Kai kurie intarpinių ir sta-kamienių veiksmažodžių semantinės raidos bruožai

LITHUANIAN KALBOTYROS QUESTIONS XL (1998) Dahlia PAKALNIŠKIENĖ University of Klaipeda KAI KURIE INTERMEDIAIR RY STATE VERBS SEMANTINES RAIDOS BRUOZAI The interjectional sta-stame verbs of Lithuanian language are characterized by a ir peculiar semantics, morphological structure, morphological root characteristics. A large number of these verbs (according to various sources, is jų over formed in certain 1000) stages, acquiring new features while maintaining archaic ir characteristics (This article 1996). reviews some of the peculiarities of the semantic development of the verbs discussed. 1. In the Eastern ir Baltic languages, interjective sta-stem verbs have specific functions, so it is undoubted that categorical semantics played a particularly important role in the formation of East Baltic interjective sta-stem verbs. ir Therefore, it is necessary to summarize very briefly the stages of development of abstract semantics. 1.1. According to many researchers (Kuiper 1937: 202-203; Kolln 1969: 26; Kazlauskas 1968: 333), one of the old meanings of insertion — terminative. The verbs of Indo-European languages denoted an action of defined duration and differed from other verbs in one of the aspects of categorical semantics — the nature of the action. Another aspect of categorical semantics—the activity of the actor and the relationship with the object—- was irrelevant at this ir stage: interjectional verbs could denote both active and spontaneous action. In the eastern Baltic languages, the insertion, like the formant sta, has acquired a new — mutative — meaning, the emergence of which is associated with the formation of pairs of diathetic oppositional verbs. According to J. Stepanov (Stepanov 1976), in other Indo-European languages the diathesis had no meaning, the nature of the action was much more important. In Eastern Baltic languages, some roots with vowel changes differentiated in terms of diathesis, for example: verčia /virsta, leitkia | liūiksta, daūžia | dūžta, smeigia | sminga, etc. Among the members of the opposition a categorical semantic opposition causative | resultative emerged. On the basis of this opposition, a new semantic action opposition durativa- /terminativa was formed in Lithuanian, the categorical semantics of its members differentiated according to the nature of the action (verbs of indefinite and definite duration- ), for example: šaukia | -šurika, kvėpia | kvimpa, žiba | žimba, etc. 55 2. Along with the categorical, a specific semantics of the discussed verbs was formed. The members of the opposition causativa | resultativa are characterized by the meaning of change of structure, usually demolition, destruction, bending, falling, bending (other meanings — movement, physiological or mental processes, possessive relationships — are rare). Such lexical semantics was very suitable for the branching of roots with vowel change — the categorical meanings of verbs were strictly separated with respect to the diathesis, e.g.: smeigia (effect, active action, e.g. mechanical) /smifiga (result, self-acting). Some interjections and sta-stame verbs, denoting a change in structure, tend to acquire new meanings. The opposite pairs of verbs begin to differ in lexical semantic groups. It seems that the observed semantic changes are not accidental, it is possible to see certain patterns, trends. Often the semantic structure of the structure-changing verbs is supplemented with meanings of mental or physiological processes (about 10 percent of the investigated resulting verbs have this characteristic). Usually ia-stem causatives denote destructive mechanical action, 0 insertive or sta-stem causatives denote resulting action —iryma, collapse, bending. However, alongside these, the mentioned meanings of mental or physiological processes also appear, e.g.: 1 riékti, riėkia, riėkė “to cut a slice of bread or cake from a loaf; tear up the soil; first time or- ? /2 rikti, rifika, riko ‘to break; get out; make mistakes; be confused; 3 rikti, riksta, riko “to do wrong, to be insolent, to get angry, to become angry” (Lat. riekt, riecu, riecu “riekti' /rikt, rikst, rika “to make a mistake, to get wrong'); sviegia, sviegė “sviesti; beatings; kill' /svigti, svifiga, svigo “to take an interest, to want, to take in’; spriegti, spriegėja, spriegė “to give a burst; must; sviesti' /sprigti, sprYgsta, sprygo ‘aSaroti- ’; knead, miésia, miésé “to make a mixture; mixture; thin; I'm in the dark...” /mišti, mysta //mifiša // miūišta, miso join together, mix; scream, tear...' ; grizti, grizta, grizo ‘to break up, to melt, to melt down, to fall apart, to fall apart’ /1 grizti, grizta, grizo ‘to break up, to melt down; pamilti’; rčižti, réiZia, rėižė "to strain the muscles of the straightened, directed part of the body' /rezgtis, ryžtasi, ryžosi "to firmly decide what to do; set'; stretch, stiépia, stiépé "to raise up; continue, pull, stiMpa //stipsta //stempa || stimpsta //"stypsta, stipo ‘stop living; to die; suffer hunger, starvation, cold; stirti, kietėti' (Lat. stretch, stipju, stiepu ‘to stretch, to pull, to expand' /stipt, stipstu //stipu, stipu ‘to harden, to harden'); trėkti, trėkia, rėkė “to spoil, destroy; teršti, tepti' /trikti, trinka, triko “irti, slysti, rikti; mišti, šėlti"; remit, support, supported “to put a pillar, to kick; store; statyti’ /1 rimti, rimsta, rimo "būti, darytis ramiam; stop moving, make noise', 2 rimti, rimsta, rima ‘to support’ (la.*remt, remju, rėmu ‘to support’ /rimt, rimstu, rimu ‘to become calm, quiet’); exile, exile, exiled “to drive away, to crush, to remove; tramdyti... /trimti, trimsta, trimo ‘to take seriously; to stop, to cease...” (Lat. tremt, tremju, trému “to shake with the feet”; grūsti, trinti, plukti’/trimt, trimstu, trimu “to shake”); burning, burning, burned "pollute, detest; destroy, spoil' /1 irritate, irritate, irritated ‘to be irritated, to get wet; lysti, menkti; ...tvirkti, gesti, dykti, lepti'; 2 smélgti, smélgia, smélge ‘to obscure, to obscure’ /1 smilgti, "Bmilgšta, smilgo “to feel the desire’, 2 smilgti, smilgsta, smilgo “to hurt, to bruise’; véngti, véngia, vénge “to try to escape, to be afraid” /-vingti, -vingsta, -vingo 56 “to get out, to climb” (cf. vingis ‘iSlinkimas’, so the old meaning of véngti would have been ‘bend’ < ide. *uengh-‘- bend’); wash, pass, pass over “to wash, wash, wash (face)...' /prūsti, prūsta //prufisa, prūso ‘between; to grow, to strengthen; go smart, get educated; dykti' (Lat. praiistiés, praiisuds, praisuds ‘to become thicker, bigger, stronger’); bldiisti, blaūsia, blaūsė ‘to steal, to steal' /blūsti, blūsta //blūsa, blūso ‘to cut; eyes bleed’, 1 bliesti, blūsta, blūso *e.p. ' ; 1 knobti, kndbia, knobė “to cut (with a beak), to lest” /2 knobti, knobsta, knobo ‘to cut, to let down’; 1 kropti, kropia, krépé “to work with difficulty, with great effort (“*krapstyti’”), /2 kropti, krépsta, kropo “to vanish, to diminish’; 1 skrobti, skrobia, skrobe ‘to cling’ /2 skrobti, skrobsta, skrobo “to dry, to thin, to touch’ (Lat. skrabt, skrabju, skrabu; skrabt, skrabstu || skrabu, skrabu ‘to cling, to grab’); 1 kristi, krūša, krūšo ‘to fall in the ground; daužyti, plukti' /kriisti, krūšta, kriūšo "lysti, blogti; 2 fall, fall down //"fall, fall down, fall down, fall down, fall down, fall down, fall down, fall down, fall down, fall down'; 1 kapti, kapa, kapė ‘to chop a little by a little' /2 kapti, kampa, kapo ‘to rest, to work hard; shipti, bukti'; skapti, skabia, skūbė ‘to squeeze’ /skapti, skamba, skabo ‘to impoverish, to destitute’". 2.2. Less often, the verbs of structural change acquire the meanings of chemical, biological processes — fermenting, ripening. The oppositional relations are usually gnawing, cutting, dragging' /‘gnawing’, e.g.: gnawing, gnawing, gnawing “eating, gnawing, gnawing (in the throat)...' /gižti, gyžta //giūiža, gižo “take sour”; 1 cross, cross, crossed | 2 cross, cross, crossed "to begin to recite; stiffen, thicken, sour, crack'; 1 kirti, kirpa, kirpo | 2 kirpti, kifpsta, kirpo "start to sour, to gizti'; 1 skobti, skobia, skobė “to cut, to scrap; skinti, rėkšti' /2 skobti, skobsta, skobo "rūgti, gizti’ (Ją, skabt, skabstu, skabu ‘rugti’), arba "pjauti, glemžti, lukštenti'/ ‘nokti, bręsti, skleistis': gvelsti, gveldžia, gveldė ‘glemzti, imti, grobti, vogti" /gvilsti, gvilsta, gvildo “bręsti, nokti; hot'; gvelbti, gvelbia, gvelbé ‘to steal, rob, steal’ /gvilbti, gvilbsta, gvilbo ‘to ripen, to nail’; 1 rézti (//rézti), rézia, rėžė “to cut with a sharp knife” /2 ryžti, ryzta, ryZo “to explode (about buds); pampti, dideti’. 3.The lexical semantics of verbs forming the action opposition durativa- /terminativa differs significantly from that of the members of the opposition causativa | resultativa. Most verbs of this type denote sounds, physiological or mental processes, less often movement, change in structure. Changes in lexical meaning are very rare and of a slightly different nature — next to chemical, mental or next to movement — chemical, mental processes appear, e.g.: smell, smells, smells ‘smell; breathe, blow /dvokti, stink, stink "gesti, rot, spreading odor, die; 'to be stupid, to be foolish, to be foolish'; 1 dvankti, dvankia, dvarikė ‘to dvokti’ /2 dvaiikti, dvariksta, dvariko ‘to fool’; 1 tickling, ticking, ticking “to move, to tick, to tremble; knibždėti' /1 kirbti, kirbsta, kirbo ‘to rush, to begin to rush’, 3 kirbti, kirbsta, kirbo “to take care of’. Thus, the semantics of the durativa- /terminativa verbs of the opposition do not show any changes in semantic structure — the opposites usually belong to the same lexical semantic group, differing only in their categorical meaning. 4.The newer layer of interjectional and sfa-stem verbs — imitations — have inherited the most characteristic features of the categorical and lexical semantics of the chronologically older verbs derived from apophonic roots. All of them denote a change in structure, usually destruction (the archaemes “to shrink, to decay, to perish” or “to swell, to bloat”), often passing into the sphere of mental or physiological processes, for example: kiūti, kiunta, kiūto ‘to resist, to dry; to die; gautis’; spread, plempa, spread “bend, width; kvaisti’, pliopti, pliopsta, plicpo ‘e.g.’ ; chip, chip, chip 'chip; poor, weak, destitute', etc. Often the morphological structure of the root itself determines the lexical meaning of these verbs. For example, verbs whose root begins with consonant conjugations kn, gn, mean bending, swinging down, glebim a (knapti, knabti, "kniobti, knėbti, kniūbti, "enebti, gnūbti, knykti, knūsti, kniūžti, gniūsti); kv, gv —faint, dizziness, kvailéjim a (smell, smell, smell, smell, smell, smell, smell, smell, smell, smell, smell). From a synchronic point of view, interjective and sta-stame verbs are a relatively unified group of lexical forms and contents, but the discussed semantic peculiarities indicate that they were not formed at the same time, but in certain stages. Therefore, the analysis of the categorical and lexical semantics of verbs is important both for etymological research and for determining the kinship of Lithuanian words, the coexistence of meanings and development tendencies. Received 30 December 1997 LITTERACY Kazlauskas J. 1968: Historical grammar of Lithuanian language, Vilnius: Mintis. Kėlln H. 1969: Oppositions of voice in Greek, Slavic and Baltic. —Journal of the American Philosophical Society 43 (4), New York. Kuiper F. B. J. 1937: The Indo-European Nasal Priūsentia, Amsterdam. Pakalniškienė D. 1996: Diachronic layers of interjective and sta-kamieniu verbs in Lithuanian. —Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai 36, Vilnius, 83-86. Stepanov J.S. 1976-1978: Vid, zalog, perechodnost’ (Balto-slavyanskaya problema). —/zvestija AN SSSR. Sir. Lit. i języka 35 (5), 408-420; 36 (2), 135-152. SOME SEMANTICAL FEATURES OF THE INFIX AND sta-STEM VERBS Summary Infix and sta-stem verbs have specific functions in the Baltic languages, so cathegorical and lexical semantics played an important role in the formation of these verbs. Simultaneously with the cathegorical semantics (i.e. the new meaning of spontaneous passive action etc.), lexical semantics was changing. The verbs of different diachronical layers (causativa /resultativa, durativa /terminativa, imitatives) have specific lexical meanings. 58