Old Lithuanian “žmuo”, “žmunį” against the background of the Proto-Baltic athematic nouns

ACTA LINGUISTICA LITHUANICA LIETUVIUYU KALBOTYROS QUESTIONS XLIII (2000) Wojciech SMOCZYNSKI Jagiellonian University, Krakow STAROLITEWSKIE ŽMUO, ŽMUNĮ NA TLE PRABALTYCZNYCH RZECZOWNIKÓW ATEMATYCZNYCH* 1. Stlit. žmuo,,cztowiek; chtop“ appears in Daukszy’s „Postylla“ as a relic word, which retreats before the neologism žmogus/žmogūs ts. ', passed on also in the form of uo: žmuogus 334s, zmuogus 275;*. The archaic character of the word Zmué is manifested in the fact that it has a defective paradigm. It consists of three forms: nom. sg., acc. s.g. and name. dualis, por. za Kudzinowskim n.: nom. 1977: 1, 472 s.g. mushroom 10x, zoom 2x (obok žmogus, Zzmogiis)’ acc. s.g. zmunj 1x, dead 1x (beside a person) nom. you. zmiine 1x, 100% 1x (no form dualis subject zmogu-). od 2.Dependent forms acc. s.g. The man in the name. you. The mutations appear in the “Postilla” of Daukshi in the following sentences: Acc. s.g. Zmunj: Ko iiemus padésti bediewes tiésos kurés jstatinéie uz žmūnį dészimti griwndl, o uz w sziinj dwideszimti or daugesn’ 339.5; Calvin... pasamdes Smuggler snake 459. Name. you. : du Zmine lipo Bazniczion 313,,, du žmūnę lipo Bazniczion 314 3. K. Būga is of the opinion that the dashed letters <a> and <a> in „Postylla“ Daukszy should be assigned the value of a strong /ū/ and therefore proposes reading acc. s.g. as *Zmiinj, za$ nom. you. as *Zmiine®. However, the letters with diacritics <>, <> can also be interpreted in Daukszy as accents on the Cretan vowel /u/. For this speaks first of all the identity of the spelling <> in the verbs and forms of the word „pes“, about which it is known with some certainty, that in the Old Lithuanian miat depend cases with a short u, cf. acc. s.g. stinj 339,,, dat. s.g. sziini 116.5, nom. e.g. szūnes 5x. See further) sziike 406, = Suké * This is an extended version of the article, Starolitewskie Zmuo: rekonstrukcja paradygmatu®, which appeared in Collectanea linguistica in honorem Casimiri Polanski, edited by M. Brzeziny and H. Kurek, Kraków: Jagiellonian University, 1999, pp. 219-229. ! Both of these accentuations are attested by Daukszy, see. Kudzinowski 1977: I, 427 n. 2 Zob. Kudzinowski, Lc. 3 Cf. in Mazwid: nui 5x, szmii 2x, fmu 1x next to magus 9x and fmogus (numerous). Forms depending on the subject Zmunnie has, see. Urban 1996: 441. * Būga 1921: 424 (1959: 336). Zob. also 1959: 214, note 1. 18 „skorupa“, sukas’ 139, = sūkas(i) „spins“, puse 3x, pusse 2x = pūsė „frequent, sweaty“. Secondly, based on writings with <ū>, such as sunūs 256041, = sūnūs „son“, lapūmo 415, [next to lapūmo 32,,] = lapimo „pride, hardošč“ or sūnkumas 151, = sunkumas „difficulty“, it is also possible to write <a> in acc. Żmūnį prirašč wartošč krotkiego /u. In further introductions I will be wigc postugiwal transcripts acc. s.g. The man in the name. you. You're a fool. Irrespective of the indications which result from the observation of the streaked samogtosian letters in,,Postylla“ Daukszy, the objection to the lesson of *Zmiinj will become more obvious against the background of the following considerations on the prabattic structure of the relevant paradigm. 4.Standing next to nom. s.g. Zmué forms acc. s.g. A dragon and a name. you. žmūne show that we have before us a noun with the suffix -n-, which varies sig athematically, in a manner similar to suo, suni. The purpose of further observations will be to find out, in what way with the form of nominative žmuo could be determined the basis of the character o Zmun-. 5. In the light of the previous studies it is considered certain that nom. Zmuo represents the proto-Batic structure *Zm-on-0, where Zmrepresents the picrviastek in the declining degree, zaš -onsufix in the elevated degree, meaningful for the Indo-European asymptotic nominative. As for the analysis of *Zm-on, the parallel construction of the Lithuanian nom. s.g. sud ‘pies’. Unlike Zmuo, the noun sué has a foreign equivalent, namely in the form of the Vedic nom. s.g. §(u)va and therefore with much greater probability can be derived from the proform batt. *swon < ie. *k’'w-6n-0- °. Both in the case of *šwon and *žmon we are dealing with a formation suffixed on -n-, which was once characterized by a suffix apophony -on-(acc., voc.”):: -n-(gen.):: -on- (nom.) 6. From the identity of the conjugative construction of nominatives of Variation 1 chow follows the probability that the manner of variation of both these nouns will be parallel. In the historical epoch these variations in terms of forms comparable to each other are presented as follows: nom. s.g. Your Zmuo acc. s.g. šūnį žmūnį w \ ES wv Xx. Sgt. Gen. 1320) 1320 – Fraenkel, German architect (d. It is worth noting that Skardžius 1956: 163 objected to the sig lesson of Būga on the basis of the customary argument that the ending -uo nom. s.g. never goes into alternation with -tindependentcases. * The Lithuanian reflex establishes a dissymmetrical decay in before *6, which with time penetrated into lit. uo. Alternatively, you could mention the occasional simplification of the vowel group *sw-. Por. lit. 0jciec meza; father of wife’, stlit. also „schwagier“ < *švešuras < prabalt. *swesura-< pie. *swek 'uro-(awest. xvasura-, gr. hekuros). "Por. wed. acc. I have you, you have me. 19 name. pl. Sunes (*Zmunes) name. you. Sound Zmune 7. Commentary do on the dog paradigm. 7.1. Lithuanian name. s.g. continues. *k'w-on, por. wed. va, Suva (voc. Swan), snake. show (§ < *k’'w), Gr. kūon (voc. kiion). The pronoun ta may reflect the transformation of the nominative *pk'w-on (older *pek''w-on?), which is formed on the basis of the degree of na extinction of dependent cases of the type gen. s.g. *pk’un-és. U the basis of this derivative. na -on-/-nlezy probably nomen elementale *pek u-/*pk’u- ‘bydto’*. It's about maybe o ‘dog’ as ‘straznika stada bydta’. 7.2. Gen. s.g. Dogs (dzi$ suns) corresponds to the co do apophony of the wed suffix. sun (instead of *$unds), gr. kunds i therefore may be considered a continuation of it. za genitive *k'u-n-es/os. 7.3. Vedic acc. s.g. §vanam „psa“ derives sig, with regard to the law Brugmanna, z *§vd.nam ie. < *k'w-0n-m, tj. z Whast's formation for a strong case. Suffix is pelnovokaliczny tu accented. i With the compatibility of two Lithuanian forms with Vedic z equivalents: nom. suo jak §va, gen. Sunes jak šūnas, oczekiwaloby sig, rowniez accusatiwowi že wed. Svans will be answered in w Lithuanian. *$vanj < prabatt. *$w-an-in. However, it is nothing, Lithuanibo an shows šū-n-į. The subject of the accusative na šunwszedt place *$vanprobably under the influence of the form gen. Sunes. The reason for this is to be found in the tendency to limit paradigmatic apophony to the w prehistoric phase do of Lithuanian development. w W in the given case the place w of the prabattic three-tone alternance *shwon :: *Swan :: *Sun established si¢ Lithuanian alternance z with only two allomorphs, lit. dog :: Sun. 7.4. Type dithemism Suo- :: It is in principle consistent with w what is observed in other meeting z paradigms. co w As is known, the Lithuanian athematic variant does not know the opposite of strong cases of stable verbs, but is based on two bases: one is true for the nominative, the i other characterizes the casus obliquus. na Difference between breed dog, Suni (Zmuo, žmūnį) of one side, the z other spotgtoskovcami a of the other side consists only in z that, na ze te The latter show the w casus obliquus suffix of the spot-to-spot rule st. z na pefnym (-en-, -er-, -el-, -es-), not for$ on the declination, as in šu-n-ės, šū-n-į. Compare in order: (A) Lithuanian topics na -en-: 1. water-en- (no *vand-n-, *und-n-, *ud-n-"), nom. van-ué ‘water’; 2. akm-en- (no *akm-n-), nom. akm-ué ‘kamien’. 5 Zob. Osthoff 1901: 230. Recently Hamp 1980; Schmitt-- Brandt 1998: 147, 207.? Comparison with independent lexical expressions (1) fot. ūdens m. „woda“ < *undenis), (2) Prussian unds m. Ench. < *undis next to the lost EV. ts., czyt. [undan], probably neutrum. The Baltic characters assume metathesis of the spolgitoski n in the inherited theme of the stem *ud-n-(full form: noun *wéd-or, het. t-i-da-a-- ar = /wedar/). Por. Wed. abl.-gen. sg. ud-n-ds, loc. sg. Uddn, uddn. —The Lithuanian forms undué (puntininkai), ondii „water“, undens „water“ (Zmudz) do not contain the inherited und-, but are phonetically derived from vandud, cf. Vitkauskas 1986: 103 n. 20 (B) Lithuanian topics na -er-: 1. mot-er- (no *word-r-- ), nom. moté ‘mother; kobieta’ (por. Gen. s.g. Tac. matrix, gr. meter, sti. mature [< *meho-tr-s]); 2. duc-er- (no *dukt-r-'"), nom. daughter ‘daught3. er’; six-er- (no *ses-r-"), nom. sister "Sister." (C) Pralithean theme na -el-/-ol-: *ab-el-/*ab-ol- (no *4b-I-"*), nom. 6 buttons ‘jabtko’ (all. @budols), apple tree next to the shore ‘jabton’. (D) Lithuanian theme na -es-: 1. month-es- (no *month-- s-, por. Tac. mensis, gr. mén'), nom. m-o ‘księżniczka; 2. month’; deb-es- < *neb’-es-'* (no *deb-s-), nom. debesis, -iés ‘cloud’, gen. pl. Stlit. clouds. Conditions of spreading the form of topics st. w ze full e suffix have not yet been na examined. It is safe to assume that ze an important role in this w innovative process played the form of accusative sg. hysterodynamic type", which were accentuated suffixes. na 7.5. When it comes to o variation¢ of the word lit. „pies“, the to uogélnienie w casus obliquus of the declining st. sun-(elimination of *svan-) finds a parallel in the Greek language. Fear. gen. lit. Sunés:: gr. kunds, acc. lit. šūnį:: gr. body (nom. dog:: gr. kuon). 7.6. Due to the role of the genitive sg. as the form from which the topic of staby spreads to the whole paradigm, it is worth mentioning for example those from Lithuanian and Stovia nouns, which are known exclusively under the form staba: (A) St. decreasing element: 1. lit. heart f. „serce“, acc. heart, e.g. *sbrdb-ce <= prabst. acc. *$ird-in, a form based on gen. *§ird-és < ie. *k'rd-ės (st. pelny: lit. §érdi „root of the tree; heart of the bell“ «= *k’érd-, gr. hom. kér, het. kér'®); 2. lit. dures pl. „door“ <= gen. 10 But outside the paradigm there is a derivative that testifies to the inherited theme *dukir-. It is lithium. podukra "step-sister" < *pa-dukitr-a. When it comes to the simplex dukra,,corka®, it is rather a decompositum in relation to podukra than a suffix derivative, *dukir-a. 1 por. gen. wed. svdsur (*swésr-s-), goc. swistrs, as well as the fact that in Slavic Sladem after *sesrjest derived *sesr-d, scs. Sister, sister. 2 The subject of staby *ab-Izaswiadzaja stowiafiskie derivatives: scs. "About Us" (About Us) "About Us" (About Us) "About Us" (About Us) "About Us" (About Us) "About Us" (About Us) "About Us" (About Us) "About Us" (About Us) "About Us" (About Us) "About Us" (About Us) "About Us" (About Us) On the other hand, it is doubtful that such a subject is known even in the Prussian language. Prus. woble „jabiko“ (Stawnik elblaski), which is a hapax, alternates with a consistent *(v)abelw Stowniczku Grunau: wabelcke, wabelko, wobelke. woble may appear to be an interjection, a syncoped form, or a spelling error (see Smoczynski 1986: 36 n.). B The subject *mén-was continued again in Stovianian, although it underwent a series of transformation here: > 1. *minus-i-= 2. *mensi-ko-> 3. 4th ed. pp. 4. Months. Phases 1-2 find a parallel in the Slavic treatment of the framework ie. *sh,-ul-„stonce“: = *sul-ni-= *sulni-ko-> scs. solnsce (see § 7.6. B). Erhart 1998 etymologizes mięśęcb differently. X Por. wed. ndbh-asn. ‘wet; fog; chmura®, ndbhasi dual. ‘sky and earth’; scs. nebo, nebese ‘sky’. D As for the terminology of flexional types characterized by the action of the moving accent and apophony see. Schindler 1975, Rix 1976: 123. 16 degrees elevated, which characterized the nom. sg., is responsible for the acute intonations of the theme lit. §érd-; But acute in the subject of stabym §irdjest analogous to nom. s.g. 21 yes. *d*ur-0s (St. full *d"wor-, scs. dvors "place by za door"); scs. 3. kravb ‘blood’ « means. acc. *kruw-i-n’ < *kruH-in, modeled form gen. na *kruw-ės < ie. *kruh,-es (St. petny: wed. cows, gr. chalk ‘bloody, raw meat’ < *krėwh,-s-’; 4. scs. vss „wieš“ «<= gen. ie. *wik'-0s (nom. *woyk'-s, por. Stlit. viėš-pats “pan”, stprus. steimans butas waispattin dat. pl. ‘the Hausfrawen, the mistress of the house", gr. otka-de "to the house"). (B) St. decaying as element as w i w suffix: 1. scs. sans „sen“ < *sapns <= gen. i.e. *sup-n-ės“ (nom. *swép-or, tac. sopor, -oris m. „deep sleep“, lit. sapnas, „marzenie senne®“); 2. scs. donb, don-e ‘day’ ‘= gen. ie. *di-n-es (nom. *dy-on/*- dy-én)*; 3. ps. *salz ie. *sh,-ul-‘- stonce’ (= *sul-ni-* = *sulni-ko- -> scs. sslnbce)- ®; 4. lit. wsch. bruvis f., cs. breve «<= prabst. acc. *br-uw-in*; 5. Pralit. *dr-u-„tree“ (cf. wed. dros gen. sg. „wood“ < *dr-ew-s, gr. drūs f. „tree“, drutomos „wood“) is the basis of the derivative vrddhi, lit. derva f. «25, ‘tar tree; smota wypalana z drewna“ < *d-e-m-+ -6-,,z drewna, drzewny“- ~; 7 The form scs is problematic. Dvari pl. "door", ros. dvers, namely against the background of the absence of the form *deri, with the antevocal allomorph *durjak in lit. wsch. dūres, inverted dūrys “door”. The presence of r sonans in the position after v (ver) in any case establishes the sequences *wr-C, not *wr-V, cf. stow. Thursday:: lit. ket-vii-tas "fourth" (but ket-ur-1 "four"). It is suggested that the Slavic name of the door is a derivative with the spoiglosk suffix, *dwir-yo-< *d"wr-y6-. Construction as in gr. t"airds m.,,hinges, on which the door turns“ < *fwar-yo-. 18 Cf. adjective derivative lit. kręwi-nas ‘krwawy’ = scs. krave-ns, relative, related*. 1 The Lithuanian reflex of this prototype would be *kridus-. When it comes to lithium. kraūjas "blood", then because of (a) the circumflex and (b) the diphthong au after the hard sphenoid, the structure of this formation remains mysterious. It may take the thematic derivative *krewh -o-„bloody“ > (decay of laryngeal) *krewo- > *krowo-(- compare scs. nova: gr.néos „new“) > prabalt. *krava-, from which with the suffix -you was created the collective kraujai? *0 Here and below I omit in the reconstruction of the koficowka of the genitive alternant apophonic *-és. 2! The same basic weak base forms the Lithuanian derivative from vrddhi: diena „day“ < *deyna < *deyn-eh,- -<= *d-e-yn + -6-, from *din-. Cf. type diévas „boėg“ < *d-e-yw-6- -,related to the sky“ from *diw-<= *dy-ew-„- day sky®. Zob. most recently Smoczyfiski 1998: 62 n. (z literatura). 22 Suffix probably modeled on og-ns “fire”, cf. wed. ag-ni-. B The proto-Slavic theme of the staby *sal-< *sh,-ul is comparable on the one hand with the commonly used sūras < *suh,l-és (this is from the metathesis *sh,ul-), on the other hand with the strong theme *sh-welw of the commonly used svar-/stivarn. ‘stonce’. On the other hand, lithium. sdule looks like a derivative type of viddhiod metatetic weak framework: *shul-> *suhj-= * s-e-wh,l-6adi.,słoneczny” > prabalt. *sawla-. From such an adjective was apparently formed a derivative to -iya-, *sawliya, which submitted in the end to substantivization. Zob. Recently Bader 1995, which reconstructions *seuh,przyjmuje for lac. sol, slowing down on the move < *mouH-to-. 24 Instead of *br-yaw-in < ie. acc. *b'r-ėwH- -m (cf. lit. briau-na „kant, krawedZ, gran“), as a result of the alignment of the accusative form to gen. *br-uw-és < ie. *b*r-uH-és, with the secondary w, which filled the gap after the extinct laryngeal (cf. gr. ophriis, ophriios „brew“)“. 23 Foreign-language neutra with vrddhi structure, in particular scs. drévo ‘tree; drewno“ < *derw-o-1stang. theorem „wooden malt“ < *terw-a-, suggest the assumption that the Lithuanian femininum derva may be of collective origin, having -a with *-e-h, (= noun pl. n.). 22 6. Prus. pintis “road”, o how much is to the od derivative of the framework gen. *pints < *pnt-h,-et (por. wed. pathds)? *. (C) St. zanikowy element st. i full suffix: scs. name,ime ,imi¢“ < *jomen- < *im-men-es <= gen. *in-men-s < ie. *(H)nh; -men-s (por. st. Full tray. w Name, you know. name < *(H)neh; -mn; No batto-stow. *nomin). Z the list of this structural do comparison is mostly the z topics *di-n-* (scs. donations) 1 *sup-n-* (scs. without). 8. Paradigm A dragon. 8.1. he believes that žmuo < *Zm-6n is related to the Indo-European name,,ziemi“ and represents a derivative with the meaning „earthly being, landman““. Yeah. the paradigm of the noun,,earth“ was reconstructed by Schindler 1967 as follows: nom. 200 i 1975: 263 My heaven is dust. it. <te-e-kdn> = /deg-an/ acc. *d(")ég"-- om-m dust. He's going. k't"-6n-a < **t'k"-6m-am place. *d(*)g”-em-0 por. wed. ks-dm-i gen. *d(")g"-- m-ės ltn. wed. j-m-ds 8.2. In the Batto-Stovian languages only two forms of the above paradigm appear, namely the locative and the genitive sg. 8.2.1. With location ie. *d(*)g"-- ém > *g"ém must be linked to the basic principles. *Zem-, from which is derived the Battostowian name,,ziemi®: lit. Earth, scs. zemlja < *Zem-(i)ya. Setting after the suffix, being was originally an adjective®, but the conditions of its substantivization have not yet been clarified. In addition to the subject on -(i)yastowianski, there is also a derivative on -i-, *g”em-i-. It will be fixed on one side in the roots. na zemb “on the ground”, 0 zems “about the ground”, on the other hand in the adjective scs. zemsns „earthly“ < *Earth-on-, which Contrasts % Meanwhile stowiariski shows ses. pots, -i m. droga”, whose base on -istoi in connection with resegmentation of old) forms acc. s.g. *panti-n <= *pant-in < ie. *pont-h ym (see pantham <= *pdntam- ). —Traditionally, the Prabalto- -Slavic paradigmatic alternance *pant-:: *pintis founded here. At this point, however, a certain reservation arises, because in the Prussian Corpus next to <in>, pintis, there are also entries from <en>, namely pentes and peentis, "way" (in Grunau). These records from <en> suggest a phonetic derivation of pintis from pentis < *pantis (the vocalism of the Prussian proform would therefore be in accordance with scs. pots). Such a finding has a good parallel in the variation of forms of the Prussian noun *sant-, bedacy”, whose Old Lithuanian equivalent is sant-, acc. s.g. santj (compare ac. sons, sontis „to be guilty, to be holding on to the square“ < ie. *h,s-ont-- ). These forms are on the one hand -sent-(gen. sg. emprikisentismu,- gegenwirtigenTM), on the other hand -sint-(nom.sg. emprijkisins „gegenwartig“). The Prussian change *anC > enC > inC is most likely explained by interference of Low German phonetics, cf. e.g. Srdn. sinte, SwietyTM < sente < sante (Lasch 1914, § 139). As for the other adverbs of the secondary inC in the Old Prussian see. Smoczynski 2000: 19n. 27 Zob. Skardžius 1956: 163, Fraenkel, LEW 1320. * Cf. the adjective ksdm-ya-, “located on earth, earthly, humanus” in opposition to divyd-, heavenly, diuinus” (Fraenkel 1959: 13). 23 z scs. Earth-5 od to Earth®. — Na Prabst. *Zemztožyto thus as a fragment of the original ž element st. w zanikowym“" and as the em original suffix st. na petnym. 8.2.2. Z genetiwem ie. *d(")g"-m-és > *g'"-m-es (two declination degrees) is associated with the battyc neopreposition žm-, from which the word we are interested od in comes *sm-on-* "earthly being, earthling" > ‘man’’". The appropriate neoprimate is also known as stovian, however, it w appears only in tu the name on w ‘snake’ i mythical ‘smoke’: scs. zmijb m. "drakon, op"is", snake f. ‘Op'is’; stress. zmii, gen. snakes; Rose. snake, snake, sch. zmdj, zmūja etc., all ps. z *zmbjb, gen. *smbja adi. 'petting the po earth'. Pre-Stoic figure *whistles, shows, že walks* tu o adjective ‘ziemny, terrester’. Originally occurred on w where the syntagmas *zmbjb 9b ‘waż ziemny’ (specification of the basis na of opposition do „węża wodnego“) is substantivated i following the ellipse of the noun pz). Draws attention to the lack of w appropriate forms in Lithuanian *s-s-s, *s-s-s (Būga 1959: 376). 8.3. Now going through the do reconstruction of the pre-Batic variation of the word *¢"m-on- -> *Zm-an-, it must be immediately reserved that the reproduction of the prehistoric inventory of random forms encounters two difficulties. The first is the lack of evidence in Lithuanian material for the athematic form of the genitive sg. to Zmué. The second difficulty is the presence of the basic obliquity Zmun- (zmūnį, Zmune). The ta framework is usually segmented as Zm-un-, which, however, cannot be justified on the historical-phonetic way, because the structure *g”m-n-C is excluded in the singularis paradigm. Let us start with those details that seem quite clear at the moment. w 8.4. Clear is certainly na the prototype nom. s.g. *g”m-on, z derived from sig stlit. Zmué on the ground of regular phonetic development. For the reconstruction of the suffix in the upward degree *6n we have besides the comparative data (see § 5) also some intrabattic indications. These are Lithuanian suffixes with the structure -uon-i- (e.g. géluonis next to gėluė), -uon-é-(mémuoné next to momuo), -uon-a-(širšuonas next to širšuo), -uon-ia-(éduonia), which are used frequently, although not exactly, in nominal derivation, see. 1959, pp. 368. 8.4.1. It should be assumed that the mentioned suffixes were created in the process of thematization of the old meeting nouns on -nby adding the paradigmatic features -i-, -ė-, -a-, -iado forms nom. s.g. And by immobilization. 9 Zb. about this Fraenkel 1959: 13. 30 If in the Baitostavian st. full was continued, nom. s.g. w przybraćby postac lit. *dezuo i stow. *deza. 31 Por. st. zanikowy in gr. epi-k“t“- 6n-ios “living on earth“ (maybe also in neo-k*m-- ds “new, unexpected“). —Independent from the Baltic derivative from the strong noun “land” represents stlac. hemo "homo" (por. nėmė "nothing- "), acc. hem-6n-- em „hominem“ < *g'"ėm-6n. 32 Zob. Vaillant 1950: 75; Fraenkel 1959: 4. 24 apophonic paradigm, which was a consequence of thematicization. However, the question of how the mechanism of this thematization should be reproduced remains open. In my opinion, the sequence uon themed nom. w s.g. na -uon-Vmožna ujawnit as an amalgam, which historical point of view z is rozktadalny two segments, The first segment is as a quick na athematic form nom. uo -uo < *-on (deprecated *-n before the pause), second zaš as a compound of nm the suffix -en-/-an in the case of dependent w vowel endings o (gen. *-en-es, acc. *-en-in or *-an-in). Introduction uo before the next n process of w removing paradigmatic apophony -uo 1000 Watts (nom.) :: -en-/-an- (c. oil) way of generalization uo. When a primary paradigm, such as e.g. *širšuo :: gen. *širš-en-es, acc. *širš-en-į“ take a new form *širšuo :: gen. *shirš-uon-es, acc. *širš-uon-į, to naturally arisen possibility of abstraction of zen neotemata “Sirsuonnastg1 pnie use as a framework go for thematic derivatives, cf. shirshuon-as ‘serszen; osa“ obok širšuon-ė, stlit. turkey ts. (LKŽ XIV 908). Z in turn, the appearance of retrograde derivatives such as (1) širš-ė, širš-a (LKZ XIV 906) «= širšuonė, (2)š širš-as (Chylinski, ibid.) <= širšuonas created the basis for the re-segmentation širšuonas = širš-uonas (motivated now by širšas) etc. and thus for independence -uonas, -uoné etc. as new nominal suffixes. Stane¢ly they in one row with the two-vowel suffixes -tinas, -ynas, -ėnas, -Onas. A symptom of this process is the fact that next to širšuonas appeared other variants širšonas, širšūnas „szerszen“- “*. Even later by the interchangeable derivation -uon-:: -uolvariants such as širšuolis, širšuolė. 8.4.2. In the case of such an isolated form as stlit. first name. pl. f. SD ‘ancestors; pierwiastki, pierwociny“ can be used as an outline in the form of nom. *pirm-uo or *pir-muo. The former acc. s.g. to *pirmuo miecz may become *pirm-an-in, which is supported by thematic forms known from the Prussian „Enchiridion- “, cf. nom. s.g. pirm-onn-is ‘first’, dat.-acc. first-ann-in, first-ann-ien. 8.4.3. Similarly, topics on -nprezczatcaly athematica to -/-. About the derivative ébuol-as (total ūbuols) „jabtko“ it is possible to say that it has to do with nom. *0b-uo < *ab-6l:: obl *ab-eljak širšuon-as has to do with nom. širš-u0 < *širš-On:: obl. *spread-and- -. The fact that besides obelis f.,,Jablon® there is also a form with the suffix *-ol-, obalis f. ts. (LKZ VIII 985), it is possible to conclude about two forms of Pralitevski acc. s.g. and reconstruct on one hand *ab-el-in > obelj, on the other hand *ab-al-in > obali (see forms noun pl. 6beles, gen. pl. obeliy). Due to the degree o in nom. s.g. *ab-ol for older you may need 3 Por. sti. Sgt. Gen. §irs-n-ds [nom. Siras,, Owa | < *k'rhys-- n-6s, osnowa *k'erh.s-- en-. From the Stovia lt. sch. Silly, rcs. seriens "serszen", osnowa ps. *Sirs-en-. 3* Against this background, I consider less likely the present- $¢ Lithuanian apophony uo:: itn next to uo:: 0, which is suggested by the lexical lists of K. Būga 1959: 331 n. 25 indexer acc. s.g. *ab-el-in, zash *ūb-al-in < *ab-ol-im indicates za alignment do nom. s.g. (?). 8.4.4. Na end worth noting, thematizatiže on ulegt also prabattycki topic na -t-, *nepuo, *nepdtin, *neptés. Stlit. nepuotis „grandson““ is based on the dependent o case *nepuot-i-, which establishes sig place of *nepat-i-, na resulting from the resegmentatiz on of the old acc. *nepdt-in < ie. *nep-6t-m*. Connection uot ttumaczy sic znéw zastąpieniem by a uo Ww accusative suffix under the emphasis nom. *nepuo < *nep-ot or *nepuos < *nep-ot-s (por. You know. No, no, no, no. neos). Similar innovations visible w in the tacinskim acc. nep-6t-em (zam. *nep-ot-em), a even gen. w nep-ot-is (zam. *neptis < *nep-t-es, por. wed. naptur"). I It 's about o removing the allomorphism resulting from z inherited suffix apophony. *ot :: “of :: *t. 8.5. Rekonstrukcje accusatiwu sg. w characters *g*m-on-m, pralit. *Zm-an-in* justifies the ze comparative position correlation nom. *-6n-0 :: acc. *-on-m, por. sttac. hemo :: hemonem ‘cztowiek’, gr. tékton :: téktona ‘cišla’ | sti. taxa :: taxanam ts., gr. aAkmon :: dkmona ‘kowadto’’*. For an eventual praform *¢"m-n-m, which would have two declination degrees (as in the case of w stabym), but not comparative support. ma Na thing *Zm-an-in also speaks some inner clues. 8.5.1. Po first por. accusative type *pirm-an-in do *first and lit. dial. dbal do *both mentioned above w § 8.4.2-3. Po second, za reconstruction acc. s.g. o characters *Zman-in seems to speak in the presence of the w Lithuanian word žmonės f. ‘people’ < *Zman-é-, which functions as a nom. pl. do žmuė. If this term is taken as a derivative at the upward degree, its basis will have to be reconstructed as to *Zman-. Co do The degree of the 0 expatriate por. lit. Grass „trawa” od green ‘green’, molé ‘pora mielenia ziarna’ od small, malted ‘mleč’’. Less likely seems si¢ 33 That. pl. nepuotims (subject na -i-), acc. pl. nepoocius (subject na -yo-). 36 Obok masculinum nepuotis, -iés "grandson" existed zefiski topic na -i-, nepuotis (Margarita Theologica- ). Next to it will appear sig derivative. na -ė-, nepuotė „wnuczka“ (Bretkun), zob. 670 pp.. 37 From the proto-Baltic genitive *nep-t-ės were formed derivatives stlit. "Nept-ė "wnuczka- ", nept-is "wnuk" (LKŽ VIII 670). Over time, they were replaced by nepuotis and nepuotė, respectively. From other languages cf. scs. netii, serbsko-cs. netsjs „cousin“ < *nept-iyo-, wed. naptiya-.nalezy do potomstwa“, awest. nauua.naptiian. relatives of the ninth degree of kinship®, sti. Napti, quiet. neptis, -is f. Granddaughter. 38 Fear. Stang 1966: 227. 3 por. in topics on -rkorelacje nom. *-ér-0:: acc. *-er-m, e.g. gr. anér:: anéra,,mezczyzna®, métér:: météra "mother" (lit. motė:: moterį, scs. mati:: mater). * Peters 1980: 189 has already led to the elongated degree of *2mans žmon (és), although he does not state explicitly that *2manjako the basis of this derivative belonged to the paradigm of the noun „man“ and appeared in the forms acc. s.g. i voc. sg. —Otherwise Fraenkel 1959: 12, who assumed that the original nom. pl. miat posta¢ *Zmuon-es (pluralizacja formy nom. sg. przez -es) i nastepnie ulegt wykolejeniu w Zmdn-es (forma gwarowa z Twerecza), mianowicie na tle tendencji do Here the root morphem žm may have been generalized according to the nominative to other vocatives (the change may have been encouraged by the fact that in Lithuanian there are no words beginning with įžum-). 26 *žmu(n)-, but its cause is unclear. ir ta According to the ved. for the < stupid žk'w-on-m example, you should wait for the accusative form pralie. *shv-an-in 'Suni'. The degree of extinction Here the influence of the genitive form should be explained: dog(s) changed *dog(s) based on dog(s) example. Similarly, the primary form *žman(į) could be adapted to the genitive žmun(es) to ir become the palidued form žmuną. In explaining the decisive role of the genitive in the change of the paradigm of the noun žmuo, we refer to the nouns of the weak athematic ir stems of Lithuanian and Slavic languages, e.g., lie. heart, punch, sl. vosb. Attention to a more ir į general thing: trinomial allomorphs (e.g., *§von : *svanshu- : n-) usually replaced by binary (e.g., dog dog-). : Showing ir more examples of the Lithuanian language that show the tendency to “bitematism”. OLD LITHUANIAN MAN, MAN AGAINST THE BACKGROUND OF THE PROTO-BALTIC ATHEMATIC NOUNS Summary In Daukša's Postilė, the forms acc. s.g. human and nom. you. žmune have a stress mark placed over a short syllable. No other oblique cases are attested. The principal question that rises here how is account to for the stem Zmun-, which cannot be explained in the framework of the consonantal declension with stem a in -and-. If we take our as point departure of the relationship between the forms šuo :: Sunes, where the genitive corresponds the inherited to model (PIE *k ‘u-n-es), we are entitled to expect alongside žmuo a genitive *žumnes. This would be a reflex of *g'Jun-n-es. The suffix, in its non-syllabic variety -n-, would have induced a syllabic realisation of the root-final -m-, the regular Proto-Lithuanian reflex of which would be -um-. The allomorphic relationship of Zum (n)to žm(uo) was, however, eliminated in favour of Zmun-. On the face of it, this looks like a metathesis *Zumn-> *Zmun-. But the motive behind this change remains unclear. A possible explanation could be that the root morph Zmspread from the nominative to the oblique cases (the fact that Lithuanian has no words beginning with įžumcould somehow have contributed to this). In the accusative we would expect, on the basis of Vedic švūnam < *k'w-on-m, a Proto-Lithuanian reflex *$v-an-in ‘dog’. The generalisation of the zero grade of the suffix should be attributed to the influence of the genitive: sun (i) replaced *$van(j) under the influence of Sun (es). By analogy, we could assume an original *2man(j) to have been assimilated to the genitive Zmun (es) to yield the attested Zmunj. In order to explain the crucial role played by the genitive singular in this remake of the paradigm of Zmuo, the parallel of the Lithuanian and/or Slavonic nouns built on weak grade athematic stems, such as širdis, dūrys, vos, is invoked. Attention is also drawn to an observation of a more general nature, viz. that a ternary allomorphic series (e.g., *§von: *švan-: *šun-) is usually replaced with a binary one (e.g., šuo: §un-). Other instances of this ‘bithematism’ in Lithuanian declension are cited support this. in of Wojciech SMOCZYNSKI Gauta 1999 06 16 University Jagiellonian Department of Linguistics Ogdlnego i Indoeuropejskiego al. Mickiewicza 9/11, PL-31-120 Krakow, POLAND El. email [email protected] 33