Moterų įvardijimas XIX a. istorijos šaltiniuose

ACTA LINGUISTICA LITHUANICA LIETUVIŲ KALBOTYROS KLAUSIMAI XLI (1999) Vitalija MACIEJAUSKIENĖ Institute of the Lithuanian Language, Vilnius NAMING WOMEN IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY HISTORICAL SOURCES In examining the formation of Lithuanian surnames, the development of the two-part naming of men and women was also discussed (Maciejauskienė 1991: 20–49, 249–300). The historical anthroponymy illustrating women’s names was collected from sixteenth- to eighteenth-century sources. Its data led to the conclusion that by the eighteenth century, the two-part naming of women had not yet become fully established. This was evidenced by the way women were recorded in administrative legal documents and ecclesiastical sources of the period (Maciejauskienė 1991: 295). When I began reading nineteenth-century sources, I immediately noticed that in this century there were still perceptible differences between the naming of men and women. For this very reason, it seems appropriate to discuss the recording of men and women separately. The naming of men in nineteenth-century sources (more precisely, those from the first half of the century) has already been discussed (Maciejauskienė 1993). The aim of this article is to describe the naming of women in nineteenth-century sources, drawing attention to regularities and to specific features shaped by one cause or another. This study may be regarded as a fragmentary description of the naming of women in the nineteenth century, produced after examining a relatively small number of historical sources from this period1. The article’s conclusions are based solely on an analysis of the historical anthroponymy collected from these sources. Thus, new data gathered by the author of this study or by other researchers will, undoubtedly, be able to supplement or revise them. The anthroponymy of the sources examined shows that recording women by given name and surname had not yet become the norm2. This is just one of the most frequent forms of naming used in the sources. The diversity of these forms is currently determined quite often by the specific nature of the sources in which women are mentioned, perhaps even by the person who wrote them. Therefore, when discussing the naming of women in the nineteenth century, it seems appropriate to consider it separately in sources of differing kinds and purposes. They may be provisionally divided as follows: 1) administrative legal documents (most often inventories of estates, manors, and other holdings, tax books, permissions to marry, and so on); 2) ecclesiastical sources (register books of baptism, marriage, and death records for individual parishes, and lists of parishioners). The sources from which the data discussed in this article were collected were written in Latin, Polish, and Russian. They are also dated unevenly: most were written in the nineteenth century. 1 An alphabetical list of the sources examined is provided at the end of the article. 2 Plg. šio laikotarpio vyrų įvardijimo situaciją – žr. Maciejauskienė 1993: 101. 108 in the first half, some around the middle of the century, and a few in the second half of the century. 1. Women are not mentioned often in administrative legal documents. Across all the reviewed sources of this type, among tens of thousands of mentions of men, only about 500 records of women were found (here and elsewhere, the figures are based on documents from which all personal names were extracted). Among them, designations consisting of a first name and surname clearly predominate. Women’s first names are generally written before their surnames. Without exception, they are Christian names. The approximately 500 women mentioned in administrative legal documents are recorded under 47 different names. Long forms of Christian names are customarily used, e.g.: Agnieszka, Agata, Anastazya, Benedy kta, Domicela, Faustyna, Felicyana, Józefa, Ławryna, Marcianna, Franciszka, Rozalia, Ulijana, and so on. Other forms are very rare. These include Krysia (a diminutive of the Christian name Kristina), Kostusia (formed with a diminutive suffix from Kostė, which is itself a shortened form of the name Konstancija), Петроня (a shortened form of Petronėlė), Poluta (formed with a diminutive suffix from Palė or Polė, which are shortened forms of Apolonija), and Zosia (a shortened form of the name Zofija). Not all women’s names were equally popular. The most common were: Marijona (recorded as Maryanna, Maryana, Marianna, Maryianna, Марьяна) — 61 women had this name; Katarina (Katarzyna, Kater zyna) — 45; Ona (Ana) — 41; Ieva (Ewa), Magdalena (Magdalena, Magdelena) — 34 each; Kristina (Krystyna) — 28; Rozalija (Rozalia, Rozalija, Розалия) — 27; Agota (Agata, Агата) — 26; Barbora (Barbara) — 24; Petronelė (Petronella, Petronela, Petrunela, Петронела, Петру нела) — 18; Elzbieta, Elžbieta (Elzbieta, Elżbieta, Елизавета) — 16; Agnieszka (Agnieszka, Ягенушка) — 12. The following women’s names occurred only once: Anastazija (Anastazya), Brigita (Brygida), Domicelė (Domicela), Eleonora, Emilija (Емилия), Faustina (Faustyna), Felicijona (Felicyana), Jadvyga (Jadwiga), Klara, Lauryna (Ławryna), Monika (Моника), Nastazija (Nastazya), Regina, Scholastika (Scholastyka), Teodora, Ulijona (Ulijana), Veronika (Weronika) — 17 names in all. Another 10 names were recorded only 2–3 times each: Apolonija, Benedikta (Benedy kta, Бенедикта), Judita (Judyta), Juozapa (Jozefa, Józefa, Іосифа), Justina (Justyna), Liudvika (Ludowika, Ludwika), Marcelė (Marcella), Marija (Marya, Marija), Teresė (Teresa, Terressa), Zuzana (Зузана). Given the varying popularity of the names used (as can be seen, 27 of the 47 names were very rare), it is easy to imagine how monotonous the repertoire of Lithuanian women’s names was in the 19th century. Studies of the prevalence of Christian names in 16th-century administrative legal documents (inventories and court record books) also indicate that a relatively small number of different women’s names were used: 24 among noblewomen and 31 among peasant women (Salys 1983: 41). 109 Women’s surnames vary. Their formation usually indicates whether a woman is married (or widowed) or not. In the former case, a woman’s surname is formed from her husband’s surname. The Slavic suffix -ova was most commonly used for this purpose, e.g.: z wdową Barbarą Antanajtisową (inag.³; 23, 19)⁴, Rozalia Balciunowa (11, 10–11), Agata Batrułisowa (6, 53–54), z Agnieszką Baniową (inag.; 23, 1), Krystyna Batłruszkowa (6, 127–128), z wdową Katarzyną Daniewiczową (inag.; 24, 17), Krystyna Degisowa (6, 62–63), Katarzyna Gayłuszowa (6, 117–118), Maryanna Gołatyłcowa (6, 157–158), Марьяна Гвилдова (20, 2), Maryanna Jurgielewiczowa (6, 94–95), Maryanna Kryksztułowa (6, 127–128), Rozalia Kułwartowa (11, 9–10), z Magdaleną Masayciową (inag.; 27, 18), Ева Микитова (20, 5), Ludwika Narełowa (6, 131–132), Kateryna Narkiewiczowa (6, 90–91), Моника Норвилова (20, 2), Krystyna Pirsztelowa (6, 117–118), Franciszka Skirelowa (6, 98–99), Maryanna Surwiłłowa (11, 11), Maryanna Szymkuciowa (1, 3), Rozalija Walentowiczowa (3), Anna Woyciechowa (6, 104–105), z wdową Katarzyną Żyłayciową (inag.; 23, 16). In the documents examined, 133 women were identified by a given name and a surname with the suffix -ova. An interesting detail is noteworthy. In forming a woman’s surname with the Slavic suffix -ova, the suffix is sometimes added to the husband’s surname without removing its Lithuanian ending. Among the examples already given, the women’s surnames Antanajtisowa (inag.), Batrułisowa, and Degisowa were formed this way (cf. the men’s surnames *Antanajtis, *Batrułis, *Degis or *Degys). There were also other women’s surnames of this kind: Ева Дзясугова (20, 1), Zosia Gudasowa (6, 37–38), Maryanna Łowkisowa (6, 95–96), Krystyna Petranisowa (6, 31–32), Ева Ременницова (20, 5), Maryanna Semenasowa (6, 53–54), Maryanna Stepanianisowa (6, 131–132), Agata Stepanisowa (6, 46–47), Marysia Woyciekanisowa (6, 44–45). Source 6 (a relatively large inventory of the Adutiškis estate, about 160 folios, dating from 1828) also records some of the men’s surnames from which the women’s surnames mentioned above were formed. These are Gudas (59–60)⁵, Łowkis (61–62), Petranis (58–59), Semenas (51–52), Stepanianis (131–132), Woyciekanis (46–47). They can be reconstructed as *Gudas, *Laukis or *Laukys, *Petronis, *Semenas, *Stepanionis, *Vaičekonis. Others, reconstructable as *Džiaugis (or *Džiaugys), *Rementis, *Steponis, are not recorded in the sources cited. Cf. the current surnames Džiaugys (LPŽ I 559), Remėčius, Steponis (LPŽ II 596, 820). 3 The article uses the following abbreviations for case names: gen. – genitive, dat. – dative, acc. – accusative, instr. – instrumental. 4 All examples in the article are referenced by giving, in parentheses after each, the source number in the alphabetical list and, after a comma, the folio number. When the folios of a source are unnumbered (which is relatively common in the 19th century), the parentheses give only the document’s sequential number in the compiled list. 5 When all the personal names presented come from the same document, only the folio number is given after them in parentheses. 110 In cases where a woman’s surname appears to have been formed from a masculine one by removing its ending (and these cases are in the majority), e.g.: Rozalia Kirplukowa (6, 30–31), Zofia Kazenowa (11, 12), Marysia Powitaniowa (6, 53–54), and others given earlier, this cannot always have been the case. As the male names recorded in the documents examined show, men’s surnames (sometimes even the same surname) are written both with and without endings, e.g. in the aforementioned source 6: Awin (53–54), but Awinas (54–55, 134–135, etc.), Narel (31–32) – Norelis (132–133, 146–147). Or: Buczel (63–64), Bottrul (64–65), Kryksztul (88–89), Romel (66–67), Szalć (40–41, 98–99, 100–101, etc.), Trokiel (101–102), Tumel (51–52), but Degis (94–95), Baltrys (103–104), Jasius (62–63), Ravszys (61–62), Szwedas (59–60). The spelling of the surname reconstructable as *Stepanionis varies considerably. Among the inhabitants of the village of Lazdynėliai (in the inventory Łozdziee Małe) are: Maciey Syn Macieia Stepanians (150–151), Symon Jerzego Syn Stepanians, Jan Eliasza Syn Stepanians (151–152), Symon Luksza Syn Stepanians (152–153), and Krzysztoff Symona Syn Stepanian, Maciey Józefa Syn Stepanian (151–152). Why is the same surname written differently in the same document for inhabitants of the same village? This prompts the thought that the surname may have had a legal status, given that forms with and without an ending are already regarded as different surnames. It is entirely possible that this variation also reflects, among other things, the inhabitants’ social or even ethnic affiliation. Further research will help confirm or refute this. It can only be said that this phenomenon cannot be explained by Slavic influence alone. In all the sources, only two cases occurred in which a married woman’s surname was formed with a Lithuanian suffix. These are Магдалена Бутковеня (20, 3), which, reconstructed as *Butkuvienė, can be regarded as evidence for the use of the Lithuanian suffix -uvienė (the personal name was recorded in an 1861 list of the inhabitants of the town of Veliuona). The second surname—Бенедикта Джяугене (20, 3)—is formed with the suffix -ienė. Interestingly, in this source, married women’s surnames formed from the same masculine personal name, *Džiaugis (or *Džiaugys), are not formed uniformly. The Lithuanian suffix -ienė, as also required by present-day formation of married women’s surnames, is added to the stem of the masculine surname, while the suffix -ova is added to the entire surname without removing its ending—cf. the already-mentioned Ева Джяугисова (20, 1). Unmarried women’s surnames are most often formed with the Slavic suffix -ovna. Unlike in documents from earlier centuries, in the 19th century it is written not only as -owna, -овна (in Polish and Russian), but also as -ówna (in Polish) or, according to pronunciation, as -uwna. A total of 156 women were identified by surnames with this suffix. Most often it is added to a masculine surname without its ending (or with the ending removed), e.g.: z Anną Ambrucioną (instr.; 24, 35), Maryanna Augustynowna (6, 134–135), Elzb iecie Aniukuw nie (dat.; 24, 18), Marcyannie Awizówn ie (dat.; 28, 6), Helenie Bedarbiowney (dat.; 23, 44), z Barbarą Beynarowną (instr.; 24, 20), Rozalia Buywidowiczówna (6, 65–66), z Maryaną Dziaugiowną (instr.; 25, 33), Agacie Cwirk ownie (dat.; 26, 16), z Maryą Dutk owną (instr.; 27, 9), Krysia Gołatylcowna (6, 159–160), Agnieszce Gotowtównie (24, 58), Ewie Gryguwnie (25, 59), Marysia J[g]utuw- 111 na (6, 49–50), Maryannie Katynownie (used; 25, 19), Barbarze Łukaszewiczuw-nie (used; 22, 1), Krystyna Malczuwna (6, 47–48), Maryanna Mikitayczowna (11, 12), Марьяна Миналоговна (20, 3), Kateryna Owinowna (6, 91–92), with Urszula Paspirgielowna (instr.; 22, 67), Rozalij Pawalkiówny (gen.; 28, 45), with Elżbieta Pawkształciowna (instr.; 24, 65), Magdelenie Sztemokayciuw nie (used; 23, 12), Ulijanie Wyturuw nie (used; 25, 2). Cases in which the Slavic suffix -ovna is added to a surname with a Lithuanian ending are relatively rare. However, they occur not in just one, but in several different documents, for example: with Appolonia Adomaytisowna (instr.; 27, 24), with Magdaleng Andrutaytisowna (instr.; 22, 44), Елисавета Антонайтисовна (20, 3), Магдалена Данкусовна (20, 2), Гелена Јоцисовна (20, 7), Ewa Lowkisowna (6, 41–42), with Weronika Maczutaytisowna (instr.; 21, 33), with Marciana Mockajitisowna (instr.; 28, 47), Anna Semenasówna (6, 42–43), Marysia Woyciekanisowna (6, 50–51). As can be seen, the suffix -ovna is added to the Lithuanian surnames *Adomaitis, *Andriulaitis, *Antanaitis, *Dabkus, *Jocis (or *Jocys), *Laukis (or *Laukys), *Mačiulaitis, *Mockaitis, *Semėnas, *Vaitiekonis. 7 The surnames of unmarried women are formed with the Slavic suffix -evna (in Russian written -евна). It occurs only in the previously mentioned 1861 list of residents of the town of Veliuona (source 20). The suffix is added to men's surnames with an ending, for example: Емилия Лашаитисевна (5), Елисавета Палайтисевна (2), Розалия Петраитисевна (4), Агата Урбайтисевна (6), and without it, for example: Юдита Буркшевна (4), Петрунела Игнатевна (4), Варвара Сиповичевна (6). As can be seen, the suffix is added to the surnames *Lašaitis, *Palaitis, *Petraitis, *Urbaitis and *Burkša, *Ignotas (in this case it may also be the father's name), *Sipavičius. One case was noted in which the suffix -ovna: with Benedyk tą Rudeckówną (instr.; 28, 37) was also added to a man's surname with a suffix of the -sk- type. Not *Rudecka, as would be usual based on the man's or father's surname *Rudecki. Although right here, in the same source, there are: with Ewa Szapowską (instr.; 31), with Barbara Korycką (instr.; 33). Only 7 surnames of unmarried women are formed with Lithuanian suffixes: Зузана Анюлите (20, 4), Петронела Янчуните (20, 3), Ягеншка Римкуте (20, 6), Виктория Скляудите (20, 5) – with the suffix -ytė. The men's surnames recorded in the source, Анюлис (2) and Скляудис (5), attest that the suffix -ytė was used to form unmarried women's surnames from men's surnames ending in -is. The analogous male personal names underlying the other surnames could be reconstructed as *Jančiūnas and *Rimkus. They are not recorded in the source, but compare Jančiūnas (LPŽ I 797), Rimkus (LPŽ II 610). Moreover, surnames formed in this way also occur in the document; compare Мицкунас (1), Дабкус (3), Моцкус (2), Синкус (6), Станкус (1). Thus, in these cases the suffix -ytė is used to form unmarried women's surnames from masculine forms ending in -as, -us. Other Lithuanian suffixes occur only once each. These are Зузана Моцкуте (20, 7) – the suffix -utė (from the aforementioned personal name Моцкус); Annie Antonayciukiey (used; 22, 5) – the suffix -ukė (from the surname *Antanaitis); and Marcianie Sutkayciucie (used; 23, 3) – the suffix -ūčia (probably from the personal name *Sutkaitis). 112 When a woman's surname has a suffix of the -sk- type, it is formed from the analogous surname of a man or father by changing the ending. 79 women are identified by surnames of this type, e.g.: with Agnieška Bańkowska (instrumental; 24, 61), Maryanna Grodzinska (6, 65–66), Felicyana Kawalewska (1, 3), Pozalia Klonomowska (20, 1), with Dorota Kłosowska (instrumental; 24, 85), Maryanna Kuczynska (6, 156–157), Katarzyna Lewicka (11, 5), Петроня Нижинска (20, 4), Katarzyna Sawicka (3), Magdalena Skorupska (5, 7–8), Krystyna Sokołowska (6, 97–98), Anna Stulgińska (2, 11–12), Elżbieta Witkowska (11, 5), Helena Wróblewska (6, 156–157). Other suffixes in women's surnames are very rare. These include the Slavic -anka: Maryanna Bowdzielanka (6, 127–128), Krystyna Margucianka; -ycha: Marysia Dzie-szuczycha (6, 31–32), Anna Rayszycha (6, 35–36). These occur in the surnames of only 7 women. As already mentioned, when women are identified by first and last name, the first name is usually written first, followed by the surname. The entire history of the two-part Lithuanian naming system attests only to this sequence of personal names. Therefore, cases in which the surname is written first and the first name follows are noteworthy. Among all the documents examined, this practice occurs only in the 1834 census of the Paštuva manor, which is not arranged alphabetically (source 14; unnumbered pages): Balczunowa Ewa, Dziewiatłowjka Rozalia, Juszkiewiczowna Franciszka, Kompayciowa Ewa, Stankunowa Scholastyka. Several cases have been observed in which women are identified by first and last names whose forms exactly match masculine surnames, e.g.: съ Агнешкою Цвирко (instrumental; 22, 40), Розалія Барздайтис (21, 44), Petroneli Greyczus (21, 47), z Magdaleno Pielajitis (instrumental; 25, 12). Among the records of other members, these entries also stand out for giving both a first and last name: Rozalii Ambruciu nie (instrumental; 24, 29), Ewie Greyczónie (instrumental; 24, 53). In discussing the identification of men in this period, it was observed that the Lithuanian two-part naming system, consisting of a first name and surname, was often expanded by a reference to the father's name. The form and position of this new element varied in Lithuanian records: sometimes the father's name was given between the first name and surname, more rarely after the person's first name and surname. This and other facts led to the conclusion that indicating the father's name is not a result of the natural development of Lithuanian naming practices (Maciejauskienė 1993: 104–110). This conclusion is partly confirmed by the ways women are recorded in nineteenth-century documents. The form of the father’s name used in men’s records was used to identify women only seven times. These are entries in which the woman’s first name is written first, followed by a reference to her father’s name (the genitive of the name and the word daughter), and then the woman’s surname, e.g.: z Ludowiką Jana Córką Czyczyrkowna (instrumental; 22, 72), Barbarze córce Bartłomieja Litwinowiczównie (instrumental; 22, 22), Magdalena Córka Antoniego Pataszówna (27, 19), Urszula córka Wawrzyńca Skrzydlówna (27, 23), z Elżbietą Benedykta Córką Lambart (instrumental; 22, 62). In two entries, the woman’s surname is written first, followed by her first name, and her parentage is indicated in the same way: Drobniewiczowna Ewa Córka Jerzego (14), Grygientowna Elzbieta Córka Jakuba (14). As the formation of the women’s surnames shows (the suffix -owna), the women mentioned here were unmarried. 113 Whose daughter a woman is is also indicated in such designations: Marcella Michała Corka (6, 125–126), Maryannie Córcę Piotra Łukaszewicza (used: 25, 41). In the first case, the woman’s name and a reference to her father’s name alone are deemed sufficient, whereas in the second, the father’s first and last names are recorded. Thus, references to a father’s name are used very rarely in women’s designations. Even in documents where men are recorded relatively consistently, with their fathers’ names also indicated, women are designated only by their first and last names. This is the practice, for example, in the 1828 inventory of the Adutiškis manor (source 6): Symon Tomasza Syn Awinas (58–59), Kazimierz Józefa Syn Gudus (59–60), Stanisław Antoniego Syn Koyra (66–67), Krzysztof Andrzeia Syn Kliszewicz (72–73), Mikołay Kazimierza Syn Olechnowicz (94–95), Mikołay Mikołaia Syn Rumbuc, and so on, but Klara Szuszkowa (29–30), Krystyna Petranisowa (31–32), Katerżyna Turlowa (72–73), Maryanna Łowkisowa (95–96), and so on, are married women, while Marysia Jigutuwna (50–51), Marysia Woyciekanisowna (50–51), Rozalia Staszkielowna (115–116), Magdalena Wołoszynowna (121–122), Katerżyna Stepanianowna (133–134), and so on, are unmarried women. The difference between the formation of surnames for married and unmarried women has already been emphasized—that is, the use of Slavic suffixes -ova, Lithuanian -ienė, -uvienė and -ovna, -ytė, -utė, among others. Other differences in their designation can also be observed. The new practice of indicating the father’s name, as the examples presented—though very rare—have shown, was more often applied when recording unmarried women. Married women’s designations, meanwhile, could be expanded with a reference to whose wife they were. Such forms of recording occur in some of the documents examined. In this respect, the previously mentioned 1834 list of residents of the Paštuva manor farm (source 14) is of interest. In most cases, after a married woman’s surname and first name, it indicates whose wife she is. This is done by using the abbreviation Ž for the word wife and the genitive form of the husband’s first name, for example: Andruszkiewiczowna Anna Ž Jana, Drobniewiczowa Elzbieta Ž Jozefa, Grygżientowa petronella Ž Jana, Jntupowa Anna Ž Adama, Jendwittowa Anna Ž Andrzeia, Łaurynowiczowa Barbara Ž Antoniego, Malecka Anna Ž Bartłomieja, Marmowa Urszuta Ž Onufrego, Medyiewska Anna Ž Macieia, Neymontowa Ewa Ž Kazimierza, Nowiakowa Ewa Ž Marcina, Orentowa Anna Ž Szymona, Puzykowa Anna Ž Filipa, Woytkiewiczowa Ewa Ž Jerzego. However, the source also contains designations without this reference, for example: Stankunowa Scholastyka, Balczunowa Ewa, Ludkiewiczowa Giertruda, Dziewiątkówka Rozalia, Kompayciowa Ewa. As mentioned, two unmarried women recorded in this source are designated with a reference to their father’s name. But here, too, there are entries without such a reference—Balczunowna Magdalena, Stankunowna Anna, Juszkiewiczowna Franciszka, and so on. That two-part designations of unmarried women could be expanded with references to their fathers’ personal names, and those of married women with references to their husbands’ personal names, is confirmed by the data from a document of one Kelmė manor. It is of interest because it concerns women only. This is the 1834 registration of women on the Kelmė estates (source 7). The list is alphabetical, 114 so the surname is written first, followed by the first name. Thus, women’s designations are two-part. However, the document’s pages are divided into columns containing various information about the women recorded as residents of the Kelmė manor. Two columns concern women’s designations: whose daughter and whose wife she is. They are filled in according to whether the woman is married or unmarried. Widows are included among the former, and the column in question usually gives the husband’s first name (in the genitive), for example: Arszulowa Eleonora – Symona Zona (1), Andrulówna Mariana – Antoniego Zona (1), Budrayciowa Ewa – Jana Zona (2), Kiwilowa Urszula – Izydora Zo: (6), Sokołowska Anna – Benedykta Zona (13), Tamulowa Anna – Benedykta Zona (13). It is difficult to understand why the husband’s first name is given when the woman is already recorded by her first name and by a surname formed from her husband’s surname with the suffix -ova. When an unmarried woman is recorded, the column in question indicates whose daughter she is. Although in this case the woman’s surname is most often formed from her father’s surname with the suffix -ovna, an effort is usually made here to record not only the father’s first name but also his surname (the genitive forms of both personal names), for example: Butkiówna Henryeta – Krzyś: Butki (2), Kiwilówna Marta – Jerzego Kiwila (7), Lewicka Anna – Macieja Lewickiego (8), Użkurisowna Urszula, Użkurisowna Petronela – Bart: Użkuria (14). Sometimes, admittedly, only the father’s first name is deemed sufficient, for example: Iankusówna Marta – Ignacego (6), Tamulowna Urszula – Benedikta Córka (13). Some columns containing information that expands these designations of women are left unfilled. The reasons for this are unclear. In the 19th century, reference to a father’s name gradually became a customary element of Lithuanian designation. However, references to a father’s surname or a husband’s first name, which expand women’s designations consisting of first names and surnames formed from their fathers’ or husbands’ surnames, seem entirely unnecessary. Their appearance was apparently prompted by women’s social status and their material and other forms of dependence on men. Other ways of recording women found in the documents could be regarded as d e v i a t i o n s f r o m t h e f i r s t - n a m e - a n d - s u r n a m e f o r m o f d e s i g n a t i o n. Thus, in the 1816 list of residents of the Balčiai manor (source 1), women are also designated by indicating whose wives they are. Here, however, only the woman’s first name is given, added at the end of the designation. At the beginning are the word wife and the husband’s first and last names (in the genitive), for example: Zona Michała Wozgity Magdalena (3), Zona Józefa Dobrowolskiego Anna (3), Zona Andrzeja Milkinta Magdalena (3), Zona Jerzego Mockusa Marcianna (3), Zona Jerzego Tamucia Barbara (3), Zona Bartłomieja Żukowskiego Barbara (3), Zona Mikołaja Skarbala Teressa (3), Zona Jakóba Żlisa Magdalena (3), Zona Jokóba Adamaytisa Barbara (4), Zona Jana Bartaszia Katarzyna (4), Zona Józefa Milinia Marianna (4). However, widows are designated by first name and surname, for example: Wdowa Maryanna Szymkuciowa (3), wdowa Agata Kwietkiewiczowa (4). A couple of similar designations also occur in the 1851 list of residents of the Vaiguva manor (source 29): Матеуша Яновича жена Анна (3–4), Яна Ержевича жена 115 Anna (5–6). Also found is the form Tadejują žmoną Anną (5–6), that is, a designation that provides no fully official information about the woman being recorded. It would probably be inaccurate, considering the entire context of Lithuanian naming in the 19th century, to call official those designations in which only the recorded woman’s given name is mentioned—that is, the first and less important member of the two-part designation—and it is then stated whose wife she is. They should instead be regarded as descriptive designations of women used in certain sources, arising from the specific nature of the documents, the attitude of the people who wrote them toward the persons mentioned, or similar factors. The following designations of women noted in the previously mentioned list of residents of the Balčiai estate (Source 1) should, of course, also be considered in the same way: Siostra Bartłomieja Żukowskiego Anna (3), Siostra Józefa Milinia Judyta (4), Siostra Woyciecha Ubrysa Iudyta (4). Here, in descriptive form, the text specifies whose sister the woman mentioned is. Only these three designations of this kind occurred in all the documents examined. About 50 instances were found in which it was indicated, in one way or another, whose wife the woman mentioned was. In addition to the cases discussed here, other departures from identifying women by given name and surname also occurred. These are forms recorded with a single personal name. Sometimes this is a given name, for example: Pastuška Anna (4, 81–82), Pastuszka Helena (4, 81–82), Zona Katarzyna (3), Kątnica Maryanna (3), pastuszka Rozalia (3). As can be seen, in such cases it is usually also indicated who the woman recorded by given name alone is. The single personal name may also be a surname: Wdowa Boniuszkowa (2, 11–12), wdowa Kazenowa (2, 9–10), Wdowa Marcinkiewiczowa (2, 12–13). Here, too, it is clear who the woman being recorded is (a widow). Or: Pą Andruszkiewiczówna (3)—only the surname is recorded for an unmarried woman. The practice of identifying women with two personal names ending in the suffix -ova also carried over from earlier centuries into 19th-century documents. As the examples show, widows are most often recorded in this way, although sometimes women of perhaps a different status are also included: Wdowie Szymonowey Grygowey (use.; 24, 25), Franciszkowa Jłguciowa (2, 17–18), Michałowa Haydukonionowa (19, 82), Krzysztofowa Kasperowiczowa (43, 87), Wawrzyncowa Kazielunowa Wdowa (11, 14–15), Wincentowa Kuczerowa (3), Janowa Markunowa Wdowa (11, 13–14), Janowa Szopółowa (19, 82), Tomaszowa Uzdawiniowa (19, 83), Józefowa Zienkiewiczowa (3). In these cases, married women (widows) are identified by surnames and by a personal name formed from the husband’s given name with the suffix -ova, recorded in place of the woman’s given name. The following designations can apparently be included in the same group: Adamowa Kozłowska wdowa (3), Wincentowa Witkowska (2, 13–14), or Iwanowska Augustowa (3). In these, the women’s surnames have a suffix of the -sk- type, while in place of the given name is recorded the same personal name formed from the husband’s given name with the suffix -ova. Sometimes the woman’s given name is added to the two personal names ending in -ova. The designation then becomes tripartite, for example: wdowie Agnieszce Michałowey Girutayciowey (use.; 23, 38), Róża Jakóbową Bieyniową (19, 87). This is how Lithuanian women are identified in 19th-century administrative and legal documents. The variety of their recorded forms is striking. Of the approximately 500 women mentioned in the sources 116 98 are identified in one way or another in a manner deviating from what would appear to have been the norm in this period: identification by given name and surname. This constitutes 19.6% of all female entries in the documents of the type examined. Thus, 19th-century anthroponymy also attests to the fact that women’s identification by given name and surname was not yet established. This, among other things, suggests that although Lithuanian surnames had completed their formation by the 18th century, during the period under discussion they were not always the most important and indispensable element in identifying all Lithuanians. 2. In ecclesiastical sources women are likewise identified in various ways. This is attested by data extracted from the baptismal register of the Kūliai parish (1802–1807), from the 1857 register book of extracts from the birth, marriage, and death records of the churches of Verkiai, Musninkai, Sudervė, Nemenčinė, and others, as well as from lists of residents of several parishes. 2.1. The first source (listed as no. 9) records 1,890 women. These are the mothers and godmothers of infants born in the Kūliai parish in 1802–1807. The infants’ mothers are identified by given name and surname. Exceptions are very rare (only 4 out of 943). The names of not only the infants’ mothers but also their godmothers and the girls being baptized are, without exception, Christian. Without discussing all of them in greater detail, it can simply be noted that the 488 girls born in 1802–1807 were given only 49 different names. The most frequent were: Ona (Anna) – recorded 59 times, Petronelė – 57, Marijona – 44, Barbora – 33, Eleonora, Rozalija – 25 each, Liudvika – 24, Veronika – 21, Magdalena – 20, Agota – 14, Joana, Katarina, Pranciška – 13 each. The following occurred only once: Cecilija, Darata, Emilijona, Felicijona, Honorata, Jadvyga, Judita, Karolina, Kristina, Paulina, Placida, Valerija. These names were recorded 2–3 times each: Anastazija, Benedikta, Bonaventūra, Elena, Juozapota, Konstancija, Kunigunda, Marcele, Scholastika, Simeona, Teresė. Thus, in this case too, the monotony of the name stock is evident, with several of the same names recurring frequently. One further detail related to the use of names can be observed in this church register: the practice of giving newborns two names. Such cases occur relatively frequently in the source, for example (both names in the genitive form): Agatham Johannam (48), Franciscam Magdalenam (45), Veronicam Johannam (45), Rosaliam Annam (45), Antoninam Mariannam (55), Mariannam Annam (55), Leonoram Catharinam (27), Leonoram Annam (27), Claram Magdalenam (26), Annam Leonoram (30), Mariannam Magdalenam (30), Mariannam Ewam (30), Veronicam Barbaram (48), Leonoram Barbaram (49), Agatham Petronillam (41), Apolloniam Scholasticam (41), Benedictam Monicam (41), Agnetem Rosaliam (61), Annam Martiannam (69), Luciam Ludowicam (58), Rosaliam Valeriam (58), Eleonoram Martianam (67), Claram Lusiam (65), Catharinam Anastasiam (17), Ewam Franciscam (61), Marciannam Petronillam (61), and so on. The use of Christian names in church registers has also been discussed in the works of other authors. A study of the names of girls baptized in a source from the early 17th century at Vilnius’s Church of St. John found that relatively few different names were used, and that 117 The 20 most popular names are presented, with percentages indicating how many girls were given each name. These are Ona (19%), Kristina (13%), Kotryna (9%), Morta (8%), Ieva (7%), Elžbieta (6%), Darata (5%), Marina (5%), and other names given to 3–1% of girls (Zinkevičius 1977: 52). A description of the female names recorded in the 1795 baptismal register of the Diocese of Samogitia stated that the source’s anthroponymy attested to approximately 130 different names. Some were relatively common: Ona (11.59%), Marijona (11.09%), Barbora (8.36%), Kotryna (6.79%), Elžbieta (6.47%), Rozalija (4.88%), Agota (4.19%), Elena (3.62%); the other names were less common, each used for 3–1% of women. It is further noted that many names appear in the source only once (Ramonienė 1985: 56). The surnames of infants’ mothers and fathers do not match. Women are identified by their fathers. Here are some examples of how people mentioned in a single baptismal record were identified: Laurentio Wysocki (the infant’s father), Anna Giedrymowna (the infant’s mother), Jacobus Jurkiewicz (the godfather), and Magdalena Sypscionna (the godmother) (1). Joanne Kniupszta (the infant’s father), Magdalena Stanionwna (the infant’s mother), Mathaus Stankus (the godfather), Anna Narwayszowa (the godmother) (65). Casimiro Dobilas (the infant’s father), Anna Baltmiszkowna (the infant’s mother), Josephus Jurgutowicz (the godfather), Marciana Tarwidowa (the godmother) (62). Josepho Tarwid (the infant’s father), Marianna Szlepsionwna (the infant’s mother), Ignatius Woytkiewicz (the godfather), Anna Luczynka (the godmother) (69). Josepho Styrbowicz (the infant’s father), Barbara Ostrowska (the infant’s mother), Antonius EytowJki (the godfather), Magdalena Ostrowska (the godmother) (39). As can be seen, the infant’s father and mother have different surnames. Thus, in the church register of the Kuliai parish, a surname was not yet treated as a personal name shared by all members of a family. It may be appropriate to agree with the view that this is related to the specific nature of the tradition of church sources (Ramonienė 1985: 57). However, the variations observed indicate that this tradition was not uniform, and that women were often identified in one way or another according to a particular form of baptismal record established in a given parish (Maciejauskienė 1991: 296). Nevertheless, comparison of data from church registers of the 17th, 18th, and 19th centuries makes it relatively easy to discern shifts indicating the recognition of the second element of identification (the surname), or even attempts to regard it as a personal name shared by all family members. Here, only women’s names are meant. For example, in the 17th-century church registers of the Užpaliai and Videniškiai parishes, the mothers of baptized infants are usually recorded by their given names alone. The same practice is found in the 17th–18th-century church register of the Daugailiai parish. In all cases, exceptions are very rare (Maciejauskienė 1991: 263, 274, 282). The mid-18th-century register of the Linkmenys parish contains no such identifications. There, the infants’ mothers are already recorded using as many as three personal names—given name, surname derived from the father, and surname derived from the husband (Maciejauskienė 1991: 293). This form of identification is also recorded in a late-18th-century source—the 1795 baptismal register of the Diocese of Samogitia—although more often 118 siai čia kūdikių motinos įvardijamos vardu ir pavarde pagal tėvą (Ramonienė 1985: 57). Interesting data attesting to a tendency to treat the surname as a shared family personal name have been observed in the church register of Inturkė parish (Source 8). It records marriage acts. As is customary in such cases, the brides are entered in them by their given name and maiden surname (after their father), for example: Sophiam Gagiowna (here and elsewhere, the name is in the genitive case; 57), Dominicam Jowoyszowna (70), Annam Kurszynionwa (57), Domitillam Pietkiewiczówna (61), Martiannam Pipirówna (97). In addition to these, the act also records the names of the groom and witnesses. Their given names are usually written in Latin (as is the entire text of the act), while their surnames are written in Polish. From folio 57 onward, a different arrangement for recording these acts has been observed. The names of the groom and bride are mentioned at the beginning of the customary formula for this occasion. Later, the names of the married couple are repeated in the text written in Polish, at the end of which the spouses sign beside their names (most often with three crosses). The wedding witnesses also sign here (likewise with three crosses). The names of former brides after marriage are not uniform and, as the handwriting shows, depend greatly on the individuals who made the entries. Some married women are named in the same way as before the wedding. In the examples below, the names of the groom and bride before marriage are given (the names are in the genitive case), followed after the dash by the wife's name after marriage: Ferdinandum Buywid, Marcianam Bukowska – Marcianna Bukowska (83), Joannem Kowzan, Annam Łowkiowna – Anna Łowkiowna (98), Joannem Krzywicki, Corneliam Bitowtowna – Kornelia Bitowtowna (100), Joannem Rutkowski, Annam Kurszynionwa – Anna Kurszynionwa (57). However, there are also many names of married women in which the woman's newly acquired surname after her husband is recorded. This is done in three ways: 1) after the given name, indicating the family from which the woman originates (which is something like a variant of the maiden surname), followed by her surname after her husband: Ignatium Akinis, Dorotham Dubowska – Dorota z Dubowskich Akinowa (69), Thomam Jasiunas, Judytham Gagiowna – Judyta z Gagiow Jasiunowa (79), Gabrielem Kayrys, Victoriam Werykowna – Wiktorya z Werykow Kayrowa (80), Jgnatium Koyriewicz, Constantiam Mickowna – Konstancya z Micków Koyrewiczowa (72); 2) writing two surnames after the given name—the maiden surname and the surname after her husband: Josephum Kucharewicz, Antonellam Juchniewiczówna – Antonella Juchniewiczówna Kucharewiczowa (82), Georgium Pukian, Domicellam Gołowecka – Domicella Gołowecka Pukianowa (82), Josephum Żata, Martam Miłsiunowna – Marta Miłsiunowna Żałowa (94); 3) writing only the new surname after her husband following the given name: Antonium Bikont, Juditham Letowtowna – Judytha Bikontowa (92), Jacobum Gagis, Martiannam Nienartowiczowna – Martianna Gagiowa (77), Thomam Romeyko, Teresam Bikoncjowna – Teresa Romeykowna (65). This excursus into another source (briefly interrupting the analysis of women's personal names in Kulių parish) attests to a growing tendency in church sources as well 119 to regard the surname as a shared personal name for family members. This is also confirmed, incidentally, by the anthroponymy of another source—the 1857 register of metric extracts. But more on that a little later. Returning to the surnames of the mothers of infants in the church register of Kulių parish, it should be noted that they have the suffixes characteristic of unmarried women's surnames (as already mentioned, these are surnames derived from the father). As many as 741 of them are formed with the Slavic suffix -ovna, for example: Agatha Abariowna (53), Magdalena Anuziowna (44), Mariana Badawgówna (29), Francisca Balsewiczowna (60), Anna Baltmiśkio(w)na (23), Victoria Beywidowna (60), Helena Blagnayciowna (49), Barbara Buczniowna (26), Theresia Budrykowna (52), Lucia Bugayłowna (67), Johanna Bumbłowna (37), Helena Butkiewiczowna (34), Marcianna Dawgintowna (32), Barbara Dawk(sz)owna (42), Brigida Dymgayłowna (28), Marianna Eytutowiczowna (69), Agnete Gayłowna (62), Justina Gaudutowna (37), Marianna Giedgowdowna (1), Anna Giedrymowna (15), Feliciana Gielżyniowna (57), Marianna Girgżdowna (35), Anna Girkontowna (59), Barbara Gudayciowna (44), Magdalena Janulewiczowna (65), Anna Kayrowna (5), Martiana Kniupsztowna (67), Monica Kontawtówna (10), Martiana Krypowiczowna (35), Marianna Kubitowna (34), Antonina Łaukinayciowna (68), Petronilla Lingowna (49), Scholastika Milaszewiczowna (12), Magdalena Mineykowna (30), Marianna Narbutowna (44), Veronica Narkiewiczowna (48), Petronilla Narmontowna (48), Agnete Paszwelniowna (69), Antonina Rymkiewiczowna (66), Anna Rupszowna (58), Veronica Saudargowna (28), Johanna Symutowna (65), Catharina Srebalowna (48), Rosalia Strawkiewiczowna (42), Magdalena Sungayłowna (56), Barbara Szakin(i)owna (48), Anna Szep(u)towiczowna (23), Rosalia Tarwidowna (39), Marcianna Tawdginowna (11), Johanna Tylwikowiczowna (54), Anna Užwandenowna (26), Rosalia Waysznarowna (36), Juditha Walancewiczowna (24), Anna Warnelowna (40), Mariana Woyszwittowna (21), Victoria Zeymiowna (55), Agnete Zylowna (30), Anna Żutowtowna (21), Agatha Zwerzd own a (33). The analogous men's surnames recorded in the source show that the suffix -ovna is added to their forms without endings, for example: Beywid (58), Butkiewicz (33), Giedgowd (68), Girkontt (66), Kontowtd (42). But in cases where a surname has a Lithuanian (or Slavicized) ending, for example: Anuzis (31), Baltmiszkis (12), Bucznis (12), Bugaylo (28), Bumblis (30), Dawgintis (58), Dymgayto (3), Gaudutis (48), Gielzinis (41), Kniupszta (52), Kubilus (29), and so on, it is omitted. The surnames of 4 infant mothers are formed with the Slavic suffix -evna, which has the same meaning: Francisca Kuprewna (69), Marianna Legowiczewna (46), Marianna Matulewna (31), Petronilla Strawkewna (32). Other women's surnames have Slavic suffixes of the -sk- type, for example: Justina Als zew-ska (5), Barbara Astrowska (1), Marianna Berzanſka (67), Johana Dyrwianſka (23), Marianna Dulinska (38), Agnete Eytowska (41), Petronilla Gietumbicka (57), Magdalena Gudowlſka (27), Barbara Kawecka (44), Petronilla Kirklewſka (45), Elisabetha Kuczynska (33), Terefia Nagrecka (22), Johana Pilkowſka (51), Anna 120 Telszyńska (55), Elisabetha Wysocka (44), Teresia Zabłocka (36), Helena Żylinska (60). A total of 165 such surnames are recorded in the source. Analogous male surnames formed in the same way, for example: Alszewski (31), Astrowski (8), Berżanski (5), Dyrwianki (66), Duliński (51), Kawecki (59), Nagrecki (29), Żylinki (28), and so on, show that the female surnames mentioned above are most often formed without adding any suffix, but merely by changing the ending. This was also the practice in many of the eighteenth-century documents examined (Maciejauskienė 1991: 280). However, three instances recorded in the Kuliai parish register indicate that a different practice was also taking hold: that is, the customary suffixes were added to surnames of this type when forming female surnames: Marianna Kaweckowna (67), Therezia Nagreckowna (67), Anna Zablockówna (2) (cf. female surnames Kawecka, Nagrecka, Zabłocka and male surnames Kawecki, Nagrecki, *Zablocki). In addition to the many surnames of infants’ mothers formed with Slavic suffixes, the source contains 5 surnames with the Lithuanian suffix -aitė: Ana Piautakyte (67), Anastasia Kiawskayte (58), Veronica Stankayte (66), Rosa Strawkayte (67), Rosalia Wayczayte (68). They are formed from male surnames recorded in the source as follows: Piawlok (7), Kijewski (33), Stankus (34, 46, 47, 48, 65), Strawkas (14, 16, 67), Wayczys (55). It is difficult to explain why, alongside the many surnames formed with Slavic suffixes, 5 nevertheless have Lithuanian suffixes used for this purpose, or why these surnames were distinguished in this way from all the others. One woman’s surname has the Lithuanian suffix -alė: Catharina Wezbonale (64). The surnames of two infants’ mothers are identical to analogous male surnames. These are: Agatha Narkiewicz (7) – cf. Franciscus Narkiewicz (40), Georgius Narkiewicz (66), Ioanne Narkiewicz (54), Michael Narkiewicz (11), and others; Elisabetha Stupelis (59) – cf. Ignatio Stupelis (2), Joanne Stupelis (44), Stanislao Stupelis (57), Vincentius Stupelis (55), and others. Among all the designations of infants’ mothers, 4 stand out in which the woman is recorded by her given name only: Iohanna (42), Magdalena (62), Rosalia (45), Veronica (45). As is known, godmothers could be either married or unmarried women. The source mentions 948 of them. All are identified by two personal names—a given name and a surname. The formation of godmothers’ surnames is strongly Slavic in character. As many as 476 of them are formed with the suffix -ova, used to form married women’s surnames from their husbands’ surnames, for example6: Helena Atuciowa (35), Elisabeth Anuzewiczowa (12), Anna Bakiewiczowa (10), Catharina Baltrymowa (3), Veronica Baltusiowa (44), Agnes Bedawgowowa (56), Victoria Dawgielowa (43), Anna Dawnorowa (5), Petronilla Diburiowa (55), Magdalena Drungittowa (27), Veronica Giembuttowa (10), Marianna Gryguttowa (7), 6 Here and elsewhere, when selecting examples, an effort is made to avoid mentioning surnames already presented, even if they were formed with different suffixes. 121 Anna Grykſtowiczowa (28), Barbara Jurgulowa (1), Barbara Kazragiowa (53), Terefsia Kiawleykowa (60), Anna Kinczowa (44), Catharina Laurynkowa (26), Anna Lingiewiczowa (35), Marciana Lutykowa (27), Anna Łużpyniowa (5), Petronilla Mazionowa (38), Veronika Metrykowa (48), Anna Minczowa (44), Anna Narwajłowa (69), Agatha Pareygiowa (46), Magdalena Pawksztowa (38), Marianna Płaypiowa (68), Barbara Pyszmontowa (11), Francisca Putramentowa (37), Judith Rawdoniowa (32), Magdalena Rymeykowa (12), Mariana Rupeykowa (29), Catharina Smilingiowa (48), Magdalena Styrbiowa (34), Elisabetha Stupelowa (53), Magdalena Szlepeciowa (33), Barbara Tumowa (34), Elisabeth Urnikiowa (3), Brigitha Widmontowa (66), Agatha Wirszyłowa (24). Neištekejusių krikštamoičių pavardės sudarytos su priesaga -ovna, pvz.: Christina Batwiłowna (58), Barbara Bładnowna (55), Anna Budwitowna (6), Agatha Butkowna (49), Anna Ciążelowna (54), Monica Dyglewiczowna (44), Rosa Dobilowna (63), Victoria Eytowiczowna (42), Martiana Gałdykowna (44), Barbara Gwazdykowna (21), Constantia Jakubaytowna (36), Elisabetha Jundutowna (35), Petronilla Kniuksz towna (53), Clara Kondratowna (35), Cecilia Kubelewiczowna (4), Francisca Kupriowna (58), Clara Montwidowna (35), Marianna Narkowna (44), Justina Rudowna (66), Marianna Sawserowna (55), Johanna Serputowna (39), Marciana Skluderowna (22), Petronilla Słusznewiczowna (57), Veronica Stropiowna (69), Anna Stupelewiczówna (6), Marianna Szymkowna (44), Anna Szleynowna (65), Magdalena Werkowna (56), Marianna Zabitowna (32), Rosalia Żadeykowna (38). The suffixes -ovna and -ova are also added here to surnames recorded in the source without endings, for example: Bakiewicz (2, 18, 56 and others), Dyglewicz (26), Eytowicz (23, 24, 30, 36 and others), Gryksztowicz (23, 65, 66 and others), or after dropping the Lithuanian (sometimes Slavicized) ending of the male surname, for example: Atutis (5, 12, 34, 66 and others), Baltrymas (44, 58, 66), Butkus (48), Ciūželis (19, 26 and others), Dobitas (35), Gałdykas (15), Dowgiatto (46), Drungillo (21), Jurgulis (12), etc. Both married and unmarried godmothers may have surnames with -sk- type suffixes, for example: Marianna Baranowska (10), Magdalena Bartaszewska (35), Anna Buczynska (38), Marianna Grygulowska (47), Anna Gunczewska (67), Magdalena Janczewfka (57), Victoria Karwowska (22), Barbara Łapinska (33), Marianna Łuczyńfka (52), Anna Łukowska (51), Marianna Myszkowſka (31), Veronica Papławfka (23), Anna Puszynska (32), Marianna Sawicka (47), Catharina Skulska (52), Johanna Sokołowſka (42), Magdalena Szarkowska (53), Johana Turowska (29), Marianna Waſilewſka (69), Petronilla Woynowska (46), Johanna Zaborska (55), and so on (160 surnames of this type in total). As can be seen, they are formed by changing the ending of the male surname. There were only two instances in which the Slavic suffix -ovna was added to the father’s surname after dropping its ending: Elena Berżonskowna (61), Magdalena Nagreckowna (67). The number of surnames with Slavic suffixes is further augmented by one formed with the suffix -evna: Marianna Dawidowiczewna (2). 122 Thus, the formation of the godmothers’ surnames also attests to the very strong Slavicization of Lithuanian personal names. Therefore, several surnames formed with Lithuanian suffixes once again draw attention. These are: Juditha Berniotieny (67), Magdalena Judienie (52), Marianna Szukienie (67) – with the suffix -ienė, and Agatha Pufławskaytė (68) – with the suffix -aitė. The latter surname is further distinguished by the fact that the Lithuanian suffix is added to a surname containing a suffix of the -sk- type. Two godmothers’ surnames resemble masculine forms: Petronilla Lawrynko (37), Marcianna Lutýko (5). 2.2. The picture of how women are named is entirely different in the second church source examined—the 1857 register of extracts from birth, marriage, and death records of the churches of Verkiai, Musninkai, Sudervė, Nemenčinė, and others (source 18). The source was written in Russian. The book begins with extracts from marriage registration acts, from which 319 designations of women were selected. These are entries for brides and for the mothers of brides and grooms. In general, the entries in this part of the source indicate that, unlike in the church register of the Kulių parish, the surname is treated as a personal name common to the whole family. This is most clearly reflected in the naming of the brides’ and grooms’ parents. They are usually recorded together, linked by the same surname. Here are several examples of designations found in a single marriage-record extract: Якуба Михалкевича, съ Юльено Романовскою (instrumental; bride), Габріеля и Анастазію урож. Судовны Михалкевичевъ (genitive; groom’s parents), Казимержа и Розаліи урож.: Роковской Романовскихъ (genitive; bride’s parents) (3). Якуба Скаржинскаго (genitive; groom), съ Петронилье урож. Яцкевичевною Романовскою...вдовою (instrumental; bride), Вавржиница и Марьянны урож.: Волейшевны Скаржинскихъ (genitive; groom’s parents), Казимержа и Марьянны урож.: Янушевичевны Яцкевичевъ (genitive; bride’s parents) (4). Адама Высоцкаго (genitive; groom), съ Агатою Суботовичевною (instrumental; bride), Мартина и Марціаны урожденной Максимовичевной Высоцкихъ... (genitive; groom’s parents), Яна и Кристины урожденной Бразюновной Суботовичей (genitive; bride’s parents) (40). As can be seen, the groom and his parents have the same surname, as do the bride and her parents, and the husband and wife. The women mentioned in the marriage-act extracts are named in different ways. Brides—that is, women who are not yet married—are usually recorded with two personal names: a given name and a surname. The latter is formed from the father’s surname using Slavic suffixes. The most common here is -evna, for example: съ Тересою Балюкевичевною⁷ (55), съ Маріянною Билевичевною (59), съ Ружено Даукшевною (53), съ Розаліе Карвелевною (44), съ Розалію Керновичевною (58), 7Here and elsewhere, the abbreviation of the case name “instrumental” has been omitted; it is represented by the preposition съ, “with.” 123 with Justina Linkevičienė (37), with Rachelė Mikelevičienė (59), with Paulina Petkevičienė (46), with Maryanna Petrukanavičienė (54), with Anna Sinkevich (35), with Agata Subotowicz (40), with Jozefata Urbanowicz (59), with Anele Zinkevich (45). The second most frequent is the suffix -ovna (written -овна and -увна), e.g.: with Uriculea Bovgirdovna (5), with Pavlina Buylovna (50), with Anna Doveykovna (31), with Rozalia Dzidzianovna (53), with Maryanna Yanenovna (31), with Maryanna Yudkovna (32), with Iosafata Kurshevna (55), with Ewa Saraliovna (53), with Rozalia Shotskikova (29), with Rozalia Buyvidubova (7), with Isabella Dashkevichuvna (7), with Petronilla Shaltanovichuvna (7). Some brides’ surnames have a Slavic-type -sk- suffix, e.g.: with Katerina Belyavskaya (30), with Marianna Chernyavskaya (43), with Anele Dubnitskaya (57), with Ioanna Klyukovskaya (57), with Kristina Mlynskaya... (32), with Anna Romanovskaya (60), with Rozalia Rudzinskaya (57), with Marianna Rutkovskaya (47), with Tekla Vitkovskaya (48), with Anna Zhukovskaya (54). In cases where the bride is a woman marrying for the second time, she is designated differently. For example, after her first and last names, which, as the formation indicates, are those of her first husband, her maiden name is also given. This is done using the word урожденная. In Russian, the latter is written before the woman’s maiden name: Иванова урожденная Волкова – Ivanovà, maiden name Vòlkova (RL IV 434). In the source, this word is given in full or its abbreviations are used: ур., урожд., less often – урож., урожден.. No abbreviations occur in the designations of women marrying for a second time, e.g.: съ Анелею Енгелевичовою вдовою урожденною Чепанковною (58), съ Марциянною Гаснеровичевою урожденную Юргулевичевною... вдовою (55), съ Анною Первейниовою урожденную Ингелевичевною вдовою (59), съ Александрою Ринкевичевою урожденную Якубовскою вдовою (46). Sometimes the maiden name is written after the first name, and only then is the surname from the former husband given, e.g.: съ Антониною урожден-ною Бартосевичевною Кондратовичовою... вдовою (58), съ Анною урожденную Витковскою Туркевичевою... вдовою (51). It happens that a woman marrying for a second time is designated only by her first name and maiden name – съ Антониною урожденную Чеписовною вдовою... (48). In all cases, it is also stated that the woman is a widow. As can already be seen from the examples given above, the groom’s and bride’s parents are recorded together. They are linked by a shared surname. It is therefore difficult to distinguish the designations of women. However, even these jointly recorded forms show that men’s designations are binary, while women’s—brides’ and grooms’ mothers’—are almost always ternary. In addition to the first name and the surname through the husband (the shared family surname), the woman’s maiden name is also given. It is usually written after the first name and is formed with Slavic suffixes used for this purpose, -evna, -ovna (also written -увна), e.g.: of Vincent and Catherine, née Aloshkevich 124 Vitkovskys (48)8, Szymon and Rozalia née Balsevichovna Boyarun (46), Shimon and Agnieszka née Beynarovichovna Kichanovsky (42, 57), Adam and Domicela née Daukshevna Lipinsky (53), Marcin and Domicela née Dvilevichna Sinkevich (45), Tomasz and Teresa née Gedroycevna Chechin or Yacevich (58), Karol and Marcianna née Yatskevichovna Buylov (50), Jan and Petronella née Karvelevna Zvirbliss (56), Maciej and Rozalia née Kernovichna Petkevich (47), Joseph and Rachel née Mizancevna Chepankov (47), Michal and Marianna née Narushevichna Vitkovsky (51), Kazimierz and Rozalia née Petkevichna Yudkov (41), Gabriel and Marianna née Sargevichna Yachunov (51), Onufry and Iosafata née Turlovichna Gorsky (58); Yuri and Marianna née Augustovna Lozovsky (33), Joachim and Anna née Batsulovna Saroliv (52), Jan and Kristina née Braziovna Subotovich (40), Mateusz and Sofia née Buylovna Gnitkov (50), Jozef and Maryanna née Chernysovna Bogdanov (5), Kazimierz and Anna née Geybovichovna Rodzievich (60), Ignatius and Marianna née Yachnikovna Rikoytev (38), Gabriel and Katerina née Leteykovna Satkevich (30), Joseph and Anna née Mazelovna Geybov (59), Peter and Maryanna née Subotovichovna Lipkevich (40), Mateusz and Maryana née Zigmontovna Nevyarovich (37). A small group of designations stands out in which, after the word урожденная, the maiden name appears not in the singular but in the genitive plural, e.g.: Michal and Katarina née: Dalecki Vitkovsky (7), Mateusz and Malgorzata née: Zarychev Dashkevich (7), Joseph and Maryana née Rodzievich Kotlovsky (41), Dionizy and Petronilla née: Setlinsky Dovbor (4), Boniface and Rozalia née: Korzhenovsky Buyvidov (7), Kazimierz and Anna née: Auglilov Vronov (5), Michal and Anna née: Grygalovich Daukshev (7), Michal and Maryanna née: Medvedzev Shalmanovich (7). Such instances seem to indicate the family (lineage) from which the woman came. There were several cases in which a woman’s maiden name was formed with the suffixes -ova, -eva, which, as is known, were used to form married women’s surnames, e.g.: Peter and Rozalia née Deveykova Mancevich (41), Vikenty and Helena née Yanishevicheva Zdanovich (36), Stanislav and Maryana née Stupenkova Gedvidz (35), Peter and Kristina 8Here the designations of both parents are presented, as recorded in the source. It is not easy to separate out the mothers’ designations alone from them, and doing so seemed inappropriate. The designations most often contain genitive forms of all personal names. Only women’s maiden names sometimes appear in the instrumental case. 125 урожденной Касиловичовою Перовичовъ (32). It may be suspected that these are merely spelling quirks. Although it may also be otherwise (cf. analogous designations of women found in extracts from baptismal register entries, which will be discussed later). Only two (out of 209) mothers of brides and grooms are recorded with two personal names, i.e. a first name and a surname derived from the husband’s: Станислава и Констанции Зинкевичовъ (31), Петра и Магдалены Невядомскихъ (30). One mother of a groom, an illegitimate son, is recorded by her first name only: Крестьянки Констанции незаконнорожденнаго сына... (46). Baptismal register entries mention the infant being baptized, the infant’s parents, and the godparents. In addition to these, other people who took part in the baptismal rites are sometimes also recorded, including women. The designations in these extracts appear as follows: Казимержъ (the infant’s name), Матеуша и Мариянны урожд. Ковалевской Рымкевичовъ (pl.; the infant’s parents), Винценты Ковалевский (godfather), съ Домицелено Буткевичевою женою Викентия (instr.; godmother) (76–77). Пелагия=Валерия (the two names of the newborn girl), Кароля и Зофии урожд. Коновичевой Радзишевскихъ (the infant’s parents), Иванъ Грынцевичъ (godfather), съ Винцентыною женою Александра (godmother), Фердынандъ Чижевский (person present), съ Францишкою Скиндеръ девицею (woman present) (80–81). Пютръ (the infant’s name), Станислава и Барбары урожд. Бунишовъ Ловцевичевъ (the infant’s parents), Кароль Рынкевич (godfather), съ Петронильею Рынкевичовою Супругою Михала (godmother), Юзефъ Даукша (person present), съ Терессою Гуцевичовою вдовою (woman present) (99–100). Women mentioned in extracts from baptismal register entries are designated in a great variety of ways. Mothers of infants, like the mothers of brides and grooms in extracts from marriage registers, are usually recorded together with their husbands, i.e. the fathers of the infants being baptized. Here too, besides the shared family surname, the woman’s maiden name is also given. The formation and form of the latter vary. Only Slavic suffixes -evna and -ovna (also written -uvna) are used, for example: Казимержа и Францишки урожденної Амалковичевны Клебанскихъ (175–176), Петра и Розалии урожденної Андрушкайцевны Кожуковскихъ (145–146), Адама и Терессы урожденної Петруканцевны Суденисовъ (178–179), Матеуша и Мариянны урожденної Шакевичевны Годжковъ (145–146), Антонего и Юзефаты урожденної Волэйшевны Быстржиновскихъ (176–177); Stanislava and Anelia née Dziadzialovna Kazakevich (191–192), Ludvika and Ludvika née Yamontovna Rodzevich (89–90), Yan and Anelia née Kabelisovna Krylovich (180–181), Ignatsey and Teressa née Matsiulonovna Mechkovsky (178–179), Mateush and Anna née Zhvirblovna Sarolyuv (178–179); Kastan and Anna née Bilevichovna Kulvichov (105), Mikhal and Katarzhina née Skyberovna Tomashunov (115); Valentiy and Karolina née Andryukaytsevna 126 Vizhinov (104), Yustina and Domicela née Gaigaliunova Voitekunov (110), Matvei and Teresa née Gelazhinova Radzonov (105), Ivan and Rozalia née Salecyuna Yakubenov (106), Karol and Urshula née Skarulyuna Puzevich (115). A considerable number of women’s maiden surnames have suffixes of the -sk- type, for example: Vincenty and Gozefata née Balunskaya Yatsevichev (189–190), Anton and Antonina née Dubitskaya Yatsevichev (118–119), Karol and Rozalia née Zhukovskaya Builov (183–184), Anton and Eva née Girulskaya Goreilisob (182–183), Yuri and Pavlina née Pazhusinskaya Bruzulnov (106); Pavel and Martsianna née Gravinskaya Matulevich (146–147), Voitsekh and Petrunella née Shirvinskaya Brzezovskikh (144–145), Iosif and Cecilia née Korzhenevskaya Mileckov (133–134). Much more often than in extracts from marriage register entries, cases occurred here in which a woman’s maiden surname was formed with the suffixes -eva, -ova (-ъva), for example: Dominik and Rozalia née Gelazhinova Oshakov (112), Petr and Rozalia née Rimshova Prokopovich (80–81), Anton and Kristina née Statkulova Kovalevskikh (108), Yakub and Frantsishka née Gotovtova Luchunov (136–137); Symon and Petrunella née Bartoshevicheva Yankovskikh (77–78), Yuzef and Antonina née Libertovicheva Baliukovich (75–76), Vikenti and Apollonia née Rimshevicheva Shvedovich (76–77), Yuri and Maryanna née Gornevicheva Butkevich (134–135), Yan and Frantsishka née Rybaltovicheva Lozovskikh (131–132), and so on. It would hardly be accurate to explain these cases of maiden surnames formed with the suffixes -ova, -eva solely as spelling errors, since they are relatively frequent. One might suppose that this was a tendency in documents written in Russian to level the differences in the use of the suffixes -ova, -eva and -ovna, -evna, which had come from Polish. As is known, in Russian the surnames of both married and unmarried women are formed from the husband’s or father’s surname with the suffixes -ova, -eva. The suffixes -ovna, -evna, in contrast, are used to form the patronymic (отчест-во) customary in this people’s naming system. In this part of the church register, cases also occur much more often than before in which a woman’s maiden surname in the singular is replaced by the genitive plural. This indicates the family from which the woman came and the surname of that family, for example: Bartolomei and Petronella née Palecki Geglis (96–97), Yuzef and Grasil’da née Yankovski Bystrynovski (85–86), Teofil and Domicela née Orlovski Yagellovich (81–82), Mikhail and Frantsishka née Shalkovski Buivid (96–97), Kazimer and Gelena née Zhilinski Zaborovski (83–84); Piotr and Maryanna née Bartoshevich Bernatovich (87–88), Piotr and Anna née Belkevich Gegli (88–89), Mikolai and Anna née Buivid Voitkevich (89–90), Frantsishka and Anna née Deveyk Rusa 127 kevich (86–87), Yuzef and Agata née Matulevich Baturov (88–89), Vincent and Teresa née Veykshov Purkevich (83–84); Karol and Rachel née Armanovich Deveykov (95–96), Yan and Katarzhina née Rusakevich Senonov (94–95). These designations are supplemented by another in which the preposition съ (from) appears instead of the word урожденная: Stanislav and Eva from the Kozlovski family, the Kovalevski family (131–132). Here, too, the family from which the woman came is indicated. Other, that is, non-trinomial, designations of infants’ mothers are rare. Only one mother of a legitimate infant is recorded by both given name and surname: Kazimerzh and Yuzefata Bejnovski (87–88). The mothers of illegitimate infants mentioned in the source are designated by two personal names. Their surnames have the suffixes characteristic of unmarried women’s surnames, -евна, -овна, for example: Maryana Batrantsevna (gen.; 180–181), Yulia Datsevichevna (gen.; 192–193), Martsianna Minkovichevna (gen.; 181–182), Iozafata Urbanovichevna (gen.; 185–186), Antonina Pervenisovna (gen.; 184–185), or other forms, for example: Karolina Chaplinskaya (gen.; 75–76), Tekla Klevinskaya (75–76), Ianna Kliukovskaya (183–184), Anna Lipinskaya (96–97), Maryana Zhukovskaya (79–80), Petronella Voleishanka (108). Such designations are relatively rare. In baptismal register extracts, godmothers are designated quite differently. They are married and unmarried women. Married godmothers are most often designated by indicating whose wife the woman is. The woman’s surname itself, formed from her husband’s surname, would seem to convey that she is the wife of one man or another. However, when godmothers are designated, the surname shared by both spouses is either not used at all, or is considered insufficient, and a reference to the husband’s given name is added as well. In the first case (and these are the majority), the woman is recorded by her given name alone, followed by a descriptive designation—that is, using the words супруга or жена—which gives the husband’s given name and surname. The common nouns are written at the end of the designation, that is, after the husband’s given name and surname (very rarely, after the surname and given name), or immediately after the woman’s given name. Here is a group of such designations of godmothers: with Anna, wife of Mateush Ilgis (116), with Kristina, wife of Kazimir Rudak (115), with Kristina, wife of Gabryel Yakuben (115), with Karolina, wife of Stanislav Mateliants (113), with Rozalia, wife of Vikenti Voleisha (112), with Agata, wife of Mikhail Strazda (112), with Karolina, wife of Teofil Stanevich (146–147), with Maryanna, wife of Matvei Papshun (107), with Elzbieta, wife of Anton Zhvingel (106), with Kristina, wife of Anton Andrukaityets (105), with Antonina, wife of Andrei Gegl (104); with Petronella, wife of Vikenti Zdanovich (150), with Marianna, wife of Iosif Andrukaityets (147–148), with Karolina, wife of Iozef Markevich (146–147), with Petrunella, wife of Macei Pechul (141–142), with Anastazia, wife of Kazimer Kovalevski (139–140), with Urshula, wife of Stefan Luchun (139–140); with Anna Taboreta 128 Yana, wife (144–145), with Katarzhina, wife of Sovlevich Kaetan (133–134), with Marianna, wife of Doveyka Andrei (142–143); with Agata, spouse of Yuzef Blazhevich (179–180), with Anelia, spouse of Yuzef Gulbinovich (179–180), with Yuzefata, spouse of Kazimerzh Noreitski (179–180), with Teressa, spouse of Petr Mikelievich (177–178), with Katarzhina, spouse of Yuzef Narushevich (176–177), with Karolina, spouse of Banshevtor Balsevich (190–191), with Katarzhina, spouse of Ignatsey Lyubert (184–185), with Maryanna, spouse of Avgustyn Yurgelevich (184–185), with Maryanna, spouse of Yuzef Zhirblis (182–183), with Konstantsiya, spouse of Kazimerzh Martulya (84–85); with Dorota, wife of Karol Buksha (81–82), with Urishela, wife of Yan Krivotovich (78–79), with Yuzefo, wife of Kazimerzh Bogsir (77–78). Sometimes in this type of designation the husband’s social estate is also indicated, e.g.: with Lyudovika, spouse of nobleman Lyudovik Kodzevich (73–74), with Anna, wife of peasant Kazimerzh Bartoshka (75–76), with Konstantsiya, spouse of peasant Gendrzhes Kulakovski (91–92). In other cases, the woman’s first and last names are recorded, followed by an indication of whose wife she is. The suffixes -ova and -eva in most women’s surnames show that these are surnames formed from the husband’s name. Thus, only the husband’s first name is additionally given, using the common nouns mentioned above. E.g.: with Rozalia Aleksandrovichova, spouse of Kazimerzh (86–87), with Rozalia Batorova, spouse of Karol (86–87), with Agata Beynarovichova, spouse of Frantsishka (96–97), with Anna Boyarunova, spouse of Matsey (91–92), with Frantsishka Buyvidova, wife of Mikhal (79–80), with Rozalia Godkova, spouse of Yan (131–132), with Anna Rimshova, wife of Benedikt (80–81); with Antonina Balyukevicheva, wife of Symon (75–76), with Domitselya Bartoshevicheva, wife of Yuzef (77–78), with Anna Vilkevicheva, spouse of Antoniego (188–189). Most likely, the godmothers’ surnames with -sk- type suffixes were also formed from their husbands’ surnames by changing the ending, e.g.: with Felitsiyanna Chaplinskaya, wife of Karol (83–84), with Anna Savitskaya, spouse of Vintsentego (91–92), with Rozalia Verkovskaya, wife of Matsey (81–82), with Yustynna Zhilinskaya, wife of Yustyna (83–84). Besides the most common designations discussed here, in which it is stated in one way or another whose wife a woman is, occasional other forms occur. For example, the godmother’s first name and her husband’s surname are recorded using the word жена: with Elzhbetna Mikulcha, wife (134–135), with Katarzhina Romeyka, wife (133–134), with Maryanna, wife of Poplavski (75–76). Or the woman’s surname derived from her husband’s is written, and the husband’s surname is repeated to indicate whose wife she is: with Kizinevichova, spouse of Gerzhey Kizinevich (94–95). There were cases where only the woman’s and her husband’s first names were recorded: with Vintsentna, wife of Aleksandr (80–81); or the woman’s surname and the husband’s first name: with Klimashevskaya, spouse of Frantsishka (98–99). And finally, two more such designations: with Tsetsiliya Mitskevicheva, widow-wife 129 Yuzef (79–80), with Felitsiyanna Baturova, widow and spouse of Onufrey (88–89). Here it is unclear whether the godmothers are women who married a second time, and whose husbands’ first names are given, or whether they are widows whose husbands, named here, had died. The following descriptive designations of godmothers are clearer: with Anna, widow of Yan Yurgelevich (77–78), with Elzhbeta, widow of Pavel Pukshta (75). Unmarried godmothers are most often designated by two personal names, the first being a given name and the second a surname. That the women are unmarried is indicated by the suffixes -evna, -ovna (-uvna). In addition, it is usually stated that the godmother is a maiden (the word девица is used), e.g.: with maiden Anelia Balevichevna (190–191), with Paulina Balsevichevna, maiden (193–194), with maiden Maryanna Gudevichevna (186–187), with maiden Maryanna Kernovichevna (187–188), with maiden Frantsishka Buynovna (185–186), with Petrunela Gegliovna, maiden (79–80), with Konstantsiya Yakubenovna, maiden (106), with maiden Martsianna Karveliovna (189–190), with maiden Anna Latvysovna (181–182), with maiden Eva Saroliovna (178–179), with Karolina Sudenisovna, maiden (192–193), with maiden Agata Vidutovna (185–186), with maiden Yuzefo Vobalisovna (183–184), with maiden Anelia Zhirblisovna (187–188), with Frantsishka Skinderubna, maiden (85–86), with Rozalia Shadreykuvna, maiden (95–96). The surnames Latvysovna, Sudenisovna, Vobalisovna, Zhirblisovna, Mazgisuvna (all instrumental case) show that Slavic suffixes could be added to the entire surname, without removing its Lithuanian ending—cf. surnames *Latvis, *Sudenis, *Vabalis, *Žvirblis, *Mazgis (or *Mazgys). As in other cases, some of the godmothers’ surnames have -sk- type suffixes, e.g.: with maiden Rozalia Gorskaya (175–176), with Barbara Yavorovskaya, maiden (150), with maiden Bogumila Lipinskaya (185–186), with Karolina Lukovskaya, maiden (88–89), with Emaliya Novitskaya, maiden (134–135), with Yuliya Zhukovskaya, maiden (179–180). Besides such surnames, several with the suffix -anka also occur: with Elisaveta Gaygalyanka, maiden (104), with Agata Raduchanka, maiden (108). Very rarely, the godmother’s surname does not differ from the corresponding masculine form, e.g.: with Aleksandra Renko (81–82), with Frantsishka Skinder (96–97), with maiden Anelia Senkevich (74–75). Widows, like unmarried godmothers, are designated by only two personal names. Their status is indicated by the surname suffixes -ova and -eva. In addition, it is most often explicitly stated using the word widow. E.g.: with Yuzefo Yurevichova (87–88), with Teressa Yurkevichova, widow (82–83), with Kazimiruoya Petrova (114), with Roheleya Romeykova, widow (114), with Raheleya Urbanovicheva, widow (79–80). This indication shows that godmothers whose surnames have -sk- type suffixes are widows as well: with Zofeya Kuplevskaya, widow (105), with Anna Sobotkovskaya, widow (96–97). Some unmarried godmothers are designated by stating whose daughters they are. This is done in different ways. Most often, the woman’s first name and surname are recorded, and after 130 the father’s name is indicated. The word daughter is used, along with the genitive form of the name. E.g.: съ Урушлею Богвирдовною дочерью Казимержа (83–84), съ Теклею Бартосевичувною дочерью Казимержа (93–94), съ Марьянною Давейкувною дочерью Антонего (95–96), съ Пелягіею Козловскою дочерью Михаила (78–79), съ Розаліею Минкельвною дочерью Юзефа (82–83), съ Аполоніею Рынкевичувною дочерью Казимержа (96–97), съ Розаліею Волейшовною дочерью Бартломея (92–93), съ Барбарою Шидловскою дочерью Казимержа (75–76). In other cases, only the godmother’s name is recorded, followed by the word daughter and the genitive forms of the father’s first name and surname: съ Анною дочерью Казимержа Войткевича (97–98), съ Антониною дочерью Винцентего Гагилевича (93–94), съ Каролиною дочерью Тадеуша Сосновскаго (98–99), съ Марьянною дочерью Казимержа Дановскаго (77–78), съ Марьянною дочерью Шимона Бартошки (94–95), съ Петронильею дочерью Игнацего Козакевича (98–99), съ Розаліею дочерью Францишка Саулевича (78–79). Sometimes, when a woman is named in this way, her father’s social estate is also indicated: съ девицею Барбарою дочерью дворянина Казимержа Шидловскаго (73–74), съ Каролиною дочерью Крестьянина Адама Потоцкаго (75–76), съ Марцианною дочерью крестъ: Казимержа Дановскаго (97–98), съ Терессею дочерью крестъ: Игнацего Станкевича (99–100). Other forms of naming that indicate the father’s first name are very rare: съ Теклею дочерью Казимержа, Бартшкувною (100–101), or съ Марьянною Хмелевскою девицею Винцентаго (76–77). There were a couple of cases in which godmothers were recorded only by surname, with their status specified: съ Сенкевичовою Титуляр: Советницею (92–93) (titular councillor or the wife of a titular councillor), съ Инковичовною девицею (109). It has already been mentioned that some extracts from baptismal registers name, in addition to the infant’s parents and godparents, other people who participated in the baptism ceremony, including women. There are relatively few of them, and these women are identified in the same way as godmothers. Some unmarried women and widows are recorded by first and last name only, e.g.: съ Марьянною Гужевною девицею (104), съ Доминикою Довейковною Девицею (132–133), съ Терессею Гуцевичовою вдовою (99–100). Sometimes it is indicated whose daughter the woman is. This is done in the ways mentioned earlier: съ Іоанною Толецовною дочь: Юзефа (92–93) or съ Маріею дочь: Мацея Ямонта (89–90). Married women are identified by indicating whose wives they are. As with the recording of godmothers, this is done in two ways: a woman is identified by first and last name, with only the husband’s first name added, or the husband’s first name and surname are recorded after the woman’s name: съ Петрунелею Ягелловичевою женою Игнацего (81–82), съ Каролиною Станкевичовою женою Станислава (81–82), Антонины супруги Якоба Волэйши (gen.; 176–177), съ Констанциею Супругою 131 Kazimierz Martel (91–92), Maryanna, wife of Wincenty Naruszewicz (origin; 176–177). The extracts from death registration records mention deceased women, mothers of deceased infants, and widows left behind after their husbands’ deaths. They are identified in various ways. Deceased women may be recorded using three personal names: a given name, a maiden surname, and a surname derived from the husband’s. It is noteworthy that a woman’s surname derived from her father is not used in the singular; instead, the surname of the family from which she came is given in the genitive plural, for example: Катаржина урож: Бернатовичов Станкевичова вдова (225), Гелена урож: Даукшов Слепикова (225), Розалия ур: Козловских Верковска (225), Францишка урож: Шолковских Буйвидова (261), Марьянна урож: Войцеховских Соколовска (256). In cases where a woman’s given name and surname derived from her husband’s are recorded first, followed by her maiden surname (using the word урожденная), the latter appears in the singular, for example: Елена Галецка урожденная Квятковска (283), Тереса Янушкевичова урожденная Русецка (290), Францишка Нарушевичева урожденная Андрушкевичевна (282), Агнешка Саулевичева урожденная Первенисовна (281). Sometimes these designations are further supplemented by an indication of whose wife the woman was: Анна Войткевичева урожденная Станкевичевна... Юзефа Войткевича жена (289), Эва Валентыновичева урожденная Альбовичевна... Винцентого Валентыновича жена (289). This indication is sometimes expanded with descriptive elements, for example: Анна Пюркова урожденная Нарушевичевна... Оставшегося вдовцемъ Крестьянина Андрея Пюрки жена (292), Марцианна Шостаковска урожденная Мисевичевна... Ост. вдовцемъ Кр. Шостаковскаго жена (291). Арба: Анна Бобровска урожденная Лапинска... Умершего Дворянина Элияна Бобровскаго жена (282), Магдалена Браницка урожденная Милашевска... Умершего Крестьянина Якоба Браницкаго жена (286). The following women are identified without the word урожденная, that is, by given name, maiden surname, and surname derived from the husband’s: Розалия Марцинкевичевна Гульбиновичева (283), Петронеля Раткевичевна Лындова (285), Рахеля Семашковна Мечанцева (282). The designations of deceased women presented here show that they were married women. It is not uncommon for women mentioned in extracts from death registration records to be identified by two personal names. The formation of their surnames (without losing sight of the already noted possible decline in the distinction between the use of the suffixes -ova, -eva and -ovna, -evna) suggests that they may also have been unmarried women, for example: Розалия Буткевичовна (271), Уршуля Лиминовичовна (272), Богуміла Макаревичовна (270), Гелена Ромейковна (270); Юзефа Андрушкевичова (256), Анна Бартовцевичова (270), Клара Дзедзялова (272), Розалия Годкова (272), девица Марьяна Творьяновичова (257); Марцианна Дановска (261), девица Каролина Янковска (254), Тересса Козловска (272). 132 Designations of married women by given name and surname are further supplemented by extended references indicating whose wife she was, for example: Марьяна Кулаковска... Оставшагося вдовцом жена Крестьянина Юзефа Кулаковскаго (254), Анна Первеписова... Умершаго Крестьянина Винцентаго Первейниса жена (284), Агата Рошкевичова... Оставшагося вдовцом жена Яна Рошкевича (259), Пракседа Тыллинегова... Оставшагося вдовцем жена Габриеля Тыллинги (254). Various other ways of recording deceased women also occur. For example, stating only whose wife the woman was, without giving either her given name or surname: Габриеля Сіуденица жена (292); or giving the woman’s given name and surname and then stating whose wife she was: Петронеля Піотровска супруга Винцентего (260); or in some other way: Агата урож. Цесюновна (261), одновдорка Катаржина урож. Донбровских вдова после Томаша Тумкевича (259), Мисевичева урожденная Роговска... Умершаго Крестьянина Бартломея Мисевича жена (293), Петриканицова урожденная Которовна... Оставшагося Крестьянина Кржиштофа Петруканца жена (285). Mothers of deceased infants are recorded in the same way as the mothers of brides and grooms and of baptized infants in the parts of the source discussed earlier. They are identified together with their husbands, giving a given name, maiden surname (or the surname of the family from which the woman came), and a surname shared with the husband. Here too, the formation and form of the woman’s surname following the word урожденная vary. The formation of maiden surnames confirms the use of the suffixes -evna, -ovna, for example: Ержаго и Анны урожденной Андрукайцевны Микелевичевъ (291), Яна и Ангели урожденной Балюкевичевны Бартосевичевъ (281), Винцентаго и Домицели урожденной Даукиевны Семашковъ (288), Антонего и Петронели урожденной Гейбовичевны Годзевичовъ (289), Якоба и Розалии урожденной Керулевны Клюковских (290); Яна и Катаржины урожденной Андрушкевичовны Ромейковъ (270), Игнацего и Катаржины урожденной Мазгисовны Любортовъ (283), Томаша и Анны урожденной Минковны Гейбовъ (285), Доминика и Анны урожденной Волейковны Матусевичевъ (287). Most maiden surnames are formed in this way. However, as in the parts of the source discussed earlier, maiden surnames formed with the suffixes -eva, -ova also occur, for example: Петра и Виктории урожденной Брузгулевой Піотровскихъ (253), Михаила и Каролины урож: Родзевичевой Козловскихъ (254), Яна и Агаты урож: Шведовичевой Дановскихъ (253), Винцентего и Петрунели урож: Геглиовой Мартулюовъ (255), Яна и Юзефаты урожденной Буткевичовой Гечевскихъ (271), Юрия и Анны урожденной Липневичовой Лиминовичовъ (272). In other respects, designations of women of this type differ in no essential way from those discussed at some length earlier. In this part of the book, the mothers of deceased illegitimate infants are identified by two personal names, for example: Петронели Бенетуровны (origin; 295), Каролины 133 Dubitskaya (gen.; 294), Viktoria Godkevichovna (gen.; 288), Gozefata Kuleshevna (gen.; 282), Domitselia Sokolovskaya (gen.; 289), and so on. Records of widows left behind after their husbands’ deaths stand out. Interestingly, when they are mentioned, the information about the deceased husband seems to be expanded. Here are a few examples: Янь Ингелевичъ... Ост.9 вдовою Домицели урожденной Валентиновичевны мужъ (286), Станиславъ Янковский... оставшейся вдовою Анели урожденной Калиновской Законный Супругъ (257), Станиславъ Янкунецъ... Ост. вдовою Богумилы урожденной Буревичевны мужъ (292), Осипъ Лепало... Ост. вдовою Петронели ур. Володковичевны мужъ (291), Гозефъ Петруканецъ... Ост. вдовою Анны урожденной Микелевны мужъ (290), Ержій Суденисъ... Ост. вдовою Маріанны ур. Волосевичевны мужъ (292), Францишекъ Вейкша... Ост. вдовою Марціанны урожденной Боркевичевны мужъ (287). As can be seen, the person whose death is being recorded is named first, followed by an indication of whose husband he was. Descriptive elements are used for this purpose. In the identification of the women left widowed, only their given name and maiden surname are mentioned. Given the tendency, which had become almost the norm, to identify women through their father or husband, the cases just presented are highly unusual. In other death-registration extracts, it is simply recorded that the deceased person’s wife was left a widow: ост.10 жену вдову Антонину урож.: Дановскихъ (deceased husband – Шимонъ Балюкевичъ) (255), ост. вдовою Францишку урож.: Можейковъ (deceased husband – Винценты Мишкевичъ) (257), Ост. Супругу Петронилю урож.: Прадзяловичевъ (deceased husband – Якубъ сынъ Матешиа Дашкевичъ) (261), Оставилъ жену Анну урож.: Твойрановичевъ (husband – Матешъ Тымоновичъ) (256). The woman is identified only by her given name and the genitive plural form of the surname of the family from which she came. As can be seen, the word урожденная. is most often used in the identification of widows. Records without it are very rare, for example: Янь Сумбаръ... Ост. вдовою Домицели Слепиковны мужъ (285), or: Францишекъ Русакевичъ... ост. супругу Анну Гавенску (258). Only one instance was found in which a widow was recorded by her given name alone: Ост. вдову Анну (husband – Доминикъ Германовичъ) (255). 2.3. Parishioner lists, which began to be compiled during this period, should probably also be considered church sources. They were drawn up in churches and kept in their archives. However, these lists differ from the usual church registers of baptisms, marriages, and similar events. The latter were written in Latin; the names of the persons mentioned in them were generally written in Latin (using their canonical forms), while surnames (or other elements of identification) were written in Polish. The reviewed lists of inhabitants of the Merkinė, Seirijai, and Deltuva parishes were compiled in Polish or 9 This is an abbreviation of the Russian word оставшейся (left behind), which is used consistently in the source. 10 In this and the other cases presented here, the abbreviation ост. means оставил (left). 134 in Russian. The names and surnames of parishioners are written in them in the same way. Name forms vary—both canonical forms and their abbreviations. Thus, in this respect, these sources differ in no way from various administrative and legal documents and are particularly similar to inventories of estates, elderships, or other holdings. This is also borne out by the personal designations recorded in them. Many women are mentioned in parish population lists. Their designations vary, although the most common is a first name and surname. As in the sources discussed earlier, the names are exclusively Christian. Surnames are most often formed with Slavic suffixes -ova, -ovna or have suffixes of the -sk- type. For example: Rozalia Andrułaniowa (13, 41), Anna Aukštolowa (16, 17), Konstancya Balcewiczowa (16, 33), Katarzyna Baniażecziowa (13, 12), Rozalia Czaplikowa (10, 30), Aniela Downarowa (10, 4), Helena Eymontowa (16, 1), Ewa Miśkinowa (16, 20), Anna Rawgiałowa (13, 35), Maryanna Kukucianowa (13, 25), Maryanna Wołągiewiczowa (10, 28); Anna Bugieniowna (16, 13), Krystyna Burbowna (13, 22), Maryanna Burneykówna (10, 16), Judyta Dawgielowna (16, 3), Elzbieta Kathayciowna (16, 24), Wiktorya Karwiałowna (13, 8), Anna Milunowna (13, 39), Elzbieta Stymburowna (16, 5), Rozalia Treygiowna (10, 22), Maryanna Woyczulinowna (10, 14); Maryanna Bylinska (10, 4), Marta Brażyńska (13, 14), Katarzyna Daynowska (13, 77), Maryanna Gieguzynska (13, 71), Anna Giełazewska (10, 17), Anna Jaworowska (10, 3), Konstancya Kowalewska (16, 24), Maryanna Łapinska (16, 19), Agata Sniegiecka (16, 32). Only in the 1843 list of Catholics from the Deltuva parish (source 15) are Lithuanian suffixes attested alongside the Slavic formation of women’s surnames. The surnames of 75 women (out of about 350) were formed with them. Only two of these are formed with the suffix -iene, which occurs alongside the very common Slavic suffix -ova in the document. These are Konstancya Płokƒtienie (14) and Ewa Szauczukienie (4). Compare Katarzyna Gustowa (1), Anna Micewiczowa (1), Agata Bilotowa (2), Agata Mackiewiczowa (2), Elzbieta Aukszytnowiczowa (2), Barbara Bugianowa (2), Iudyta Ziziowa (3), Maryana Sarapinowa (6), Anna Kreywiowa (7), Anna Maczulowa (11), Anna Kietwirciowa (12), Ewa Skirgaytowa (14) and the like. The second surname with the suffix -ienė is interesting. It should be linked to the surname *Šiaučiūkenas that was in use in the parish—cf. Maciej Szauczukienas, Michał Szauczukienas (16, 12), Jan Szawczukienas (16, 10), Jerzy Szawczukienas (16, 9). The surname Šiaučiūkenas is still known around Ukmergė (LPŽ II 919). The surname of a married woman formed from it should be Šiaučiūkienė. However, the document records *Šiaučiukienė; cf. the surnames Šaučiukas and Šiaučiūkas, which are recorded only far from Ukmergė (LPŽ II 895, 919). The other surnames of Lithuanian formation in the 1843 source from the Deltuva parish designate unmarried women. The following suffixes occur: -aičia, for example: Maryanna Andrunayczie, Katarzyna Andrunayczie (8), Anna Atkaczunayczie (9), Elzbieta Auksztolayczie (7), Rozalia Bartaƒkaycie (12), Barbara Bugianayczie (3), Barbara Butasżayczie (10), Dorota Burakayczie (11), Maryana 135 Burakayczcie (12), Barbara Czernawskayczcie (10), Dorota Gawianaycia (7), Maryana Gawienayczcie (8), Anna Gogayczcie (7), Maryana Grynayczcie (10), Agata Gurbayczcie (1), Ewa Gustayczcie (2), Anna Iasietaycie (2), Tekla Iasiulonayczcie (9), Elżbieta Kadonayczcie (8), Helena Kaminskayczcie (11), Ewa Kieszaycie (14), Agata Kietwirtayczcie (3), Anna Kreywayczcie (7), Anna Lelayczcie (14), Katarzyna Leleczkayczcie (14), Urszula Lingayczcie (8), Maryana Matakaycie (3), Barbara Nawiokayczcie (2), Katarzyna Raytayczia (11), Francijśka Stimburayczcie (4), Maryana Stremekayczcie (5), Maryana Strenikayczcie (11), Konstancya Szatayczcie (5), Katarzyna Szymkayczcie (5), Agata Triczaycie (5), Anna Triczaycie (4), Barbara Walonayczia (7), Katarzyna Walunayczcie (7), Elżbieta Woytkunayczcie (3); -yčia, for example: Iudyta Augliczie (3), Anna Kasialicz ie (4), Ewa Kasialicz ie (4), Maryana Kasialiczia (4), Maryana Kuliknyczcie (3), Elżbieta Kulicz ie (7), Anna Łatwiczia (10), Anna Lunpridicz ie (10), Konstancya Maknowicz ie (9), Ewa Pieczulicz ie (14), Konstancya Podigiczia (10), Konstancya Rukieliczia (9), Anna Stimburycz ie (4), Anna Warżagalicz ie (3), Katarzyna Warżagoliczie (3), Iudyta Woytkuniczia (5), Konstancya Woytkuniczie (4), Iudyta Źziczia (3), Ewa Źźniczia (3); -(i)ūčia, for example: Ewa Czolk iuccia (5), Anna Dutkiuccia (7), Helena Lamkaycziucie (7), Agata Rayluczie (13), Maryana Rodkiewiczucia (4); -ukė—one instance—Barbara Iucziukie (22). As can be seen, the most frequent suffix is -aičia. The 1829 list of Catholics from the same parish (source 16) contains most of the masculine surnames from which the women’s surnames cited above were formed. They show that the Lithuanian suffix -aičia was used in two cases—when the masculine surname had the endings -as and -is, -ys. -ys, for example: Andrunas (32), Atkaczunas (13), Burakas (28), Gawienas (18), Gustas (12), Matakas (7), Nawikas (29), Szatas (9), Woytkunas (10) and Auksztolis (9), Bugianis (5), Gogis (22), Grynys (29), Jasielis (38), Iasiulonis (27), Kiełsys (27), Kietwirtis (34, 35), Kreywis (22), Lingis (18), Stimburis (7), Tryczis (11), Triczys (6), Wolonis (22). Surnames with the suffix -yčia are most often formed from masculine surnames ending in -is. These are Auglis (12), Kafselis (10), Łatwis (15), Pieczulis (26), Stymburis (11), Zyzis (8). Only Woytkuniczia from Woytkunas (7) also attests to another possible use of this suffix. The suffix -(i)ūčia was added to the masculine surnames Czotkus (9), Dutkus (18) and Radkiewicz (33) (the latter can be reconstructed as *Radkevičius), after their endings -us were removed. The other two surnames are not recorded in the source. Another interesting detail is noteworthy. Two of the surnames cited with the suffix -aičia are formed from masculine surnames that have suffixes of the -sk- type. These are Czernawskaycz ie and Kaminskaycz ie, from the surnames Czerniewski (21) and Kaminski (16). In general, in the source women’s surnames from surnames with -sk- suffixes are customarily formed merely by changing the ending, for example: Bogumiła Karpińska (1), Elżbieta Kowalewska (11), Anna Ostrowska (6), Józefata Wysocka (11), Iudyta Źyźniewska (3). Compare the masculine surnames Karpiński (2), Kowalewski (1), Ostrowski (18), Wisocki (4), Źyźniewski (12). 136 The surnames of the other women in the 1843 list are formed with the Slavic suffixes -ova, -ovna, customary in this period. The latter was often added to the same surnames from which women’s surnames with the aforementioned Lithuanian suffixes were formed. These are the surnames of unmarried women: Maryana Andrunowna (6), Maryana Atkaczunowna (10), Agata Bugianowna (7), Maryana Dutkóvna (7), Agata Lingiowna (8), Ewa Pieczulowna (14), and others. A Slavic suffix is particularly often added to the surnames of married women, although nearby, even in the Catholic list of a single village, an unmarried woman’s surname formed from the same masculine surname with a Lithuanian suffix is recorded. Here are some such Slavic-formed surnames: Katarzyna Andrunowa (8), Anna Atkuczunowa (9), Anna Auksztolowa (9), Barbara Bugianiowa (2), Ewa Dutkowa (6), Barbara Gogiowa (7), Konstancya Iasiuloniowa (9), Agata Kasielowa (3), Maryana Kieszowa (10), Anna Kietwircziowa (12), Anna Kreywiowa (7), Katarzyna Stimburowa (4), Dorota Triczowa (4), Agata Waloniowa (7), Iudyta Warżagolowa (3), Katarzyna Woytkunowa (4), Iudyta Ziziowa (3). It is difficult to explain why, in the parishioner list written by the same person, the surnames of 75 women are formed with Lithuanian suffixes used in spoken language, while those of another 275 are formed with Slavic suffixes customary in official usage. Perhaps this was determined by the social status of the women in question, or perhaps by some other factors. In any case, this is a rare phenomenon in nineteenth-century documents. The women’s forms of naming in a document from the second half of the nineteenth century, written in Polish, deserve separate discussion. These are two-part forms used in lists of residents of the Seirijai parish who had confessed and received Communion (source 12). Some are entirely usual for the period—a Christian given name and a surname with the suffix -ova or -ovna, for example: Józefa Mikielkiewiczowa (2), Karolina Błazewiczowa (2), Rozalija Karkiałowa (3), Ewa Żylaniowa (22), Agata Pilwialowa (23), or Maryanna Szukiówna (3), Marcella Urbanowiciowna (13), Rozalija Kisielówna (24), Maryjanna Gilowna (43). These suffixes are usually added to the masculine surname after its ending has been removed. In only one or another case are they added to the entire surname, for example: Anna Mazajtysowa (20). In women’s surnames with suffixes of the -sk- type, only the ending is changed, for example: Helena Piotrowska (4), Brygida Żylinska (9), Anna Iasińska (58), Ewa Malinowska (59). The source also contains many such women’s forms of naming that are quite unusual. Here, after women’s given names, entirely unchanged masculine surnames are recorded. They have Slavic patronymic suffixes -ovič, -evič: Urszula Balewicz (4), Wiktoryja Balewicz (17), Maryanna Czereszkiewicz (2), Teressa Czurlewicz (3), Marta Gudzino-wicz (3), Ewa Janulewicz (14), Maryanna Iaruszewicz (52), Marcella Marcinkiewicz (2), Antonina Misiewicz (5), Albertyna Naruszewicz (5). Others have Lithuanian patronymic suffixes -onis, -ūnas (less often, -aitis, -ynas), for example: Rozalija Adamanis (5), Krystyna Andrulanis (28), Agata Bietanis (18), Wiktorya Boubanis (22), Józefa Czurlanis (3), Konstancya Czurlanis (4), Anna Janulanis (29), Rozalija Jurczukanis (5), Anastazyja Jurelanis (21), Marta Masianis (14), Elżbieta Mikielanis (16), Elżbieta Mikucianis (27), Maryjana Walukanis (24), Agata 137 Žylanis (29); Agata Bagdziunas (44), Maryanna Grablun (9), Regina Komarunas (12), Maryanna Maskielunas (26), Marcella Mitunas (22), Regina Stoczkunas (36), Marcella Szalunas (3), Franciszka Żydžiunas (51); Róża Jurgaitis (17), Marta Lingajtys (4); Agata Stasiukinas (11). There are also examples of other formations, for example: Elzbieta Dauginik (8), Konstancya Grygucis (21), Róża Jakulis (61), Maryana Iuszka (4), Maryanna Kieva (23), Marcella Kondrat (11), Agata Pilkialis (55), Rozalija Pilwialis (55), Marta Romeykis (22), Anna Salinis (35), Agata Sawejkis (28), Marta Stuc(z)ka (62), Wiktorya Szarkiato (9), Ewa Szukis (12), Helena Wisiałga (58). Compare the male forms of naming in the 1830 list of residents of the Seirijai parish (source 13), in which the same surnames occur: Bartłomiej Adamanis (5), Jakob Andrulonis (41), Jan Gudżinowicz (22), Marcin Janulani(s) (16), Maciej Janulewicz (57), Karol Masianis (23), Dominik Mikielanis (58), Karol Mihun (22), Jan Moskielunas (33), Adam Salinis (38), Antoni Stoczkunas (8), Kazimierz Stuc(z)ko (67), Ignacy Szalunas (73), Szymon Szarkiato (49), Wincenty Szukis (18), Szymon Żydžiunas (3), Maciej Żylanis (13), Jan Watukanis (64). The document from the second half of the nineteenth century containing the unusual women’s forms of naming discussed above was written by two people. However, this does not affect the grammatical gender of women’s surnames. Both scribes provide various forms of them. They behave alike in cases where a surname has a suffix of the -sk- type. In such cases, the ending of the woman’s father’s or husband’s surname is changed. The other forms of surnames (especially those of Lithuanian formation) vary. In addition to forms created with the suffixes -ova and -ovna, masculine surnames are also used to name women. The latter cases seem to be even more frequent. It was not possible to identify any patterns that might help explain the reasons for this use of women’s surnames. Might such forms of naming be related to women’s ethnicity? This supposition would be at least partly justified if their surnames had only the Slavic suffixes -ovič and -evič. However, as the examples show, women’s surnames are formed in various ways—they also have Lithuanian patronymic suffixes or lack them, while being recorded with Lithuanian endings. In addition to two-part forms of naming, other types also occur in parish population lists. Thus, women of the Merkinė parish in 1829–1830 are sometimes recorded with three personal names, for example: Anna Maciejewska Osiecka (10, 5); sometimes with only a surname, for example: Kisielewska (10, 31), Maciunska (10, 24), Woyczowna (10, 22); and sometimes in this form: Katarzyna z Pustowskich (10, 5). When a wife is mentioned alongside her husband in this document, only her maiden surname is recorded, for example: Paweł Bingiel żona Czeczatowna, Antoni Wołk żona Pietruciowna, Tomasz Galczys żona Żurkiewiczowna, Wincenty Gudelonis żona Traygiowna, Marcin Witkowski żona Sawicka, Jan Bubenas żona Bingielowna, Mateusz Kaszeta żona Szwabielowna (all 10, 16), Michał Watkowski żona Grudzinska (10, 17), Ignacy Wołkowski żona Kuniguciowna (10, 17). Such instances of naming, among other things, testify that a surname is not a shared family personal name. The period in question is the first half of the nineteenth century. Women are named in very diverse ways in the 1840 list of Catholics of the Deltuva parish (source 17). This source differs from other similar ones in that men and women are recorded here 138 written not together, but even on different pages. Men are identified in two ways—with a given name and surname, or with the father’s name also indicated. Thus, the established manner of recording from the first half of the 19th century is followed. It is not clear, however, why the father’s name is given in some cases but not others, e.g.: Szymon Szyteyko (4), Stanisław Szemioł (3), Onufry Romanowski (4), and Mateuſz Syn Jakoba Szyteyko (3), Tomaſz Syn Michała Kulejzis (5), Mateusz Kazimierza Syn Szyteyko (6). Widows are identified in the source by two personal names—a given name and surname—e.g.: Maryanna Andrunowa (10), Ewa Kłotyniowa (8), Maryanna Złobowa (6). Some unmarried women (servants, lodgers) are recorded in the same way, e.g.: Maryanna Andrunówna (11), Konstancya Olechnowiczówna (12), Anna Czepukienówna (8), and Dorota Gawenayczia (11). Sometimes, however, the identification of the latter is further expanded by an indication of the father’s name, e.g.: Konstancya Michała Corka Kietwirciówna (18), Urszula Iana Corka Lingiówna (16), Barbara Macieja Corka Raytowna (19), Konstancya Ierzego Corka Szyteykowna (7), Katarzyna Michała Corka Wasztakiowna (22). Or: Rozalia Łukaſzewiczowna Corka Marcina (6), Barbara Zimblaycze Cor. Michała (5). The identifications differ for married women whose husbands are alive and also mentioned in the document. The most common forms are: Szymona Żona Wiktorya (9), Tomaſza Żona Anna (6), Szymona Żona Maryanna (5), Mateuſza Żona Zuzana (2), Iakoba Żona Anna (4), Iana Żona Agata (4), Ierzego Żona Barbara (4), Iakoba Żona Agata (4), Stanisława Żona Katarzyna (5). Thus, the woman is identified only by her given name, with an indication of whose wife she is. The husband, too, is given only a given name. This is, of course, a very uninformative way of recording women, suitable only for informal use. In other cases, only the woman’s given name is given, along with whose wife she is, while the husband is recorded with both his given name and surname (genitive case), e.g.: Iana Bugiena Żona Antonina (23), Iozeffa Czeszumskiego Żona Anna (6), Iana Ilinskiego Żona Ewa (4), Michała Miſzkinia Żona Konstancya (8), Mateuſza Szyteyki Żona Agata (5). Sometimes these identifications are further expanded by an indication of the father’s name, e.g.: Żona Szymona Oleſkiewicza Maryanna Corka Macieja (2), Iana Dutki Żona Anna Corka Bartłomieja (16). The husband may be identified by his given name alone, while the father is given by both given name and surname. The woman, of course, is again mentioned by given name alone, e.g.: Augustyna Żona Anna Corka Kazimierza Lingia (17), Francifſka Żona Barbara Corka Marcina Lingia (4). There are also instances of records giving only given names (of the husband, woman, and father), e.g.: Iozefa Żona Ewa Corka Kazimierza (16), Iakoba Żona Maryanna Corka Macieja (2), Adama Żona Barbara Corka Antoniego (3), Marcina Żona Anna Corka Szymona (2), Iana Żona Iudyta Corka Adama (2), Michała Żona Ewa Corka Antoniego (3). Such identifications cannot, of course, be called official either. Concluding remarks. In examining the identification of women in the 19th century, approximately 6,000 records of them in documents of very different kinds were considered. After dividing the sources into administrative-legal and ecclesiastical categories, an attempt was made to draw attention to 139 the similarities and differences among the ways women were identified in them. The latter were especially apparent in the study of 17th–18th-century sources of these types (Maciejauskienė 1991: 295–296). Analysis of women’s identifications in the 19th-century documents examined shows that there were also considerable differences during this period in how women were recorded in sources of different kinds. However, a tendency for some of these differences to disappear can also be observed. This is partly due to changes in the nature of certain ecclesiastical sources. The following may be distinguished as the principal ways of identifying Lithuanian women: 1. With two personal names, the first being a given name and the second a surname. This is the most common form of identification in the administrative-legal documents examined, the Kuliai parish baptismal register, and some other sources. Both married and unmarried women are identified in this way. 2. With three personal names. Most often these are identifications of married women, consisting of the woman’s given name, maiden surname, and surname shared with her husband. This way of recording is rare in the sources mentioned above. It occurs alongside the usual two-part identifications. By contrast, this is the usual form in the second ecclesiastical source examined—the 1857 register of extracts from the birth, marriage, and death records of the churches of Verkiai, Musninkai, Sudervė, Nemenčinė, and others. When women are identified this way, the word урожденная. is usually used before the maiden surname. 3. Other, varied forms. These are rare identifications using a single personal name (given name or surname). They also include forms indicating whose wife a married woman is, or whose daughter an unmarried woman is. In these identifications, a customary descriptive element is the use of common nouns such as wife, daughter (sometimes also others, e.g., sister, widow). In such cases, only the woman’s given name may be recorded, while the husband’s or father’s name may appear with both given name and surname. Alternatively, the woman is identified by given name and surname, followed by the husband’s or father’s given name. Other isolated forms of identification also occur. Thus, women’s identification during this period still varied noticeably. The main reason for this situation was apparently the difference between women’s and men’s social status, and women’s financial and other dependence on men. Women, who participated in social life to a much lesser extent than men, took longer to acquire a uniform, official form of recording that was obligatory everywhere and at all times. Consequently, alongside the identification by given name and surname that seems to have become the norm in many sources from the period under discussion, other forms of recording are also relatively common. This is also related to the nature of the sources. Departures from identification by given name and surname—three-part forms, descriptive elements, and so forth—are characteristic of the way women are identified in the second ecclesiastical register. Yet it is precisely in this source that the tendency to treat the surname as a personal name shared by members of one family is most apparent (cf. the identifications of brides, grooms, and the parents of baptized and deceased infants). Similar tendencies have also been observed in the Imbradas parish ecclesiastical register. In contrast, in the Kuliai parish baptismal register, the infant’s father and mother are recorded with different surnames (the mother’s maiden surname is generally used). These and other data observed in administrative-legal and other documents attest that already 140 Although Lithuanian surnames had finished taking shape in the 18th century, in the 19th century they were not yet always the most important and indispensable element in naming all persons. Interestingly, reference to the father’s name, which was actively seeking a place in the naming of men during this period, was used comparatively rarely when women were recorded. The material examined shows that such a reference was added only to the names of unmarried women. The formation of women’s surnames is highly Slavic. It is striking that even in the baptismal register of the Kuliai parish, women’s maiden surnames have Slavic suffixes -ovna, -evna, while those of married women have -ova, -eva. And only ten surnames (out of 1891!) are formed with Lithuanian suffixes -aitė, -alė and -ienė (cf. the formation of women’s personal names in 17th–18th-century church books, see Maciejauskienė 1991: 262–300). Only 9 women (out of 500) recorded in administrative legal documents have surnames with the Lithuanian suffixes -ienė, -ytė, -utė, -ukė, etc. The surnames of the others are formed with the Slavic suffixes -ovna, -evna, -ova, -eva. The formation of the surnames of women recorded in the second church book attests to the use of simple suffixes alone. Only in the 1843 list of Catholics in the Deltuva parish are Lithuanian suffixes -ienė, -aičia, -yčia, -(i)ūčia, -ukė also attested alongside the Slavic formation of women’s surnames. They are used to form 75 women’s surnames (out of about 350). Two surnames with the suffix -aičia (of course, among many others) also occur in the 1840 population list of the same parish. Thus, on the basis, admittedly, only of the anthroponymy of the documents examined, it can be argued that the Slavicization of women’s surname formation intensified in the 19th century. One document from the second half of the 19th century—the lists of residents of the Seirijai parish who had confessed and received communion—contains very unusual ways of naming women. A man’s surname is written after a woman’s Christian name. Such names are common and appear alongside the forms customary for this period: a given name followed by a surname formed with the suffixes -ova or -ovna. It was not possible to explain the reasons for this gendered use of women’s surnames or to identify any patterns. Received 1999 02 26 LITERATŪRA LPŽ I–II – Lietuvių pavardžių žodynas 1–2, Vilnius: Mokslas, 1985–1989. Maciejauskienė V. 1991: Lietuvių pavardžių susidarymas, Vilnius: Mokslas. Maciejauskienė V. 1993: Lietuvių įvardijimas XIX a. pirmojoje pusėje. – Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai 32, 100–113. Ramonienė M. 1985: Vakarų ir Vidurio Lietuvos moterų antroponimai XVIII a. pabaigoje. – Kalbotyra 36(1), 54–62. RL IV – Rusų–lietuvių kalbos žodynas 4, Vilnius: Mokslas, 1985. Salys A. 1983: Krikštavardžiai. – Raštai 2, Roma: Lietuvių katalikų mokslų akademija. Zinkevičius Z. 1977: Lietuvių antroponimika: Vilniaus lietuvių asmenvardžiai XVII a. pradžioje, Vilnius: Mokslas. 141 ŠALTINIAI* 1. Balčių daro dokumentai. 1816–1825 m. – Lietuvos mokslų akademijos bibliotekos Rankraščių skyrius (toliau – MABRS), F 37–2899. 2. Bierczak Czynszow i Remanętow z Włosci Poswolski(e)y... [Pasvalio valdų gyventojų činčo mokesčių ir skolų knyga. 1838 m.]. – MABRS, F 43–15326. 3. Inventarze Maiętności Dembiny... [Dembynės dvaro inventoriai. 1786–1828 m.]. – MABRS, F 138–1441. 4. Inventarze mttści Bolbian... [Balbėnų dvaro inventoriai. 1775–1830 m.]. – MABRS, F 138–1439. 5. Inventarze Mttsci Kurkliszek... [Kurkliškių dvaro inventoriai. 1786–1819 m.]. – MABRS, F 138–1443. 6. Inventarz Majątku Hoduciszek... [Adutiškio dvaro inventorius. 1828 m.]. – MABRS, F 43–4626. 7. Kelmės dvaro dokumentai. Smulki visų Kelmės valdų moterų registracija. 1834 m. – MABRS, F 37–1710. 8. Księga Metryk ślubnych... [Inturkės parapijos jungtuvių metrikų registracijos knyga. 1771–1826 m.]. – Saugo­ma Inturkės bažnyčios archyve. 9. Kulių parapijos krikšto metrikų registracijos knyga. 1802–1807 m. – Lietuvos valstybės istorijos archyvas, F 669, ap. 1, b. 220. 10. Merkinės parapijos gyventojų sąrašai. Nuorašai bei ištraukos iš Merkinės bažnytinio archyvo knygų (paruošė J. Reitelaitis). 1818–1937 m. – MABRS, F 136–13. 11. Poswolski inwentarz... [Pasvalio dvaro inventorius. 1806 m.]. – MABRS, F 43–15014. 12. Seirijų parapijos gyventojų, atlikusių išpažintį ir priėmusių komuniją, sąrašai. 1881–1884 m. – MABRS, F 136–89. 13. Seirijų parapijos gyventojų sąrašas. 1830 m. – MABRS, F 136–90. 14. Skazka Rewizka Fowl=Poctzowa Roku 1834. – MABRS, F 38–55. 15. Spis Parafian Dziewałtowskich... [Deltuvos parapijos katalikų sąrašas. 1843 m.] – MABRS, F 268–36. 16. Status Animarum czyli Rejestr Ludności Parafii Dziewia tłowskiey [Deltuvos parapijos katalikų sąrašas... 1829–1834 m.]. – MABRS, F 268–33. 17. Wiadomość Mieszkańcach obojej płci..., należących do parafialnego Dziewałtowskiego Kościoła... [Deltuvos parapijos katalikų sąrašas. 1840 m.]. – MABRS, F 268–35. 18. Выписи метрической книги... [Verkių, Musninkų, Sudervės, Nemenčinės ir kt. bažnyčių gimimo, sutuoktuvių ir mirties metrikų išrašų knyga. 1857 m.]. – MABRS, F 43–19247. 19. Дело Трокского уездного суда... [Valkininkų seniūnijos dokumentai. 1571–1872 m.]. – MABRS, F 11–23. 20. Местечко Велёna. Список жителей: дворян, мещан, крестьян, кутников. 1861 г. –MABRS, F 126–322. * Peržiūrėti istorijos šaltiniai saugomi Lietuvos mokslų akademijos bibliotekos Rankraščių skyriuje (išskyrus Inturkės ir Kulių parapijos bažnytines knygas – žr. 8 ir 9 sąrašo poziciją). Sudarant abėcėlinį jų sąrašą dažniausiai pirmiausia rašomi šaltinių pavadinimai originalo kalba, o skliaustuose – Rankraščių skyriaus kataloguose esantys pavadinimų variantai ir metai, kuriais šaltinis rašytas. Abu pavadinimai neretai pateikiami sutrumpinti. Tais atvejais, kai pavadinimo originalo kalba dėl vienokių ar kitokių priežasčių nurodyti negalima, pasitenkinama tik kataloge esančiu pavadinimu. Nurodoma šaltinių saugojimo fondas, signatūra. Panašiai stengiamasi pateikti ir kitur, t.y. bažnyčios archyve, saugomo šaltinio pavadinimą. 142 21. Разрешения крестьянам: 1) на брак; 2) на годичный уход в другие места... 1859 г. – MABRS, F 126–200. 22. Разрешения на брак. 1831–1862 г. – MABRS, F 126–353. 23. Разрешения на брак. 1844–1862 г. – MABRS, F 126–352. 24. Разрешения на брак крестьянам. 1829–1830 г. – MABRS, F 126–263. 25. Разрешения на брак крестьянам. 1835–1871 г. – MABRS, F 126–394. 26. Разрешения на брак крестьянам. 1839–1843 г. – MABRS, F 126–174. 27. Разрешения на брак крестьянам. 1846–1847 г. – MABRS, F 126–173. 28. Разрешения на брак крестьянам. 1857–1858 г. – MABRS, F 126–201. 29. Ревизская Сказка 1851 года... Вайговского прихода... [Vaiguvos dv. revizinis sąrašas. 1851 m.]. – MABRS, F 37–229. DIE BEZEICHNUNG DER FRAUEN IN DEN HISTORISCHEN QUELLEN DES 19. JAHRHUNDERTS Zusammenfassung Das Ziel des vorliegenden Beitrags ist die Bezeichnung der Frauen in den historischen Quellen des 19. Jahrhunderts zu erörtern. Zu diesem Zwecke wurden aus verwaltungsrechtlichen Quellen und Kirchenurkunden ca. sechstausend Eintragungen über Frauen gesammelt. Es wurde festgestellt, daß die Art der Bezeichnungen der Frauen uneinheitlich ist. Das wird u. a. durch die Spezifik der Quellenschriften bedingt. Es sind folgende Arten der Frauenbezeichnungen zu unterscheiden: 1. mit zwei Personennamen – der erste ist der Vorname, der zweite der Familienname; 2. mit drei Personennamen, die gewöhnlich verheiratete Frauen tragen – dem Vornamen, dem Familiennamen des unverheirateten Mädchens und dem Familiennamen der verheirateten Frau, der dem des Ehemannes entspricht; 3. auf andere Weise. Das sind seltene Bezeichnungen mit einem Personennamen (Vornamen oder Familiennamen), Verzeichnisse von Frauen mit Hinweisen, wessen Frau oder Tochter sie ist (wobei die Appellativa žmona, duktė gebraucht werden). Die Verschiedenartigkeit der Bezeichnungen der Frauen wird wohl durch ihre gesellschaftliche Stellung, durch ihre Abhängigkeit vom Ehemann (hinsichtlich des Eigentums u. a.) bedingt. Die Bezeichnungen der Frauen (die viel weniger als die Männer am gesellschaftlichen Leben beteiligt waren) in den historischen Quellenschriften haben viel später als die Bezeichnungen der Männer einheitliche, offizielle, immer und überall gültige Formen erlangt. Außerdem bezeugen gerade die Bezeichnungen der Frauen, daß die im 18. Jh. schon herausgebildeten litauischen Familiennamen im 19. Jh. nicht immer die wichtigste und notwendigste Komponente bei der Personenbezeichnung waren. Die Frauennamen waren alle ausnahmslos christlicher Herkunft. Die Bildung der Frauenfamiliennamen trägt einen ausgesprochen slawischen Charakter. Die Mädchenfamiliennamen haben gewöhnlich die Suffixe -ovna, -evna, während die Familiennamen der verheirateten Frauen durch -ova, -eva gekennzeichnet sind. Litauische Ableitungssuffixe sind selten anzutreffen: so liegen im Kirchenbuch der Gemeinde von Kuliai nur zehn Familiennamen (aus 1891) mit den Suffixen -aitė, -alė und -ienė vor.; nur neun Frauenfamiliennamen (aus 500), die in den administrativen Rechtsurkunden verzeichnet sind, weisen die litauischen Suffixe -ienė, -ytė, -ukė, -utė auf; in dem Verzeichnis der katholischen Gemeinde von Deltuva findet man unter den an 350 Familiennamen von Frauen 75, die mit den Suffixen -ienė, -aičia, -yčia, -(i)ūčia, -ukė gebildet sind. In manchen durchgesehenen Quellenschriften kommt kein einziger Frauenfamilienname mit einem litauischen Suffix vor. Das erlaubt uns, zu schließen, daß im 19. Jh. der Slawisierungsprozeß bei der Bildung von Frauenfamiliennamen klarer zu Tage trat. 143 In einer Urkunde aus der 2. Hälfte des 19. Jahrhunderts – in den Einwohnerverzeichnissen der Gemeinde Seirijai – kommen sehr ungewöhnliche Bezeichnungen der Frauen vor. Nach dem christlichen Vornamen der Frau ist ein männlicher Familienname eingetragen (Marcella Marcinkiewicz, Elżbieta Mikukianis, Marcella Milunas, Agata Sawejkis). Solche Bezeichnungen liegen häufig vor neben den für jene Periode gebräuchlichen Eintragungen von Vornamen und Familiennamen, wobei die letzteren mit den Suffixen -ova oder -ovna gebildet wurden. Aus welchen Gründen solche Formen der Familiennamen gebraucht wurden, ist nicht gelungen zu klären. 144