižg; GŠ 351; NdŽ), preskinės (see § 20), sanbalsinė ‘consonant’ Mž 7X, skroblinė ‘hornbeam firewood’ Lex 27, smegeninė ‘sausage made of brains’ Lex 60a (also NdŽ; ‘head’ LTR(Gršl); Alv; ‘wisdom, intellect’ VIkv; Mrj – LKŽ XIII 139), svietinis ‘layperson’ DP 497₁₈, 499₄₉ (also Sut), šiltinė ‘hot springs’ SD³ 34 (also Sut; N; [K]; NdŽ), vakarinė ‘evening wind’ KIG 61; Lex 105 (also Q 618; Bb Sir 43,18), velksninė ‘sling’ BB Job 41,20 (cf. vélksnė ‘dragging’ BsP III 203(Brt); Pb – LKŽ XVIII 640), viršinė ‘top, summit’ SD¹ 193; SP I 310₂₇ (also KŽ). Some of them are clear neologisms, showing that this word-formation type was productive already at the beginning of the written tradition. § 8. In Latvian, there are very few corresponding derivatives with -in(i)s(-inš), -ine, e.g.: austrinš ‘east wind’⁴, kaiminš ‘neighbor’ (cf. Lithuanian káiminis/kaiminis, -ė ‘villager’ Alk; Gs; Srv – LKŽ V 56, see also Skardžius 1963: 316), zlecini ‘people of Zle-kas’⁵, melines ‘blueberries’, zemines ‘wild strawberries’, vecine ‘old woman’ (LVG 312–313), celmine ‘common stump mushroom’ (cf. Lithuanian kelminė/kélminė ‘the same’, see Rėkėna 1995: 96). For in Latvian, this suffix has often come to form diminutives, which are very rare in Lithuanian (aut. 1994: 146). Possessive nouns with *-inįo- may also have existed in Prussian, cf. Lithuanian drėvinė ‘small barrel for storing fat’ Pkr (LKŽ II² 692) and Prussian drevine ‘(hollow-tree vessel)’ ⁴ This derivative has been compared by some researchers (LVG 313; BKGF 78; aut. 1994a: 30) with Lithuanian auštrinis ‘northeasterly wind’ KIp; Plng; Kim (LKŽ I² 515). However, at a conference dedicated to J. Kazlauskas (1994 11 04), A. Girdenis suggested that Lithuanian auštrinis may be a borrowing from Latvian. ⁵ In some southern and eastern Lithuanian dialects, personal designations based on place of residence or origin are also formed with the suffix -inis(-ė), e.g.: adūtiškinis, kauninis, dūkštinis, etc. (LKA III Map No. 110, p. 116). 150 ‘tub’ (Boᵉte) E 393 (PKEŽ I 223–226)⁶, Lithuanian šōninė and Prussian gravyne ‘sideboard (wagon plank)’ (Tunebret) E 304 (PKEŽ I 404; Eckert 1995: 54). It is uncertain whether Prussian aulinis ‘shaft’ (Schaft) E 503 (so BKGF 78) belongs to this word-formation type, since it may also be an o-stem, i.e. formed with *-ino-, cf. the derivative aswinan mentioned above (see § 4). The suffix *-ino- seems more characteristic of Prussian than *-inio- (Kaukienė 1994a: 16). § 8. One or another word which, from a synchronic perspective, appears to be a derivative with the suffix -inis(-ė) may derive from remnants of heteroclitic inflection (cf. derivatives with the suffix -inas, see § 3). S. Karaliūnas (1992) argues that ožinis/óžinis ‘southeasterly, southerly wind’ is not a derivative with the suffix -inis from the word ožys ‘goat’ (so GJL II 192), but, like Latvian āzenis, āzinis, az-aids ‘midday’ derives from Baltic *āź(en/n), cf. Sanskrit áhar-/áhan- ‘day, daylight’, as well as Lithuanian áudinis: áudenis ‘northeasterly wind’: áudra alternation (Karaliūnas 1990: 86). Derivatives with the suffix -inys(-ė) § 9. In some dialects (mostly western ones) and in written sources, a few names denoting bearers of a property were also formed with the later variant of the suffix -inis(-ė), namely -inys(-ė): 1) from nouns, e.g.: drobinys “shirt, garment” K; Vd (cf. drobiniai/drobiniai/drobiniai “linen garments” Plik; Dov; Klp; Skd, drobinis, -ė “linen” LKŽ II² 739), galvinys “clever person” Kair; Šauk; “learned person” BsP II 74; “queen of diamonds” Kv (cf. gálvinis “small bundle of straw for roofing; queen of diamonds”, galvinis, -ė “of the head; head-shaped; important” LKŽ III 84), kailinys “fur coat” Užv; Alv (V 52, cf. kailiniai, see § 6), kūginys “barn” DP 412₇, 534₈; J; G 93; BM 434; Alz; Pnd; Pkp; Sl; Dkk; Kp (cf. kūginis, -ė “cone-shaped” Ggr – LKŽ VI 775), pakulinys “coarse fabric woven from tow” Alk; Raud (cf. pākulinis “same” Brs; Snt; Lnkv; Stak; Al; Gs; Žgn, pakulinis/pākulinis, -ė “woven from tow” LKŽ IX 212), pašukinys “fabric woven from combings” Pbs; Srv; Vs; Stak; Al; Srv; Dv; “coarse threads made from combings” Mrk (cf. pāšukinis/pašukinis “fabric woven from combings” Lnkv; Vgr; Brs; Lkm; Akm; Up; Er; Jrb; Ssk; Jnš; Lš; Ds, pašūkinis, -ė “woven from combings” LKŽ IX 588), pieninys “milk pot” Krok; Smn; Vs; Pn (ŽD 262, cf. pieninis/pieninis, -ė “giving milk; intended for storing milk; made from milk; relating to milk; intended for processing milk”), ratinys “spinning wheel” LTR(Žg); Pš; Šl; Skn; Žml; Akm; “a load that fits in a hay wagon” Rod (ŽD 262; LKŽ XI 243–244, cf. ratinis “spinning wheel”, rātinis/ratinis, -ė), skalinys “log for splitting into kindling” J; Vl (ŽD 262; LKŽ XII 705, cf. skalinis “same” Šl; Als; Vkš; “dance with kindling” Ggr, skalinis, -ė “woven from kindling; made from wood suitable for kindling; containing fissile rock” (LKŽ XII 705–706), skari- 6Otherwise, see Trautmann 1910: 323; SV 162; Eckert 1993: 227–228. 151 nyš “towel” Prl (cf. skarinis “same” Nč; Mlt; Švnc; Kls; Rod; Lz; SkrT; “piece of cloth” Grv; Dv; Dbč, skarinis, -ė “intended for keeping clothes; scarf-like” LKŽ XII 757); 2) from adjectives, e.g.: baltinys “white of the eye” Lex 104a; C II 942; K; “egg white” Lex 33a; K; “cloth being bleached” J (cf. baltinis, -ė “white”), bergždžinys(-ė) “barren animal” Brs; “one who has no children” J; Gl; Trk (LKŽ I² 763, cf. bergždinė, see § 6, bergždžinis, -ė “barren”), dryžinys “striped fabric” M.Valanč; J; Šts; Als; “a person’s clothing, appearance” Slnt (II² 735, cf. dryžinis, -ė “striped”), ilginys “tall person” Vlk (cf. ilginis “wall beam on which rafters are fastened” Dglš; Grv; Tvr; Dsn; “pole for hanging something” Lš; “long-handled scythe” Ad, ilginis, -ė “straight, continuous, uncrumpled” LKŽ IV 50), juodinys “a type of dish made from blood” J; Skdv; “homespun patterned fabric” J; Rdm; Bd (IV 403), marginys “same” J; Skr; Plv; Pn; Al; Up; Ds; Ob; “pattern, ornament” Vl; Bgs; “something made up of items of more than one color” Tl (VII 853, cf. marginis, -ė “made of patterned fabric”), ploninys “thin fabric” J; Als (ŽD 262; LKŽ X 305, cf. ploninis, -ė “thin, slender”), skaninys “delicacy” S.Dauk; M.Valanč; J; DūnŽ; Plng; Kal; Pp; Vkš; Vvr; Šts (LKŽ XII 737). Verb-based derivatives, mostly names of action results, are formed much more frequently with the suffix -inys (DaiktvDrR 63–64, 96, 195, 214–215). Derivatives with the suffixes -inga, -ingis(-ė); -angas(-a), -engė, -(i)ungis/-ungys(-ė) § 10. In Lithuanian, as in the other Baltic languages, adjectives are widely formed with the suffix -ingas(-a) (ŽD 106–120; Būd vDr 556–558). However, only a few names denoting bearers of a property are associated with them. The suffix -inga occurs in kregždinga “swallow” (long used in the Samogitian dialect, found in the writings of D. Poška and S. Daukantas; see LKŽ VI 121); perhaps lakštinga “nightingale” BzF 132; Pgg (VII 96; for its formation, see LEW 337) belongs here as well, together with the derivative lakštingala, expanded partly by the suffix -ala, unless it is a remodeled borrowing from German Nachtigall (thus Szemerényi 1960: 221 ff.). Words of entirely unclear formation but semantically close are blėzdinga “swallow” (attested as early as BB 3 Moz 11,19 and now widespread in the Samogitian dialect; see LKŽ I² 907–908) and kuolinga “rat” Ds; Sb; Pnd (VI 912). § 11. The paradigmatic variant -ingis(-ė) of the suffix -ingas(-a) occurs in: blėzdingė/blezdingė “swallow” K; Klp; Skdv; “pansy” Yl; Klp (LKŽ I² 908), burlingis “one who spills food while eating” LMD(Šlv), burlingė “over-soured milk; poor soup” Vlk (I² 1192), klibingis “a person or animal with a twisted leg, lame” J; Erž; VšR (VI 75), klivingis “one who sways from side to side” N; [K]; J II 168, kriv ingis “a twisted object” Br; Slnt (ŽD 121; LKŽ VI 660), kuolingė “rat” Nj; Rm (LKŽ VI 912), lakštingė “nightingale” LTR(Pnd); Psl; Ad (VII 97), rūsingis “Russian” Zt (ZtŽ 567), šlivingis “one with crooked legs” N(Rg); [K]; BzBk III 70; KŽ. 152 § 12. A few other names denoting bearers of a property have also been formed with these apophonic variants of the suffix -ing-: -angas (-a): žabángai (widely attested in 16th–17th-century writings, and still used in dialects today: Pl; Brst; Užp; Ūd; Mšk; Kair; Ds), žabángos ‘trap’ VlnE 4; BM 72, 449; Tl; Všn; Pln; Plt; Plv; Tj; Gs; Mrc (LKŽK, cf. Prussian slango ‘bridle, muzzle’ (Gebys) E 452, see PKEŽ IV 128–130); -engė: juodengė ‘a kind of blue berry’ Dbč (LKŽ IV 399); -(i)ungis/-ungys (-ė): aklungys ‘a blind person, horse’ J I 9, burliungė ‘watery mud’ Lp; ‘poor soup’ Dglš; Nmn; Kls; Dg, burliungis ‘bog’ Q 401; Krz 158; [K]; ‘fatso’ J; Skr; Gs; Vrn (LKŽ I² 1193), murungis ‘a gloomy person’ Smk (VIII 433), pludūngė/plūdungė Ms; Als; Slnt; Dr; Plt, pludūngis/plūdungis/ plūdungys ‘a frivolous person, a trifler’ J; Krp; Tv; Erž; Šv; Slnt; Pln; Užv; Krš (X 322), varliungis ‘frog, small child’ Rdm (LKŽ XVIII 275), žaliungis ‘green, unripe rye, fruit’ Lkm; Trgn, žaliungė ‘green berries, apples’ Klt (LKŽK); the words of unclear derivation mešlūngis/mešlūngis/mešlungis K; J; Žem; Skr; Vlky; Lk; Šv; ‘spurge laurel’ J; Lnkv; Rm; Pc; ‘leafy spurge’ R; P; K, mešlungė ‘cramp’ LC 1878,31; Kv; ‘spurge laurel’ Kos 238; Pc (VIII 97) may also belong here. § 13. Corresponding derivatives are also very rare in Latvian, for example: teterīga ‘capercaillie’, lakstīga-la (cf. Lithuanian lakštingala, lakštinga, see § 10), Old Latvian barīde ‘orphan’ (LVG 371). In Prussian, adjectives with the suffix *-ingo- much more often became nouns and acquired the meaning ‘bearer of a property’, for example: nauningas ‘newcomer’ (Newling) III 87, ragingis ‘deer’ (Hircz) E 65, acc. pl. paklusmingins ‘subjects’ (Unterthanen) III 91 (Kaukienė 1994: 9). The ethnonym jotvingiai is also related to these derivatives; it probably originally meant ‘inhabitants of Jotva’ (Būga 1961: 153–156; Salys 1985: 406–407). That this type of word formation is ancient in the West Baltic languages is shown by Prussian, Yotvingian, and Curonian place names and personal names with -ing and its variants -ang-, -ung-.⁷ In addition, in areas inhabited by Prussians (cf., for example, Elbing, Marungen PKEŽ I 248–249; III 149–151), Curonians, and Yotvingians, hydronyms and helonyms with -ing-, -ang-, -eng-, -ung- have been recorded, for example: Liōlinga Šlv, Alanga Trg (cf. Latvian aluōgs ‘spring, quagmire’), Drabéngis Prn, Babrūngas Plt (Vanagas 1970: 91, 134, 168–169, 203; Bilkis 1998: 54, 126–127, 159). It should also be borne in mind here that the aforementioned Lithuanian names denoting bearers of a property with -ing-, -ang-, and -ung- are likewise used predominantly in the western and southern dialects (see §§ 11–12), which probably developed on a West Baltic linguistic substrate (cf. Mažiulis 1994; Vidugiris 1996). 7 Būga 1961: 136; Gerullis 1922: 247; Trautmann 1925: 174; Savukynas 1966: 172; Zinkevičius 1987: 20, 42; Vanagas 1994; 1996: 113–120. 153 § 14. The West Baltic languages also had a center where adjectives with the suffix *-ingo- were widespread. In Prussian, adjectives formed with this suffix were derived not only from nominal stems (as in Lithuanian and Latvian), but very often from verbs as well, for example: auschaudwíngin ‘trustworthy’ (trewe) III 53₄: auschauditey ‘to trust’ (vertrawen) III 27₁₁, Druwingin ‘believer’ (glaubigen) III 119₁₃: druwit ‘to believe’ (gleuben) III 45₁₀, and so on (Kaukienė 1994: 9). § 15. K. Būga (1961: 789–796) drew attention to the striking similarity in the formation of Baltic adjectives with -ingas and Germanic names denoting bearers of a property with the suffix -ing (which also has the variants -ang-, -ung-); cf. Lithuanian vargingas, Latvian vārdzīgs ‘poor’ and Old High German arming ‘poor person’; Lithuanian galingas, Latvian varīgs ‘strong’ and Old High German mahting ‘strong person’, and so on. A. Vaillant (1970; 1974: 494) tended to regard the Baltic suffix -ingas as a Germanism. This is, however, entirely implausible (Skardžius 1972: 96). § 16. Baltic derivatives with *-ingo- are thoroughly integrated into the entire derivational system of the Baltic languages. 1. Alongside the suffix *-ingo-, the Baltic languages also have the old suffix *-ino- without the determinative *-g-. It is noteworthy that the meaning of *-ingo- and *-ino- in some adjectives is exactly the same; cf. Old Lithuanian kruvingas ‘bloody’ and krūvinas, Old Church Slavonic кръвьнъ ‘bloody’ (ŽD 120). Moreover, when they become nouns, adjectives with the suffix *-ino- (especially the newer suffix form *-inio-) in Baltic languages also tend to acquire the meaning ‘bearer of a property’ (see §§ 4–8). 2. In the Baltic languages, the determinative *-d- was also added to the suffix *-ino-. Thus the ethnonym galindai was formed with -ind-, and its original meaning may have been ‘those living at the end’ (cf. the Lithuanian personal names Galinis and Galindžius); its formation is similar to that of the ethnonym jotvingiai mentioned above (see § 13). The suffix -ind- is found in place names: Prussian Karwinden, Stubunden, Lithuanian Gelind-énai Pln, Ne-rind-aičiai Tl; in Lithuanian surnames Dalinda, Dubindys, Tilindys⁸; and in the hydronym Kelinda Pln (Vanagas 1970: 167). The suffix -ind- has the variant -and-, with which, as with -ang-, hydronyms have also been formed, for example: Gylánda Pgg, Samándis Smal, and others (Vanagas 1970: 91); cf. also derivatives with -und- (e.g., klabūndas ‘tree stump’, klabūnda ‘one who stumbles’ DaiktvDrR 152) and the aforementioned derivatives with -ung-. Some derivatives with the suffixes -ing-/-ang-/-ung- (or -ind-/-and-/-und-)—especially hydronyms—may have originated as remnants of extended forms of heteroclitic inflection; cf. Lithuanian Suvìngis, Prussian Sawangę and Lithuanian Savėlis, Savėnė, Prussian suge ‘rainfall’ (Reynen) E 49; or Lithuanian Krūvandà and Krūoja, Latvian kràuja ‘steep riverbank, cliff’ (Karaliūnas 1987: 190–191; cf. also Krahe 1959: 242–243). § 17. By contrast, Germanic names denoting bearers of a property with -ing have no such deep roots; their origin is unclear. Moreover, they are very rare in Gothic and some other earliest written monuments of the Germanic languages. This type is almost absent 8 Gerullis 1922: 223; Savukynas 1963: 322; Skardžius 1973: 55–56. 154 A. Bammesberger (1990) does not mention at all the derivatives that should have cognates in all or many Germanic languages and could be considered Proto-Germanic in his monograph on Proto-Germanic nominal morphology. W. Meid (1967: 198 ff.) believes that they spread relatively late, already in the separate Germanic languages, and moreover not equally widely in all of them from the outset: they are found most frequently in Old Icelandic (Munske 1964: 8–38; Bennett 1966: 657). The greatest number of place names with -ing- has also been recorded in Scandinavia (Udolph 1994: 149–161). Perhaps their centre of distribution should be sought there? Thus the question arises whether the suffix *-ingo- might have entered the Germanic languages from the West Baltic languages (or perhaps the long-standing proximity of the languages of the latter group merely activated the suffix *-ingo- in the Germanic languages and changed its original form?). If we accept this hypothesis of Baltic influence, it would be easier to explain why the Germanic suffix -ing has the consonant g instead of the expected k. For the old Indo-European determinative *-g- corresponds to Germanic -k-. We often find it in diminutives, which can be compared with the diminutives formed with the Baltic suffix -už- (author 1994: 138). The suffix *-ōmen-, too, may have entered the Germanic languages from the West Baltic languages. Perhaps, as a result of contacts between West Baltic and Germanic (also predominantly Scandinavian) languages, both language groups began forming names of properties with the adjectival suffix *-isko- (author 1994a: 31). § 18. Prussian Germanic loanwords also suggest that contacts between West Baltic and Germanic languages were ancient and apparently long-lasting. For example, two Prussian Germanic loanwords of different ages arose from the same old Germanic word *xelmaz ‘helmet; a certain kind of head covering’. The first, kelmis ‘cap’ (Hūt) E 475, was borrowed very long ago, well before Christ, while the second, ilmis ‘shed’ (Bark) E 234, probably dates from the first centuries AD.9 V. Mažiulis (1981a: 8) teigė, kad vakarų baltai su germanais išbuvo kaimynais apie tūkstantį metų: nuo VIII a. prieš Kr. ligi III a. po Kr.10 W. P. Schmidtas (1986) irgi mano, kad germanų kalbos susiformavo baltų kalbų kaimynystėje. Archeologai pastebi nemaža senų bendrų bruožų tarp vakarų baltų ir gotų kultūrų (Žulkus 1995). Moreover, it is possible that some West Baltic tribes joined the Germanic peoples in their campaign against the Roman Empire, and that some Baltic tribes (perhaps mixed with Germanic peoples) later returned. The traces of the name Galindians in Spain and in some other parts of Southern and Western Europe may perhaps testify to that campaign (PJa E–H 139–140; I–K 380; Toporov 1980; 1983; 1993 with references). An area reaching Moravia, Slovakia and Bohemia also contains place names and personal names derived from the ethnonym 9 Būga 1961: 85–87; Salys 1985: 274; PJa I–K 42–43, 311–312; PKEŽ II 74, 160–161 su lit. 10 Beje, dabar V. Mažiulis (1995) iškėlė naują hipotezę, pagal kurią tiek slavų, tiek ir germanų kalbos kilusios iš protobaltų kalbos periferinio dialekto, tik skirtingu metu. Ji primena ir L. Palmai-čio (1995) nuomonę, kad prabaltų kalba esanti paskutinė liltinė ide. prokalbės raidos pakopa. 155 prūsai (Nepokupnyj 1976: 92–103). Antra vertus, archeologiniai duomenys rodo, kad V–VI a. po Kr. Prūsijoje bei Vakarų ir Vidurio Lietuvoje pasirodė naujos politinės klajoklių gentys, savo materialine kultūra labai artimos gotams bei Romos provincijoms (Šimėnas 1992; 1994). Apie panašaus laikotarpio baltų ir gotų santykius rašoma Jordano „Getikoje“, ypač šiuo požiūriu svarbus Teodoriko Didžiojo laiškas aisčiams VI a. (Gudavičius 1982; 1987). Gal kai kurių baltų genčių sugrįžimas iš Romos atsispindi ir legendoje apie lietuvių romėniškąją kilmę bei kunigaikštį Videvutį (plg. Šimėnas 1989; 1994a; Beresnevičius 1995: 77 tt.). Tačiau visa tai reikalauja tolesnių studijų. Derivatives with the suffixes -ienas, -iena § 19. When some adjectives with the suffix -ienas(-a) (probably an ablaut variant of the suffix -inas(-a)) became nouns, they acquired the meaning ‘bearer of a property’. There are very few names of property-bearers with -ienas, e.g.: beržienas ‘a birch-covered patch’ Dglš (LKŽ I² 776), kiaulienas ‘young boar’ Jnš; Žg (cf. kiaulienas, -a ‘like a pig’ NS 812; (d.)Rm – LKŽ V 696), rugienai ‘stubble of cut rye’ BB 2 Moz 15,7; Dkš (XI 887). Perhaps kamienas also belongs here (cf. Latvian kams, Slavic *komъ ‘clod, lump’, Lithuanian kām-anos, German Ham ‘harness’)11. § 20. Corresponding feminine derivatives with -iena are frequent and generally denote types of meat (DaiktvDr 414–415). Such derivatives are already found in 16th–17th-century writings, e.g.: aviniena DP 294₉, jautiena SD¹ 196; SD³ 484; Lex 71, kuiniena SD³ 436, ožiena Lex 19, paršeliena SD¹ 140, vištiena SD³ 144, žąsiena SD¹ 34, žvėriena SD³ 157; Lex 106. The derivative preškienos has a somewhat different meaning: ‘unleavened dough’ C II 572; Q 516; N; ‘Jewish Passover’ SD³ 347 (cf. preškinės ‘same meaning’ VlnE 155, preškienà ‘unleavened dough’ N; ‘preška soup’ J). Meat names with *-eino- have cognates also in Slavic and Italic languages; cf. Lithuanian žvėriena and Slavic *zvěrina, Latin ferīna12. Derivatives with the suffixes -ienis, -ienė, -eina/-einė § 21. Nouns and adjectives with the newer-form suffix -ienis(-ė) also acquire the meaning ‘one possessing a characteristic’. There are few names for entities possessing a characteristic formed with -ienis, just as with -ienas (cf. § 19). Several derivatives of this type denote plant vines, e.g.: bulbienis ‘potato haulm’ 11 Būga 1959: 35–37, 295–296; ŽD 287–288; LEW 213; EŚRJa II 300; EŚSJa X 179–180. 12 Leskien 1891: 413; Brugmann 1906: 276 ff.; ŽD 288; BKGF 79; GJL II 212; Butler 1971; Sławski 1974: 123; Vaillant 1974: 363 ff. 156 Gg; Dbg; Plš; Nmč (cf. bulbienis,-ė ‘potato-like’ Sb; Sdk; Bb; Slm; Rk; Nmn; Drsk – ŽD 289; LKŽ I² 1149; LKA III 29, 143), bulvienis ‘potato haulm’ Kt; Alk; Smk (cf. bulvienis,-ė ‘potato-like’ Jnšk; Čk – LKŽ I² 1156; LKA III 29, 143), kamienis ‘potato haulm’ Kos 45; J(Ds); Ds; Sdk; Dgl; Zr (LKŽ V 176, cf. kamienas, see § 19), ropienis ‘turnip leaf’ Dglš; Str; Grv (XI 833). Derivatives with the compound suffix -ien-ojas are much more commonly formed with this meaning (aut. 1997: 125). § 22. A few NAttr of other meanings with -ienis are also found in dialects, e.g.: beržienis ‘birch rod’ Rod (LKŽ I² 770), dryžienis ‘striped coarse-hemp cloth’ Prng; Vdš (II² 734), karštienis ‘pancake’ Kb (V 325), kelniėnis ‘thick tow cloth for trousers’ Ml; Dg; Ad (V 529), margienis ‘inferior homespun colored cloth’ Ad; Klt; Prng (VII 852), rugieniai ‘rye straw’ JD 227; Dbg; Ds; Kair; Trgn; Pb (cf. rugienis,-ė ‘rye’ – LKŽ XI 887), saldiėnis ‘sweet curd cheese’ Arm; Grv; Zt; ‘sweet dish’ Vrn; Žln (cf. saldienė, see § 23, saldiėnis,-ė ‘unfermented, having a sweet taste’ Ėr; Nč – LKŽ XII 64). § 23. Across a large area of the Aukštaitian dialect, various names for foods are formed with the suffix -ienė (ŽD 289–290; DaiktvDr 347–348; LKA III Map No. 125, pp. 138–139). Derivatives of this kind are already recorded in K. Sirvydas’s dictionary. The NAttr bėralienė ‘bread made from unwinnowed rye’ SD³ 21, 29, miltienė ‘flour gruel’ SD³ 99, pautienė ‘omelet’ SD¹ 45; SD³ 84 are used in dialects. The derivative saldienė ‘sweet food’ SD³ 164 (also [K]) now has the dialect meanings ‘sweet curd cheese’ Vdš; Grv; Lz; ‘sweet bread’ Knv (LKŽ XII 64), džiovienė ‘rusk’ SD³ 78 – ‘dried dish’ Rd (cf. džiovė ‘dried bread’ Alvt; ‘a dried dish’ Q 333; Ds; Prng; Dgl; Ktk – LKŽ II² 1022, 1023). In addition, derivatives with the suffix -ienė often denote wives and female animals. § 24. The name Medcina or Medeinė¹³, the name of the goddess of forests, was formed with the older-form suffix -eina or -einė (for its origin, see DaiktvDrR 64–65); cf. the surname Augš-teinis, the town name Raseiniai (ŽD 290), and the hydronyms Kulėinis Mrk, Sto-reinis Sem, Kruteinė Klp (Vanagas 1970: 110). Derivatives with the suffixes -ainis/-ainys(-ė), -aina § 25. The suffix -ainis(-ė) is an apophonic variant of the suffix -ienis(-ė). In Lithuanian, it too is used to form names for bearers of a characteristic, but less frequently than -ienė. In 16th–17th-century texts, the now-obsolete derivative tėvainis ‘heir, inheritor of property’ was very widespread (cf. Latvian tėvainis ‘old, well-known man’ ME IV 179; LVG 328). A common derivative in J. Bretkūnas’s writings is gentainis(-ė) 13 Skardžius 1954: 221; Gimbutienė 1985: 152; Zinkevičius 1987: 91; Eckert 1992: 3–4; Greimas 1993. 157 ‘kinsman, a person of the same clan, friend’ BP 13X; BB GG 1,9; 1,15; Pat 8,4; it is also recorded in present-day dialects of the Klaipėda region (Klp; Pj – LKŽ III 237). In the 17th-century dictionary of Lithuania Minor, “Clavis Germanico-Lithuana” (II 347), we find the derivative apvalainis ‘round piece of wood’ (also R II 296; Kair; ‘rolling pin’ Klvr; cf. also apvalainis, -ė ‘round; elongated and circular’ LKŽ I² 278). § 26. Today, the suffix -ainis(-ė), like -ienė (cf. § 23), is most often used to form names of foods: 1) usually from nouns, e.g.: aguonainis ‘poppy-seed milk’ Šmk; ‘cake with poppy seeds’ Rs (LKŽ I² 28), avižainis ‘oat-flour bread’ Vks (cf. avižainis, -ė ‘oat’ R; K; S.Dauk; J; Skr – LKŽ I² 531), bulvainė ‘potato soup’ Plv (cf. bulvainis, -ė ‘potato’ J – LKŽ I² 1154), cibulainė ‘sauce, a liquid dish with many onions’ Grš; Snt (II² 19), duonainė ‘soup made from bread mash, bread crusts, or flour’ J; Skr; Erž (II² 870), kravainis ‘bread baked with blood’ Vks (VI 485), kunkulainė ‘dumpling soup’ Skr (VI 900), medainis ‘honey cake’ Ši (VII 982), miežainė ‘barley bread’ R II 169; ‘plain, coarse bread’ Trkn, miežainiai ‘barley flour’ Vl, miežainis ‘barley cake’ Kos 20; Brs; Skd (cf. miežainis, -ė ‘barley’ R II 169; K; J; S.Dauk; Vl; Šts; Vks – LKŽ VIII 158), padažainis ‘porridge eaten by dipping’ Vdk (IX 41), paplotainis ‘thin loaf of bread’ J; Als; Šlc (cf. paplotis LKŽ IX 377), uogainė ‘berry soup’ Žvr (XVII 478), vyšnainė ‘bread-and-cherry mash’ Nm; Žvr; Snt; Lkš; Šk; Grš; ‘cherry porridge’ Snt (LKŽK). 2) occasionally from adjectives, e.g.: apskritainis ‘dumpling’ Up (LKŽ I² 263), juodainis ‘bake made from blood’ Ll (IV 391), saldainis/saldainis/sáldainis (widespread in dialects, especially Samogitian), saldainė/saldainė ‘candy’ (widespread in Aukštaitian dialects LKŽ XII 62), sausainis/sausainis ‘rusk’ J; JD 166; (d)Šln; ‘dough cake’ Mšk; ‘dumpling with a hollow center’ Štk, sausainė ‘dough cake’ Pv (XII 204). § 27. Other names for bearers of a characteristic formed with the suffix -ainis(-ė) are also found in dialects (mostly western ones): 1) from nouns, e.g.: ausainis ‘wooden vessel with handles; gaper’ Yl (LKŽ I² 500), barzdainis ‘bearded man’ Grg (I² 674), brólainis ‘son of one’s brother’ Skd; ‘best man’ Jnš (I² 1068), griovainis ‘foolish woman’ Rd (cf. griovà, griovàs ‘clumsy, awkward person or animal’ LKŽ III 614–615), kelainis ‘shed’ Pvn; Al; Gd (V 504), kylainis ‘one who has a wedge’ Šts; Ms (V 773), lenšainis ‘dullard’ Vdk (VII 369), meldainis ‘overgrown lake’ Trg (ŽD 286), molainė ‘clay soil’ Lš (LKŽ VIII 334), pakelainis/pakelainis/pakelainys ‘shed’ Smn; Al; Lš; Alv; Mrs; Krok (IX 163), pleperainė ‘one who likes to talk nonsense’ Rs, plepetainė ‘chatterbox’ Alk (ŽD 287), šakainis/šākainis ‘branching tree’ Tv; End (cf. šakainis, -ė, šakainis, -ė ‘branchy’ Tv; Jdr – LKŽ XIV 400), šilainė Prn; Mrj; Lkč; Nm; KrR; Vlkj; Brt; Pkn; Gs, šilainis ‘sandy, light soil’ LTR(Dt); Jsv (cf. šilainis, -ė ‘pine-forest’ J; Ss; Žvr – LKŽ XIV 778), žabarainis ‘crooked log’ Tv (LKŽK); 158 2) from adjectives, e.g.: apskritainis “round-mouthed” Lkš; Šk (cf. apskritainis, -ė “elongatedly round” Slm – LKŽ I² 263), dryžainis “striped fabric, garment” Sk; Škn (cf. dryžainis/dryžanis, -ė “striped” J; Lnkv – LKŽ II² 733), gyvainė “living creature” Pš, gyvainis “ditto” Prk; Stb; Klov; Brž; Sml; “pus from a boil” Sdb (III 361); 3) from numerals, e.g.: ašmáinė “a vessel with a capacity of eight gorčiai for measuring or sowing grain” Grk; Rs; Plt; “a measure for loose commodities of this size (eight gorčiai)” Erž; Skdv; Vdk, ašmáinis “a vessel of eight gorčiai” Rp; Vdk; Rs; “a measure of butter of this size” B; [K]; “one eighth of a land valakas” Kos 216; Šd (cf. ašmáinis, -ė “eight gorčiai in size” J – LKŽ I² 338), ketvirtainis/ketvirtainis “quarter” N; K; J; NT Luke 3:19; A 1884,263; Nm (cf. ketvirtainis/ketvirtainis, -ė “square” LKŽ V 667–668). § 28. The suffix -aina occurs in older forms in NAttr lebedáina “a lanky, awkward, negligent person, a slob” Varn (LKŽ VII 218; cf. plepáina DaiktyDrR 128). § 29. A few property-holder nouns with -ainis (-ė) are recorded in Latvian, e.g.: pirkstaini “gloves,” vilnaine “a large woollen shawl” (LVG 327–328). The fact that adjectives with *-oino- began to become nouns and turn into property-holder nouns in the Baltic languages quite early is also shown by Old Prussian deynayno “morning star, dawn star” (Morgenstern) E 5 (PJa A–D 318; PKEŽ I 188 with literature). Derivatives with the suffixes -ynas (-ė), -yna § 30. Only a few property-holder nouns have been formed with the suffix -ynas (-ė). First to be mentioned is the old Baltic derivative kaimýnas/kaimýnas (-ė)14, cf. Old Prussian acc. sing. kaimīnan “neighbour” (Nachbar) III 6915, and partly Latvian dialect ciemiņš (LVG 319; BKGF 79; PKEŽ II 75–76). NAttr lazdynas is already found in K. Sirvydas’s dictionary (SD³ 152, 170). In the writings of Lithuania Minor (C II 96; Q 96; N; [K]) and J. Pabrėža, the derivative moterýnas “meadow clary” is recorded, while A. Juška’s dictionary (I 398) records ežerýnas “a dried-up lake.” Several dialectal derivatives with -ynas (-ė) still have a property-holder meaning, e.g.: kojýnas “a support, footrest” Dov (LKŽ VI 295), kūlynas “a bush grown from a berry— 14 In 16th–17th-century writings, besides its now usual meaning “a person living next door” (SD³ 39; Lex 63), this derivative also had the meaning “a subject, an unfree person” DP 3X; PK 120. The derivative kaimýnas entered writings in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania written in the chancery Slavic and Polish languages, where it denoted a particular category of peasant serfs (Jablonskis 1930; Jurginis 1962). S. Daukantas was also familiar with the meaning of kaimýno “a peasant, a villager” (Subačius 1993a: 64; DaukŽ I 511). Thus, the derivative kaimýnas was probably formed from a substantivized adjective that once meant “living in a village, belonging to a village, originating from a village” (Mezger 1960: 297–298; Lingys 1970: 297–299). 159 from the stem no” BM 140; BsMt II 201; LTR(Jnš); Jnšk; Krp (VI 833), lebedýnas “a scatterbrain” Trak (VII 218), motynė “an old potato from which new ones sprout” Šts (VIII 369), senýnas “a very old person” LMD(Tvr) (LKŽ XII 390), šūpuoklynas “a bog” Lz (XIV 205), šaltynas “a spring” Rm (XIV 268). § 31. Very close to names denoting bearers of a characteristic are diminutives formed with this suffix, characteristic of the Southern Aukštaitian dialect and denoting young birds (e.g., genýnas “a woodpecker’s young,” karvelýnas “a pigeon’s young,” kranklýnas “a raven’s young,” etc.; see ŽD 267), surnames of patronymic origin (e.g., Aleksýnas, Kasulýnas, Vitukýnas, etc.), which appear to have counterparts in Prussian (e.g., Antōnyn, Disernyn, Kickenyn, etc.; see Savukynas 1966: 172–173; Zinkevičius 1987: 42), as well as some kinship terms recorded mainly in the writings of Lithuania Minor (author 1994: 144–145). A derivative formed with the suffix -yna is kaimyna “female neighbor” Q 356, and the name of a goddess is Žemyna15. § 32. Adjectives with *-ino- sometimes acquire the meaning “bearer of a characteristic” in some other related languages as well. Thus, Lithuanian kaimýnas (see § 30) is very close in formation and meaning to Latvian vīcinus “situated in the neighborhood” and “neighbor,” Old Church Slavonic sěminъ “belonging to the household” and “slave” (BKGF 79; PJa I–K 149–151). Perhaps Lithuanian svỹnas “pigsty” Trš; Akm; Trk; Lž; Mžk (LKŽ XIV 363) corresponds to Germanic *svīnam, and partly to Slavic *svinъja “pig,” but compare Latvian svīns “muddy, soiled,” Old Church Slavonic svinъ, and Latvian svīnus “of a pig” (Karaliūnas 1994: 128–129; PKEŽ IV 176–177; see also author 1995: 186). In Slavic languages, singulative derivatives with *-ino-, formed from collective nouns or tribal names, are fairly common, e.g., Slavic *bratinъ “brother”: *bratьja “brothers,” *Rusinъ: *Rusь (Sławski 1974: 120). Some derivatives with *-ino- also denote bearers of a characteristic in Ancient Greek, e.g., φοξῖνος “a certain river fish”: φοξός “pointed” (Brugmann 1906: 276; Chantraine 1933: 204). Thus, adjectives with *-ino- have long tended to become nouns and acquire the meaning “bearer of a characteristic.” However, derivatives of this type did not become widespread in the Baltic languages. In the Baltic languages, the suffix *-ino- is most often used to form collective nouns (author 1995: 184) and diminutives (author 1994: 144–145). Derivatives with the suffixes -umynas, -umyna, -umynė § 33. A somewhat larger number of names denoting bearers of a characteristic have been formed in Lithuanian with the compound suffix -um-ynas, e.g., brangumýnas/brangumýnas “an expensive thing” BsP II 261; Vd; Mrj; Alk (LKŽ I² 998; cf. brangùmas), gardumýnai/gar- 15 ŽD 269, 270; Skardžius 1954: 223; Meid 1957: 125; Gimbutienė 1985: 151–152; Zinkevičius 1987: 90; Greimas 1990: 434 ff.; York 1993: 247. 160 dumynai “tasty food” DP 3X; SE 166; K; J; Ldvn; Lp (III 123), gilumynas “deep place” Nč (III 304, cf. gilūmas, gilumā), juodūmynai “dirt, black object” K I 266, 309, 698 (cf. juodūmas), kartumynai/kartumynai/kartumynai “bitter thing” RB Rd 3,15; K; J II 47; Ds (ŽD 268; LKŽ V 346, cf. kartū-mas), klampumynas “swampy area” Km; Mrs; Rud; Kb (LKŽ V 958, cf. klampūmas), margumynai “various colorful things” K I 269, margumynai “decoration with patterns, designs” Jrb (LKŽ VII 857, cf. margūmas), retumynai “sparse shrubs and trees” Škn (XI 495, cf. retūmas, retumā), riebumynai “fatty foods” K.Donel; N; K (cf. riebumas), saldumynai/saldumynai/saldumynai K; Mit I 19(Rg); J; J.Bil; V.Krėv; Zp; Jrb;Sdk; Ds (ŽD 268; LKŽ XII 70, cf. saldūmas), skanumynai/skanumynai “delicacy” Sch 178; Mit I 19(Rg); K; Slnt; Lk (LKŽ XII 738, cf. skanūmas), tankumynas (widespread in many dialects LKŽ XV 815, cf. tankūmas, tankumā), žalumynai Jdr; PumŽ; Pgg; Graž; Krs; Ut; Mžš; Kair; Alv; Snt (cf. žalūmas, žalumā), žirgumynai/žirgumynai “seed pods of deciduous trees” Lkm; Dkk; Ds; Švnč; Dbč (LKŽK). § 34. The suffix -umynas has the following rare paradigmatic variants: -umyna, e.g.: lygumyna “flatland” MŽ II 186; N, tankumyną “dense thicket” Rdm; Pls; Rod (LKŽ XV 815); -umynė, e.g.: gardumynės “tasty foods” R (cf. gardumynai), juodumynė “black rust” Ml (LKŽ IV 411, cf. juodumynai), klampumynė “swampiness” Sdk; Ut (V 958), tankumynė “dense thicket” BsP II 592; LTR(Dkk); DS 66(Rs); Skdt; Ds (XV 815). With the suffix -umynas and its variant -umyna, names of properties are formed in some Lithuanian dialects (aut. 1992: 43). In addition, derivatives of this type are also related to collective nouns with the suffixes -ynas, -yna, -ynė (aut. 1995: 184–186). Derivatives with the suffix -(i)ūnas (-ė) § 35. More than one hundred and fifty names of bearers of a property with this suffix are now in use (DaiktvDr 349–350; DaiktvDrR 148–149). Meanwhile, only a few occur in 16th–17th-century writings. The derivative viršūnė was already widespread at that time. The dialects also use NAttr dykinas C II 89. The derivatives didžiūnas “nobleman” SD³ 56, 99, 248, 478; SP 9X; SIG 7X; SE 19; Ch¹ Apr 6,15, galūnas “strong man” SD³ 177, 181; SP II 94₁₆; SE 22₂₆, 63₁₃; Ch¹ 6X; Ch 1 Sam 17, 51; “nobleman” MP 44 (“murderer” M.Valanč; S.Dauk), karaliūnas “king’s son” (widespread in 16th–17th-century writings), žygūnas “messenger” Lex 70a; C II 299 (also Krz 413; R II 81; MŽ II 107; N; [K]; L 523; BŽ 100, 600; and other writings) are no longer characteristic of present-day language. The derivative gerūnas “one devoted to pleasures” is known only from SD³ 379. Several other derivatives in old writings with -(i)ūnas (-ė) are related both to nominal and verbal bases (DaiktvDrR 148). 161 Old documents and settlement names show that in the mid-seventeenth century, patronymics were widely formed in central Lithuania with the suffix -(i)ūnas; over time, these became surnames, e.g.: Aleksiejūnas, Balčiūnas, Tamošiūnas, and so on.16 § 36. Prussian, too, had a considerable number of personal names with -ūn-. Particularly ancient is the name of the god Perkūnas, common to Lithuanian, Latvian, and Prussian: hence Lithuanian perkūnas, Latvian dialectal pērkūns, Prussian perkunis (thunder) E 50; compare also Lithuanian Medūnas and Prussian Medun, Lithuanian Norūnas and Prussian Norune (as well as the Latvian place name Nārūni; see Arumaa 1963: 78), and Lithuanian Vilūnas and Prussian Willune (Trautmann 1925: 168–169; SV 46). By contrast, it can be said that there are no common nouns denoting possessors of qualities with -ūn- in Prussian texts, except perhaps alkunis (elbow) E 110 (cf. Lithuanian alkūnė, Latvian dialectal ēlkūne), which can be considered a derivative of the suffix -ūn- only from an etymological perspective (PKEŽ I 67–68). Their presence might be indicated by two agent nouns with -ūn- (DaiktvDrR 149). In Latvian, derivatives with the corresponding suffix -ūns are generally very rare and occur only in some dialects; cf. Lithuanian viršūnė and Latvian virsūne (LVG 320; Reķēna 1995: 96). § 37. The Baltic-language data cited above suggest that common nouns with -(i)ūnas may have become widespread in modern Lithuanian only recently. Their accentuation may also point to this. Proper nouns with -(i)ūnas have preserved the older circumflex accent in Lithuanian, whereas most common nouns of this type came to be accented with the acute. Only a few derivatives are exceptions, including viršūnė, karaliūnas, which were widespread in older writings (see § 35), and, in some dialects, didžiūnas alongside the more common didžiūnas (Pakerys 1994: 93–94, 121; Stundžia 1995: 65–66 with references). A few adjectives that have not become nouns and are likewise accented with the acute have survived in Lithuanian dialects, e.g. saldūnas ‘sweet’ (DaiktvDrR 150). Thus, some Lithuanian common nouns with the acute accent may be adjectives that have only recently become nouns; cf. saldūnas ‘sweet’ and ‘sweet fruit’. Moreover, derivatives with the suffixes *-ūno- and *-ōn- apparently underwent contamination. In other words, derivatives with the suffix *-ūno- began to displace older derivatives with *-ōn-, many of which are characterized by oxytone accentuation. This may also be how the doublets discussed by K. Būga (1959: 333 ff.) arose, with -(i)ūnas and -uon- (cf. atskalūnas and atskaluonis, pasalūnas and pasaluonis, etc.), as well as the new suffix -uonas (DaiktvDrR 151 with references). Furthermore, a considerable number of similar nouns denoting possessors of qualities with -onas also came to be accented with the acute (cf. § 44). This accentuation may also have been determined by the general tendency to accentuate o-stem nouns oxytone, a tendency associated with the once-existing collective plural (cf. Stundžia 1994: 20–21; Mikulėnienė 1996). Of course, one cannot entirely rule out the possibility that Slavic languages, which abound in corresponding derivatives with a suffix of similar origin, -(i)ūnas, may also have influenced their spread, in particular— 16 Salys 1930: 138–139; Zinkevičius 1977: 153–155; Maciejauskienė 1977: 162–163. 162 suitable derivatives with a suffix of similar origin, -unb (see § 38). However, this influence could not have been very great, since Lithuanian has only a few clear Slavicisms ending in -ūnas, e.g., apiekūnas ‘guardian’. § 38. The origin of the suffix -ūnas is unclear, and various hypotheses have been put forward (for these, see aut. 1991: 30–31; DaiktvDrR 149–150). In form, derivatives with this suffix are closest to Latin tribūnus ‘tribune, district leader’: tribus ‘district, tribe’, Portūnus ‘god of the harbor’: portus ‘harbor’¹⁷, and Old Indic dāmūnas- ‘belonging to the house; guardian of the house’ (cf. Latin domus, Old Church Slavonic domb, Lithuanian namūn-aitis)¹⁸. On the other hand, in function the suffix -ūnas (< *-ūno-) is very closely related to Slavic -unъ (< *-ouno-). In Slavic languages, too, this suffix is widely used to form nouns denoting possessors of qualities¹⁹; cf. Lithuanian saldūnas and Serbo-Croatian slàdun ‘sweet fruit’ (Martynov 1973: 39). However, the forms of the Baltic *-ūno- and Slavic *-ouno- suffixes differ. Incidentally, Slavic has several derivatives with -unъ that correspond exactly to Baltic -ūnas; cf. Slavic *Perynъ // *Perunъ ‘Perkūnas’, *pehynъ // *pelunъ ‘wormwood, mint’ (Sławski 1974: 134). § 39. The Baltic name of the god Perkūnas is compared with Old Icelandic Fjorgyn ‘mother of Thor, the god of thunder’, Gothic fārguni ‘mountain’, Celtic Hercynia silva, Slavic *Perunъ, and Hittite perunas ‘rock’ (the latter may also be of entirely different origin; see Watkins 1995: 530). On this basis, some scholars attempt to reconstruct an Indo-European divine name *per(kʷ)uno/per(kʷ)ūno-.²⁰ But here, too, the problem arises of how to explain the differing forms of these derivatives (cf. also Latvian pērkāns, pērkauns, pērkuons ME III 208, 209). The derivatives mentioned probably arose independently in the various Indo-European languages, but for similar semantic reasons, perhaps as epithets (rhyme-words) of an ancient sky god. Moreover, it is unclear whether the Baltic derivative Perkūnas was formed from the Indo-European name for oak *perkʷu-, lost in the Baltic languages,²¹ or from the verb *per- ‘strike’ (cf. Lithuanian pérti), expanded by the determinative -k-.²² The first 17 Kretschmer 1896: 133; Brugmann 1906: 280; Hofmann, Leumann 1928: 223; Schulze 1966: 361; Specht 1932: 215–216 ir kiti. 18 Specht 1932: 216; Wackernagel, Debrunner 1954: 499; Meid 1957a. 19 Vondrak 1924: 549 ff.; Sławski 1974: 134; Vaillant 1974: 624–626. 20 Ivanov 1958; Ivanov, Toporov 1974; Ind 615, 792 ff.; Danka, Witczak 1995: 128, cf. also Porzig 1954: 120, 196; Nagy 1974. 21 Hirt 1892: 480–481; Güntert 1914: 203 tt.; Brückner 1922; 1974: 414; Specht 1939: 57; ŽD 281; IEW; Meid 1957: 125–126; 1993; Szemérenyi 1964: 307–308; Friedrich 1970: 21; Maher 1973: 457–459; Markey 1986: 256; Dunkel 1988–1990; Bader 1989: 33 tt.; LEV II 38–39; Hamp 1995; PKĖŽ III 265–266. 22 Grienberger 1896; Trautmann 1910: 395–396; ME III 209; LEW 575; Skardžius 1963; Gimbutas 1973 with references; Jakobson 1985: 19 ff.; Mayrhofer 1996: 969; Laurinkienė 1996: 23–32. W. Krogmann (1955: 4 ff.) connects Perkūnas with another root verb *per-, meaning ‘spray, gush out, scatter, blow’, cf. Lithuanian pirškšnis ‘tiny ember in hot ashes’, Old Irish riches ‘glowing embers’, Greek πρηστήρ ‘flash of lightning; strong wind’. Even less convincing is J. Otrebski’s (1962: 64–65) attempt to discern in the derivative Perkūnas two roots, *per- (cf. Lithuanian pérti) and *ker- (cf. Lithuanian kirsti). 163 This assumption is supported by the fact that in the Baltic languages, as with its cognates in other Indo-European languages, the suffix -ūnas most often forms deverbal derivatives rather than denominal ones (cf. DaiktvDrR 148–150). § 40. The development of names for possessors with the suffix -ūnas was most likely founded on an ancient tendency, perhaps dating back to the Late Indo-European protolanguage, to form social terms meaning “master, leader” with the adjectival suffix *-no-; besides the Latin tribūnus and Sanskrit dámūnas- mentioned above (see § 38), cf. also Latin dominus “lord,” Gothic kindins “tribal leader,” Old Icelandic drottinn, Greek χοίρανος “leader of warriors,” Gothic Þiudans “king,” and so forth.23 Closely related to these is the name of the god Perkūnas, as well as patronymics and other personal names with -(i)ūnas characteristic, in part, of Old Lithuanian (and perhaps Prussian?) (these are associated with the socially important institution of inheritance), and the end-stressed derivatives didžiūnas, karaliūnas (see §§ 35, 37). However, derivatives in -(i)ūnas probably developed as a distinct type of formation of names for possessors on Baltic linguistic territory (cf. Arumaa 1963: 77–78). Alongside the suffix *-ū-no-, the Baltic languages also have the suffixes *-ou-no- and *-u-no-, which derive from the same old suffix *-no- but were formed when it attached to different stem-final elements (see §§ 42–43). Derivatives with the suffixes -(i)ūna, -ūnis/-ūnys; -aun-, -un- § 41. Alongside the suffix -(i)ūnas, it may once have had a feminine form, -(i)ūna, which probably later changed to -ūnė. Cf. the name of the forest goddess Žvėrūna ‘mistress of the beasts, huntress’ (Greimas 1990: 393–395; 1993), the Samogitian surnames Stankūna, Girdžiūna (Salys 1985: 196), the derivative zvogūna ‘chatterbox, gossip’ (Senkus 1972: 169), hydronyms Beržūna Šlčn, Martūna Dv, Šerūna Šll (Vanagas 1970: 202), and Latvian bricūna ‘naughty child’ (LVG 150; cf. also DaiktvDrR 150). In earlier periods, nomina feminina were often formed with the derivational ending *-ā-, and only later were they displaced in the Baltic languages by corresponding derivatives with the derivational ending *-(i)ē- (author 1993: 38–39). A few derivatives with the suffix -ūnas(-ė) have io-stem forms, e.g.: geležūnys ‘a certain disease of horses’ Dglš; Ds (cf. geležūnės Dglš – LKŽ III 214, 217), viršūnis ‘summit’ C II 990; N; cf. also the hydronyms Sykūnė and Sykūnis Ašm (Vanagas 1970: 202), as well as the adjectives kartūnis ‘bitter’, saldūnis ‘sweetish’, tankūnis ‘growing densely’ (ŽD 281). In S. Daukantas’s writings, the i-stem suffix -ūnis is more common (e.g. atskalūnis, marūnis, palikūnis; see Būga 1959: 333) and probably arose from -uonis for phonetic reasons; cf. atskaluonis, maruonis, palikuonis24. 23 Plg. Saussure 1965: 309–310; Meid 1957; 1957a; 1966; Watkins 1966: 45t.; 1990: 296–297; Benveniste 1970: 301 tt.; Dunkel 1988–1990: 3–4. 24 Specht 1932: 223–224; Skardžius 1937: 129–130; ŽD 281–282. 164 § 42. With the suffix -aunė and its variant -aunys, the NAttr geležau nė? is formed. geležau nės rōnas “hunchback” B; MŽ; K; J.Jabl; Lkm; Rš (LKŽ VI 934), ligōnas “sick person” R II 231; M. Valanč; J; End; Tk; Slnt (VII 478), mārškonas “linen, canvas cloth” Lex 58a; B; MŽ II 323; Vv; Krok; Skr; Dkšt; Vlkv (cf. mārškonas,-a “linen, canvas” BB 3 Moz 16,4; B; MŽ II 323; K; S.Dauk; J; Lž; Vkš; Ms – LKŽ VII 881), salakōnas “inhabitant of Salakas” Slk; Ant; Avl; Ds (XII 60), seilōnas “drooler” Grš (XII 311), tevōnas “grandfather” Sn (ŽD 273). § 45. Formations of this type have counterparts in Latvian (e.g.: nešķi stāns “monster, freak,” druvāns “fallow field” LVG 305), Slavic (e.g.: OCS brotanъ “brother’s son,” županъ “district governor,” Russian velikan “giant”26), and Italic languages (e.g.: Latin Silvānus “woodland god,” Romānus “Roman,” insulānus “island-dweller”27). They arose through the substantivization of adjectives (DaiktvDrR 147). Formations with the suffix -(i)onis/-onys(-ė) § 46. In the 16th–17th centuries, patronymics with this suffix were widely formed in a large part of the Aukštaitian dialect area, e.g.: Janonis, Jurgionis, Petronis, etc.28 Formations in old writings such as dievonis “son of God” MT XXXV, kiemionis(-ė) “villager” (characteristic of many writings; cf. kiemionas, see § 44), pilionis “castle commander” Lex 46; C II 734 (also Q 246; R; MŽ; N 402); “citizen” BP II 480 (also LC 1883,7; “inhabitant of a castle” S.Dauk; “inhabitant of a town or estate” K.Donel; Gmž; K – LKŽ IX 985), tėvyksčionis “local inhabitant” SD¹ 104, tēvonis “heir” (characteristic of many writings; cf. tevōnas, see § 44), and also užgironis “inhabitant of Užgiriai” MŽ; N; KŽ; NdŽ, the dialectal sodžionis/sodžionis “inhabitant of a village” S.Dauk; P; J; Vkš; Žd; Pkl (LKŽ XIII 287). In Lithuania Minor and some eastern Aukštaitian dialects, several similar names for people, formed from city names, are used, e.g.: danckionis “inhabitant of Gdańsk” SapGr 19, karaliaučionis “person from Königsberg” KIG 47; KIC 25; R; MŽ II 305; K; LC 1878,31; Kel 1862,38; StngŽ 27; Rsn (LKŽ V 258; LKA III 116)29, rygionis “Rigan” Ps; Grž; Lnkv; RdN; Brž (LKŽ XI 594; LKA III 116), tilžionis “inhabitant of Tilsit” BzBk XVIII 243; StngŽ 27; Rsn (LKŽ XVI 354; LKA III 117), vilnionis “Vilnian” Arn (LKA III 116). S. Daukantas also coined names of peoples with -onis, e.g.: norvegionis “Norwegian,” kitajonis “Chinese,” and so on (Subačius 1993: 172). § 47. A few formations with -(i)onis/-onys(-ė) have a different meaning, e.g.: gyslōnis “plantain” Ds (LKŽ III 356; cf. gyslōnas, see § 44), gyvōnė Pmp, gyvo- 26 Vondrák 1924: 546; Vaillant 1974: 616–618. 27 Brugmann 1906: 280; Hofmann, Leumann 1928: 223–224. 28 Maciejauskienė 1977: 161–162; Zinkevičius 1977. 29 Cf. karaliaučionas (see § 44). It may have been formed on the model of Polish królewczianin (Leskien 1891: 395; Skardžius 1931: 96). 166 nìs/gývonis/gyvonys “living creature” R; K; J; Kč; Lš; Pns; Krok; Vs; Mrk (III 384), gražionis(-ė) “handsome person” Vlkv; Gs (III 542), kójonis “small jump to place under a bread trough” Prk (VI 206), ligónis(-ė) (already widespread in the 16th century; cf. ligónas, see § 44), marškònis “linen, canvas cloth” R; K.Donel; Grš; Plv; “coarse linen” Srv (cf. marškònis/márškonis, -ė “canvas, linen” B; K; Rp; J; LTR(Grk); Jnš; Vkš; Rs; Krš; Grš; Srv – LKŽ VII 882, marškõnas, see § 44), pirmõnės “first fruits” RB 2 Moz 22,29; K.Donel; KGr 190; K I 131, pirmonis “firstborn” C I 612; B; H; R; K; “the first among others” Bb PvR 16,5; LC 1884,39; Ns 1832,3, šakonė “branch fork” Grž (LKŽ XIV 442), velionis/veliónis Koss 265 (An); J I 326; Ds; Sv; Rk; Jž; Užp; Brž (LKŽ XVIII 633). § 48. Equivalents of derivatives of this type in the other Baltic languages are not very clear; perhaps compare Lithuanian Bajonis and Old Prussian Bayone (Trautmann 1925: 169), or Latvian dialectal baznīcāni “people living by the church,” tirdžāni “people living by the marketplace” (provided they belong to the ā- or iā-stem, see LVG 305; BKGF 76; Frenkelis 1969: 62). The origin of the suffix -onis is also not entirely clear. Lithuanian has loanwords with this suffix, for example dvarionis, krikščionis, miestčionis, etc. (Eckert 1971: 38–40), while in the Slavic languages derivatives with -(j)an- had consonant-stem inflectional forms (cf. Old Church Slavonic graždane “townspeople,” see Vondrák 1924: 542–543). Accordingly, A. Leskien (1891: 394–395) proposed that the suffix -onis itself, used to form names for people based on their place of residence, may have been borrowed from the Slavic languages. However, P. Skardžius (ŽD 275), J. Prinz (1968: 110), and R. Eckert (1971: 40–42), while not denying a certain influence from the Slavic languages, consider the suffix -onis to be of Baltic origin. The change of the suffix -onas to -onis may have been prompted by the similar suffix -uonis; cf. gyvonis and gyvuonis, pirmonis and pirmuonis, tėvonis and tėvuonis. Derivatives with the suffixes -enas, -ena § 49. The derivative gluõdenas “slowworm, copperhead” S.Dauk; Vp 48; Kv; Ms; Vvr; Slnt; Trk; Šts (LKŽ III 440) has the suffix -enas and corresponds to Latvian gluõdens, gluõdena, gluõdene (ME I 631; LEW 158). Old Prussian glosano “slowworm, gluoden” (Blintsleche) E 778 (PJa E–I 266; PKEŽ I 383–384 with references) is of similar formation; cf. also the hydronyms Duõbenas Vg, Laukėnas Lp, Laũmenas Dbg (Vanagas 1970: 132). § 50. Denominal derivatives with the suffix -ena most often denote furs and hides (sometimes items made from them) and are formed from animal names. Two such derivatives are already attested in 17th-century texts: meškenà “bear skin” Lex 12a (also Q 66; B; S.Dauk; Jn), oženà “goat skin” SD³ 126, 143; Lex 19 (also Q 98; N; J; JV 210, 1061; Vvr – LKŽ VIII 1025). Others are used mainly in the Samogitian dialect, from which they also entered the standard language, for example: arklenà “horsehide” S.Dauk; Grg; Vvr (LKŽ I² 303), ėrenà “lamb’s 167 “hide” Kltn (II² 1141), ėženà “skin of a hedgehog” S.Dauk; Šts; Grg (II² 1168), jautenà “hide of an ox” S.Dauk; M.Valanč; J; Vvr (IV 322), katenà “cat’s fur” J; Šts; Vvr; Lš; “purse worn at the belt” Kv (V 407), kiškenà “hare’s fur” J; “a fox-fur hat made from hare fur” Grz (V 884), lapenà “fox fur” Vvr; Plng (VII 147), ožkenà “goat hide” J; JD 1345; Žem; LMD(Užv); Sk; Brs; Vvr; Vrd (VIII 1035), šeškenà “ferret pelt” PP 75; LTR(Šv); Lpl; Vvr (XIV 693), šunenà “dog’s hide” JV 310; Vvr; “a covering, a blanket made of dog pelts” Kl; Pln; Rt (XV 358), veršenà “calf hide” S.Dauk; I; JD 1002; BM 308(Šll); Krž; Ggr; Užv; Šll; Trg, vilkenà “wolf pelt” I; M.Valanč; Žem; PP 28; (d)Vlkš; Vvr; Ši, zuikenà “hare’s fur” Slnt; Ms; Vvr; End; Plng; Als (LKŽK). § 51. Skin is also denoted by a few derivatives formed from other nouns, for example: galvenà/galvẽna “skin removed from an animal’s head” S.Dauk; Žml (also meaning “flax head with seeds” J; Trgn; Rs; Km; Pš; Vdk; Jnš; Sml; “flax stalks bearing heads” Mrj; Alk – LKŽ III 83), kojenà “skin from an animal’s legs” J; Škn; Dr (also meaning “roughly sewn shoes made from animal hide” J; Sd; Žr; Brs; Užv; Vkš; KlvrŽ; “short wool from the legs or head” Šd – LKŽ VI 295), žandenos “skin of the cheeks” Als; Trš (also meaning “cheek hair” I; Štk; Šv; Jdr; Pln; Kltn; Mrj – LKŽK), compare also Prussian nognan (<*nõgenan) “skin (dressed hide)” (Leder) E 498 (PKEŽ III 194–195). § 52. There are very few property-holder designations in -ena with other meanings. The derivative sniegena, “a bird of the finch family,” is widespread and was already recorded in Lex 76a. Others are found in dialects (mainly Aukštaitian), for example: aūsenos “grain kernels that flew out with the ears through the hole in the winnowing sieve” Sut; Žvr; Stk; Al; Ūd (LKŽ I² 500), blakenà “a sheet soiled by bedbugs” J I 214, dalgenà “the largest tail feather of a rooster or another bird” Ln (LKŽ II² 239), kotenà “the part of a plant stem near the root” J(Ilg; Vl), mẽsena “meat” Šts (LKŽ VIII 49), muilenos “soapy water, soap suds” Alk (LKŽ VIII 387), rañkena/rankenà (widespread; see LKŽ XI 164; LKA I Map No. 51, pp. 112, 117, 129, 137), skanenà “delicacy” GŠ 105; Rt (LKŽ XII 735), skūjenos “fallen needles” Grž; “fish scales” Sml (XII 1126), šaknẽnos “roots of flax stems” J.Jabl(Mrj); Vklv; Gs; Lp (XIV 412). There are considerably more deverbal derivatives with the suffix -ena in Lithuanian, especially those denoting the result of an action (DaiktvDrR 60, 95, 126, 194, 213). Derivatives with the suffixes -enis(-ė), -enius § 53. There are even fewer names denoting possessors of a characteristic with the newer suffix -enis(-ė) than with -ena. The derivative kaĩmenė was already widespread in old writings. Apart from the derivative šaltenis “spring,” used across a large part of the Samogitian dialect and in some neighboring Aukštaitian varieties, and already recorded in the writings of D. Poška, S. Daukantas, and M. Valančius (LKA I Map No. 104, p. 181; LKŽ XIV 474–475), the others are quite rare, for example: bergždėnis(-ė) “a barren, infertile animal” Ds; 168 Sml; Rod; “one who has no children” Ds (LKŽ I² 763), garždenis “a fodder herb of the legume family” Dglš (III 132), kartėnė “a herb of the mustard family” Ps (V 333), margėnis “a patterned, checked fabric” Ds; Rk; Sdk (cf. margėnis, -ė “checked, variegated” Ds – LKŽ VII 852), mėlenė “blueberry” Žem; Vkš; Als; Pj; Ms; Up; Rs; Vž; Krš; Trk; KlvrŽ (cf. mėlenas, -a/mėlenas, -à “blue” Stk; Prk; Krš; Užv; Rdn; Pp; Pvn – LKŽ VII 1029), raudėnė “elder” Trgn (XI 249), sūrėnis(-ė) “one who likes to eat salty food” Sml (XIV 211), šaltėnė “water mint” Trgn; “spring” Grž (XIV 474), šykštėnis “miser” SkrT; ŠI (XIV 768), cf. also the surnames Barzdėnis, Kalvėnis, Šakėnis, hydronyms Bliūdenis Dglš, Juodėnis Lkm, Raudėnis Klvr, Skardėnis Šd, Lygenė Jšn (ŽD 235; Vanagas 1970: 132–133), helonyms Juodėnis Sdbr, Saldėnis Št, Palėnis Gdr; Čiubėnė Švnč, Pelkėnė Všt, Pievėnė Glv, Pūkenė Antz; Km; Krns, Rudėnė Kp, Šlapėnė Rd, Žilėnė Dl (Bilkis 1998: 88). § 54. Latvian has considerably more derivatives of this type, e.g.: vecenis “old man,” rītenis “east wind,” gailenes “chanterelles (mushrooms),” mēlenes “blueberries,” jērene “sheepskin hat,” etc. (LVG 298–302; BKGF 74–75). It is possible that names denoting bearers of a property formed with *-enio- also existed in Prussian; cf. warene “copper kettle” (Messingkessel) E 356, wissene “grouse” (Pors) E 622³⁰, and the personal names Drutene, Jodenne (SV 44–45). § 55. K. Sirvydas coined šakenius with the suffix -enius: “a slave who, before being flogged, had a forked stick placed on his back and his hands tied to it” SD¹ 101; “one who deserves to be hanged” SD¹ 101. Also compare the hydronym Kibėnius Trgn (Vanagas 1970: 133)³¹, the helonym Čiuotėnius Kpč, and Čiuotėnis Ab (Bilkis 1998: 88). Derivatives with the suffixes -anas, -ana § 56. There are only a few names denoting bearers of a property with these suffixes, e.g.: dykana “idler” Tv (LKŽ II² 534), ratānas “circle, ring” J; Krš; Užv; Lk; Rdn; “a certain closed route of movement” Žem; Ub; Als; Trk; Rs; “group” Trk; Žr; Lk (XI 237), snēgana/snieganà “a bird of the finch family” SD³ 146; D.Pošk; Sut; N; J; JD 219; Lkm; Ktk; Trgn; Krt; Ign; Lb; “snowflake” Ds; “deep snow” J (LKA I Žemėl. Nr. 76, p. 150; LKŽ XIII 249; cf. sniegena, see § 52), cf. also kamanas “a halter” C II 1069, kāmanos, kamans “the thick end of a pattern” (ME II 148; ŽD 226; PKEŽ II 102–103; see § 19), the helonyms Kamānos, Kamānai Vkš, Mólana Rm, Stāganos Pg, Ilgānis Al (Bilkis 1998: 54). A few Lithuanian agent nouns are also formed with -anas, -ana (DaiktvDrR 126). 30 Apie jo kilmę žr. Būga 1959: 326–327; LEW 1249–1250; PKEŽ IV 255 su lit. 31 Tik jis veikiausiai padarytas iš veiksmažodžio kībti (Vanagas 1981: 156). 169 Conclusions 1. The substantivization of adjectives with the suffix *-no- and their development into names denoting bearers of a property began long ago. Perhaps social terms meaning “master, leader” were already being formed with *-no- in late Proto-Indo-European. From these, names denoting bearers of a property with the suffix -ūnas subsequently developed on Baltic soil and became more widespread in Lithuanian. Names denoting bearers of a property are formed with *-āno-, *-eino- in Baltic, Slavic, and Italic. Rare names denoting bearers of a property with *-īno- also have parallels in many related languages. 2. The formation of names denoting bearers of a property with other suffixes that developed from *-no- began after the Baltic languages had separated from the other Indo-European dialects. Derivatives with the suffix -inis(-ė), particularly productive in Lithuanian, have very few counterparts in Latvian and Prussian. In the West Baltic languages, names denoting bearers of a property began to be widely formed with another suffix, -ing-. Perhaps under their influence, derivatives with -ing also became widespread in Germanic languages. Received 26 January 1998 ABBREVIATIONS Arn – Arniõnys, Molėtų raj. BKGF – E n d z e l y n a s J. Baltų kalbų garsai ir formos, Vilnius: Valstybinė politinės ir mokslinės literatūros leidykla, 1957. BūdvDr – V a l e c k i e n ė A. Būdvardžių daryba. – LKG I 550–603. DaiktvDr – U r b u t i s V. Daiktavardžių daryba. – LKG I 261–473. DaiktvDrR – A m b r a z a s S. Daiktavardžių darybos raida. Lietuvių kalbos veiksmažodiniai vediniai, Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidykla, 1993. DaukŽ – Simono Daukanto raštai. Didysis lenkų-lietuvių kalbų žodynas 1–3 / Sud. G. S u b a č i u s, Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidykla, 1993–1996. EH – E n d z e l ī n s J., H a u s e n b e r g a E. Papildinājumi un labojumi K.Mīlenba- cha Latviešu valodas vārdnīcai 1–2, Rīgā, 1934–1946. 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York M. 1993: Toward a Proto-Indo-European vocabulary of the sacred. – Word 44(2), 235–253. THE DEVELOPMENT OF NOMINA ATTRIBUTIVA WITH THE SUFFIX *-no- IN LITHUANIAN Summary There are about 20 suffixes of nomina attributiva, originated from Indo-European adjective suffix *-no-, in Lithuanian. The process of substantivization of adjectives on *-no- is very old. Some social terms on *-no- with the meaning „master, lord, leader“ must have been already used in Late Indo-European, cf. Balt. Perkúnas „the god of thunder“, Lat. tribūnus „lord of district“ and Lat. dominus „master, lord“, Goth. þiudans „king“. The derivative type of nomina attributiva on *-ū-no-, which became very productive in Lithuanian, was formed in the Baltic languages on the basis of such terms. The suffixes *-ā-no- (cf. Lith. dirvónas, Latv. druvāns „longfallow land“, OLith. kiemionas „countryman“ and OSlav. brotanú „nephew“, Lat. Romānus „Roman“) and *-ei-no- (cf. Lith. žvėriena and Slav. *zvěrina, Lat. ferīna „game“) was used to form nomina attributiva in Baltic, Slavic and Italic languages. Baltic nomina attributiva on *-ī-no- also have equivalents in other related languages, cf. Lith. kaimýnas „neighbour“, OPr. acc. sing. kaimīnan (Nachbar) III 6915 and Lat. vīcīnus „neighbouring; neighbour“, OSlav. sěmьni „domestic; slave“. The other Baltic suffixes, originated from *-no-, were introduced into the derivative category of nomina attributiva later. Derivatives on *-inio- are very productive in Lithuanian and much rarer in Latvian and Old Prussian, cf. Lith. káiminis/kaimìnis (-ė) „countryman“ and Latv. kaimiņš „neighbour“, Lith. šóninė and OPr. grawne (Tunebret) E 304. In the West Baltic languages the suffix *-ingo- was widely used to form nomina attributiva, cf. OPr. ragingis (Hircz) E 65, naunings (Newling) III 87. The productivity of corresponding derivatives on -ing in the Germanic languages (cf. OHG mahting „strong man“) can be the result of the influence of the West Baltic languages. 176