Dėl skaitvardinių būdvardžių su priesagomis „-(i)okas (-a)“ ir „-(i)opas (-a)“ kilmės

ACTA LINGUISTICA LITHUANICA XLV (2001), 3–9 On the origin of cardinal adjectives with the suffixes -(i)okas (-a) and -(i)opas (-a) SAULIUS AMBRAZAS Lietuvių kalbos institutas, Vilnius The article deals with the origin of adjectives derived from numerals with the suffixes -(i)okas (-a) and -(i)opas (-a). The analysis confirms that derivatives of this type with the diminutive suffix -(i)okas (-a) are rare already in Old Lithuanian texts of the 16th–17th centuries. They have counterparts in Slavonic and are much older than the suffix -(i)opas (-a) which is commonly used in the derivation of adjectives from numerals in Lithuanian and for which a genetic link with the postposition po is suggested in this article. In old writings, alongside derivatives with -(i)opas (-a), which are widespread in present-day Lithuanian as well (e.g., dvejópas, trejópas, and tüleriópas, among others; see Valeckienė 1994: 220), corresponding cardinal adjectives with -(i)okas (-a) were used, though they have almost disappeared from present-day Lithuanian. The tendency for the aforementioned derivatives with -(i)okas (-a) to disappear and for corresponding adjectives with -(i)opas (-a) to become established emerged even before Lithuanian writing began. In the old writings surveyed¹, derivatives of these two formation types occur in the following proportions: Mž 2: 0; VLNE, VLNEE 4: 1; BPI–II 7: 4; C11: 1; DP 9: 3; SPI–II 3: 3; ¹SD, ³SD 3: 5; ChNT 1 (corresponding adverbs in -(i)opai 2): 2 (corresponding adverbs in -okai 2); SE 2: 0; in Jaknavičius’s 1647 Gospels, only the adverb ketveriopai 201₉–₁₀ was found. The statistics show that cardinal adjectives with -(i)okas (-a) are about as numerous as the corresponding derivatives with -(i)opas (-a) in the writings of Sirvydas and Chylinski, and in part in those of Bretkūnas. In the works of other authors, cardinal adjectives with -(i)okas (-a) are considerably rarer or are not used at all. The prevalence of the individual derivatives with -(i)okas (-a) also varies. Only two of them are widely attested: dvejókas (-a) ‘dvejopas’ BPI–II 4x; CII 1111; ³SD 56; SPI–II 2x; (also [K]; P, cf. dvejokai ‘dvejopai’ ³SD 56; N; Grž), dvejokias (-ia) SPI–II 6x; ChNT 4x (also Ds, cf. dvejõks / dvējõks, -ia DAUK; P; KLVrž; Pln, dvejokiai VALAČ, dvejõkiaip ROD – ²LKŽII 944); 1The material was collected using editions of old writings and word indexes, as well as computerized word-form concordances developed at the Institute of the Lithuanian Language for Bretkūnas’s Postil (BPI–II), Vilentas’s Enchiridion (VLNE), Gospels and Epistles (VLNEE), and Sirvydas’s Punktai Sakymų (SPI–II), and funded under the Republic of Lithuania’s 1996–2005 Programme for the Use and Development of the State Language, for the Gospels of Jaknavičius (1647). 2The derivative vienokas (-a) / vienokias (-ia), whose formation is not entirely clear, is not included in the statistics presented here (see below for discussion). 4 | SAULIUS AMBRAZAS trejokas (-a) ‘trejopas’ BP₋Ⅱ 4x; ¹SD 182 (also N; KŽ; STr; AD; VRN), trejokias (-ia) SP₋Ⅱ 6x; ¹SD 18; ³SD 446; SLG₋Ⅱ 80 (also Sut, cf. trejókis, -ia KŽ; M; PRNG; KLT; PLS – LKŽₓᵥₗ 741). Others are much rarer, e.g.: keturokas BP₋Ⅱ 3x, ketveriokas (-a) ‘ketveriopas’ WP 213b; SP₋Ⅱ 5x (cf. ketveriokai ‘ketveriopai’ ChNT Lk 19,8), penkiokas ‘penkeriopas’ ³SD 291, septyne-liokas ‘septýneriopas’ ³SD 401 (also Sut; N; [K]), šešeriokas (-a) ‘šešeriopas’ BP₍₁₁₎ 21₁₇ (also KŽ; NdŽ), šešeriokia DP 352₄₃ (cf. šešerioks, -ia M; NdŽ), šimter(i)okas (-a) ‘šimterio-pas’ DP 2x; SP₍₃₃₈₁₀₎; ChNT 2x (cf. šimterokai ChNT 2x, šimteruokai ⁵SD 353, šimtelio-kai ‘šimteriopai’ ³SD 423), vieneriokas ‘vieneriopas’ DP 445₄₀ (also N, cf. vieneriokis, -ė KŽ; M). Cardinal adjectives with -(i)okas (-a) have counterparts in the Slavic languages; cf. Lithuanian dvėjokas and Old Church Slavonic dъvъkъ, dъvojакъ, Lithuanian ketveriokas and Old Church Slavonic četverakъ, Lithuanian šešeriokas and Old Church Slavonic šesterakъ, Lithuanian trejokas and Old Church Slavonic trojakъ (Vaillant 1974: 327). Qualitative pronouns are formed similarly in Lithuanian and the Slavic languages; cf. Lithuanian tók(i)s and Old Church Slavonic takъ. The only difference here is that Lithuanian pronouns of this type, in addition to the suffix *-āko-, also have the pronoun (i)is as an ending (Rosinas 1988: 214–216). Probably under the influence of these pronouns, some of the aforementioned Lithuanian cardinal adjectives with -(i)okas (-a) tend to acquire (i)io/iā-stem forms. It should be noted that the derivative vienók(i)s (-ia) is used in dialects both as a pronoun, ‘such, one’, and as an adjective, ‘similar, uniform’ (LKŽₓᵢₓ 225, 226–227); cf. also vienokias (-ia) ‘similar, uniform’ VLNE 2x; ¹SD 46; ³SD 7, 87; DP 9x; ChNT 4x; VD; KŽ (cf. nevienoki ‘non-uniform’ SP₁ 184₈, the adverbs vienokiai ‘uniformly’ SP₋Ⅱ 2x; SE 2x, nevienokiai ‘non-uniformly’ SP₁ 357₆), vienokas (-a) ‘similar, uniform’ LEX 27a; Q 142; B 389; H; MŽ; Pošk; P; N; K; JN; L; Rtr. In general, with the suffix *-ā-ko- (as with other suffixes derived from Indo-European *-ko-), diminutives are most commonly formed in the Baltic languages. Adjectival diminutives with -(i)okas (-a) are particularly widespread in Lithuanian. They are found already in 16th–17th-century writings, especially in Sirvydas’s Dictionarium Lithuanicae and the 17th-century manuscript dictionary of Lithuania Minor, Clavis Germanico-Lithvana, e.g.: atstokas ³SD 246 (on the u-stem form -okus, cf. Skardžius 1943: 134; Palionis 1967: 131), baltokas ³SD 13, bėrokas C₁ 389, girtokas ³SD 311, ilgokas BP₋Ⅱ 147₁₅; C₁ 1150, juodokas ³SD 361; C₁ 515, laibokas ³SD 360, lipokas C₁ 1130, minkštokas C₁ 936, raudonokas ³SD 41, 164; C₁ 331, rūgštokas C₁ 372, rūgštokus ³SD 145, saldokas C₁ 573, saldokus ³SD 366, 409, siaurokas ³SD 360, silpnokas ³SD 366; C₁ 507, 524, sunk(i)okus ³SD 360, šiltokas C₁ 1159, šiurkštokas C₁ 560, tamsokus ³SD 360, tolokas ³SD 268, žalोकas ³SD 546; C₁ 331. In Latvian, comparative forms developed from such adjectives with *-āko-; cf. Lithuanian mažókas and Latvian mazāks ‘smaller’ (Endzelīns 1951: 360; Fennell 1996–1997; Vykypėl 2001: 212 ff.). Similar adjectives with *-āko- also occur in other related languages; cf. Latin merācus: merus ‘unmixed, undiluted, pure; genuine’ (Brugmann 1906: 498–500). In the Eastern Aukštaitian dialect of Lithuanian, diminutives are widely formed with *-āko- from nouns as well, e.g.: berniokas, arčiokas, akmeniokas (Skardžius 1943: 133–134; Urbutis 1965: 279–280). Derivatives of this type are also found in eastern Latvian dialects, though less frequently; cf. Lithuanian berniokas and Latvian dialect bērņāks, bērņāks (Rūķe-Draviņa 1959: 289–294). DĖL SKAITVARDINIŲ BŪDVARDŽIŲ KILMĖS 5 The suffix *-ko- (and some other affixes characteristic of diminutives) has been used in Indo-European languages since ancient times not only to form diminutives, but also to derive various adjectives that do not have a diminutive meaning (cf. Jurafski 1996; Shields 2000). For instance, the suffix *-i-ko- is widely used to form nominal diminutives in the Baltic (especially Old Prussian; see Ambrazas 2000: 87–89) and Slavic languages (Boškovič 1984: 206–245), whereas in many other related languages it is used mainly to form possessive adjectives (Brugmann 1906: 488 ff.; Ewald 1924). On the other hand, the suffix *-is-ko- (on its origin, see Ambrazas 2000: 101 and references therein) is used to form adjectives³ in Baltic, Slavic, and Germanic (perhaps also Celtic and Thracian, and to some extent Tocharian and Luwian; see Porzig 1954: 201–202; Ivanov 1988: 53), but, by contrast, nominal diminutives in Ancient Greek (Petersen 1913; Chantraine 1933: 405–413). The tendency to form numeral adjectives with *-ko- may also be ancient; compare Old Church Slavonic inokъ ‘one, solitary; monk’, Gothic einaha, Old High German einag ‘sole’, Old Indian ekáka-, ekaká- ‘sole, solitary’, and Latin ūnicus ‘sole, special’ (Brugmann 1906: 493; Schulze 1966: 75; Vaillant 1974: 462). However, it is still not entirely clear when the derivational pattern for numeral adjectives with *-āko- arose in the Baltic languages. Lithuanian numeral adjectives with -(i)okas (-a) have exact equivalents only in Slavic languages and are absent from the other Baltic languages. No numeral adjectives of this type have been recorded in Old Prussian texts. Latvian uses a suffix of entirely different origin, *-ā-do-, to form numeral adjectives and the qualitative pronouns mentioned above; compare Lithuanian trejōkas, trejōpas and Latvian trejāds, Lithuanian kitók(i)s and Latvian citāds (Endzelynas 1957: 100; Endzelīns 1951: 391). In Lithuanian, the latter suffix is very rare; compare Lithuanian kitódas and Latvian citāds, Lithuanian vienó das and Latvian vienāds (Skardžius 1943: 100). Adjectives with suffixes derived from the determinative *-d(h)- are also found in some other related languages; compare Old Church Slavonic tvrъdъ ‘firm’, Latin lūcidus ‘bright, vivid, clear’, vīvidus, and Old Irish beode ‘vital, alive’ (Brugmann 1906: 471–472). However, the use of the suffix *-ā-do- to form numeral adjectives is probably a Latvian innovation. On the other hand, the relic-like character of numeral adjectives with -(i)okas (-a) in Lithuanian indicates that this derivational pattern is quite old. By contrast, the suffix -(i)opas (-a), which is used most often to form numeral adjectives in Lithuanian, has no equivalents at all in other related languages. Researchers seriously doubt whether suffixes with *-p- existed in Proto-Indo-European at all (cf. Brugmann 1906: 386; Vaillant 1974: 632). Thus, the origin of the suffix -(i)opas (-a) should probably be sought within Lithuanian itself. So far, it remains unexplained. Vaillant (1974: 632) connects the suffix -(i)opas (-a) with the postposition -p(i), found in the allative and adessive forms. From a semantic perspective, however, a connection between this suffix and the postposition -p(o) seems closer; it can be discerned in adverbs with -aip(o) (cf. Endzelynas 1957: 209; Otrębski 1956: 300–301). The latter are almost synonymous with adverbs in -(i)opai, -okai (see Ulvydas 1971: 435–436); compare the aforementioned dvejōkai ir dvejōpai, dvejaip, dvejaipō TVR (²LKŽₙ 946). At one time, alongside *dvejai po there may have existed— 3 Baltic, Slavic, Germanic, and perhaps some other languages are probably linked not only by the adjectival suffix *-isko-, but also by its possessive derivational function; compare Old Church Slavonic božьskъ, Gothic gudisks ‘of God’, and the analogous use of the derivative dieviškas in old Lithuanian texts, e.g.: giwena iš galibes Die=wißkos SPₙ 227₂₈–₂₉. This, however, is a topic for another article. 6 | SAULIUS AMBRAZAS ti, and the construction *dvėjo po4 may also have existed, with dvėjopai developing from it as an adverb. Later, as adverbs in -(i)opai and -(i)okai competed, corresponding derivatives with -(i)opas (-a) were apparently formed on the model of numeral adjectives with -(i)okas (-a). The former quickly became very popular. As derivatives with -(i)okas (-a) increasingly came to be used as diminutives, a need arose for a special suffix to form numeral adjectives. Perhaps, for similar reasons involving the specialization of affixes, corresponding derivatives with *-ādo- became widespread in Latvian. ABBREVIATIONS OF SOURCES Ad – Adutiškis, Švenčionys District. B – LEXICON GERMANICO=LITHUANICVM [...] by Jacobo BRODOWSKIJ (an early eighteenth-century manuscript dictionary). BP. – POSTILLA Tatai eſti Trumpas ir Praſtas Iſchguldimas Euangeliu / ſakamuiu Baſniczoie Krikſchczoniſchkoie / nůg Aduento ik Weliku. By Iana BRETKUNA, pastor of Lithuania in Karaliaucżuie, Prussia. Printed in Karaliaucżuie by Iurgis Oſterbergeras. In the year of the Lord 1591. BP₁₁ – POSTILLA tatai eſti Trumpas ir Praſtas Iſchguldimas Euangeliu / ſakamuiu Baſniczoie Krikſchczoniſchkoie nůg Weliku ik Aduento. By Iana BRETKUNA, pastor of Lithuania in Prussia. Printed in Karalaucżuie / by Iurgio Oſterbergera. In the year of the Lord 1591. C – Clavis Germanico-Lithvana (cited from: V. DROTVINAS, ed., Clavis Germanico-Lithvana 1–4, Vilnius: Institute of Science and Encyclopaedia Publishing, 1995–1997). ChNT – an edition of the transliterated New Testament translation by S. B. CHYLINSKIS: Cz. KUDZINOWSKI, J. OTREBSKI, Biblia litewska Chylińskiego. Nowy Testament 2, Text, Poznań: Zakład Narodowy im. Ossolińskich, 1958 (also consulted: Cz. KUDZINOWSKI, Biblia litewska Chylińskiego. Nowy Testament 3, Index, Poznań: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1964). Dauk – writings of Simonas DAUKANTAS (1793–1864). DP – Poſtilla CATHOLICKA. Tai eſt: Iſguldimas Euangeliu kiekwienos Nedelos ir ƀwetes per wſſus metus. By Kúnigą MIKALOJŲ DAVKSZĄ, canon of Médniku / translated from the Polish. [...] In Wilniui / at the press of the Academy of SOCIETATIS IESV. A. D. 1599 (consulted: Cz. KUDZINOWSKI, Indeks-słownik do „Daukšos Postilė“ 1–2, Poznań: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu, 1977). Ds – Dūsetos, Zarasai District. Grž – Grūžiai, Pasvalys District. H – VOCABVLARIVM LITTHVANICO-GERMANICVM ET GERMANICO-LITTHVANICVM [...] Prepared by Friederich Wilhelm HAACK [...] Halle, [1730] Stephanus Orban, University printer. Jn – writings of Kazimieras JAUNIUS (1848–1908). K – F. KURSCHAT, Littauisch-deutsches Wörterbuch. Halle a. S.: Verlag der Buchhandlung des Waisenhauses, 1883 (the symbol [K] marks words given by Kuršaitis in square brackets). Klt – Kaltanėnai, Švenčionys District. KlvrŽ – Žemaičių Kalvarija, Plungė District. KŽ – A. KURŠAITIS, Lietuviškai-vokiškas žodynas 1–4, Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1968–1973. L – Lietuviškos ir angliškos kalbos žodynas. Compiled by Antanas LALIS [...] Chicago, 1915. 4It should be borne in mind that the preposition po has long been used in Lithuanian with several cases. Some constructions simply compete with one another, e.g.: po dešinei and po dešinės, po tam and po to, and so on (on all this, see Fraenkel 1929: 144 ff.). Similarly, the corresponding postposition po may once have been used, cf. the relationship of locatives with the postposition -p(i) to constructions with the preposition prie(g) in old writings (see Rosinas 2001: 136 ff.). DĖL SKAITVARDINIŲ BŪDVARDŽIŲ KILMĖS 7 LEX – Lexicon Lithuanicum (quoted from: V. DROTVINAS, ed., Lexicon Lithuanicum, Vilnius: Mokslas, 1987). LKŽ – Dictionary of the Lithuanian Language 1–17, Vilnius. M – M. MIEŽINIS, Lietuviszkai-latviszkai-lenkiszkas žodynas, Tilžė, 1894. Mž – Martyno MAŽVYDO (1520–1563) raštai (remtasi: D. URBAS, Martyno Mažvydo raštų žodynas, Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidykla, 1996). MŽ – Littauſch=deutſches und Deutſch=littauiſches Wörter=Buch [...] vermehret und verbessert [...] von Chriſtian Gottlieb MIELCKE, Cantor in Pillckallen. [...] Königsberg, 1800. Im Druck und Verlag der Hartungſchen Hofbuchdruckerey. N – Dictionary of the Lithuanian Language by G. H. F. NESSELMANN. Königsberg: Verlag der Gebrüder Bornträger. 1850. NdŽ – M. NIEDERMANNAS, A. SENNAS, A., BRENDERIS, A. SALYS, Dictionary of the Lithuanian Written Language 1–5, Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universitätsverlag, 1932–1968. P – The writings of Jurgis PABRĖŽA (1771–1849). Pln – Plungė. Plng – Palanga. Pls – Peleša, Varanavas district, Belarus. Pošk – The writings of Dionizas POŠKA (c. 1757–1830). Prng – Paringys, Ignalina district. Q – A 17th-century manuscript dictionary (close to Lexicon Lithuanicum and Clavis Germanico-Lithvana), which before the Second World War was held in the library of the University of Königsberg (Msc. 83). Rod – Rodūnia, Varanavas district, Belarus. RTr – J. RYTERIS, Lietuviškai-latviškas žodynas, Ryga, 1929. 1SD – K. SIRVYDAS’s first dictionary (based on: K. PAKALKA, ed., The Old Dictionary of Konstantinas Sirvydas, Vilnius: Institute of Science and Encyclopaedia Publishing, 1997). 3SD – DICTIONARIVM TRIVM LINGVARVM In ſum Studioſæ Iuventutis, AVCTORE CONSTANTI-NO SZYRWID [...] Tertia editio recognit & aucta. VILNÆ, Typis Academicis Societatis JESV. Anno Domini M. DC. XLII. (based on: K. PAKALKA, ed., The First Dictionary of the Lithuanian Language, Vilnius: Mokslas, 1979). 5SD – DICTIONARIVM TRIVM LINGVARVM In ſum Studioſæ Iuventutis, AVCTORE R. P. CONS-TANTIN SZYRWID [...] Quinta editio recognita & aucta. VILNÆ, Typis Academicis Societatis JESU. Anno Domini M. DCC. XIII. SE – SUMMA Abá Trumpas išguldimas EWANIELIV / SZWENTU Per Wīlus meatus / dienomis Nedelos / Báž=ničioje Krikščioniſkoje ſkaytoma [...] KIEDAYNISE, DRVKA WOLA, IOCHIMAS IVRGIS RHE-TAS, Meatu Poná, 1653 (cited in: A. JAKULIS, The Lexicon of Knygos Nobažnystės 1, Klaipėda: Saulius Jokužis Publishing and Printing House, 1995). SLG – GIESMES TIKIEJIMY KATHOLICKAM PRIDARANCIAS [...] Auctore SALOMONE MOZER-KA SLAWOCZYNSKI [...] VILNÆ, Typis Academicis Societatis IESV, Anno Dni 1646 (quoted from: J. LEBEDYS, ed., S. M. Slavočinskis. Giesmes tikėjimui katalickam priderančios, Vilnius: State Publishing House for Political and Scientific Literature, 1958). SP – POINTS OF SERMONS from Advent until Lent, in the Lithuanian language, with an explanation in Polish BY the Reverend KONSTANTY SZYRWYD [...] published IN VILNIUS at the Printing House of the Society of Jesus Academy in the Year M. DC. XXIX. Str – Strūnaitis, Švenčionys district. Sut – Žodini̇kas Letuwiszkay-Łotiniszkay-Lenkiszkas. Compiled by the priest Dominikas SUTKIEWICZ, a true Lithuanian from Domikonas, with great effort prepared (1848) (manuscript). TVr – Tverėčius, Ignalina district. Valanč – the writings of Motiejus VALANČIUS (1801–1875). VD – the writings of VYDŪNAS (Vilius STOROSTA, 1868–1953). 8 | SAULIUS AMBRAZAS VLNE – ENCHIRIDION Small Catechism / for the use of common people and priests / written in the German language by Doctor Martin Luther. And translated fully and faithfully from the German language into Lithuanian by Baltramiejus WILLENTHA, pastor in Königsberg at Steindamm. Printed in Königsberg by Iurgis Oſterberger, in the year of God M. D. LXXIX. VLNEE – The Gospels and Epistles / for Sundays and feast days [readings / in the churches of the Christian faith / fully and faithfully translated into the Lithuanian language / by Baltramiejus WILLENTA / pastor in Königsberg at Steindamm [...] Printed in Königsberg by Iurgis Oſterberger, in the year M.D. LXXIX. VRN – Varėna. WP – the 16th-century manuscript Wolfenbüttel Postil: ISCHGVLDIMAS EVANGELIV PER WISVS METVS. SVRINKTAS DALIMIS ISCH DAVGIA PASTILIV [...] (cited from: J. KARACIEJUS, ed., Wolfenbüttel Postil, Vilnius: Žara, 1995). LITERATŪRA AMBRAZAS, S. 2000: Daiktavardžių darybos raida II. Lietuvių kalbos vardažodiniai vediniai, Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidybos institutas. BOŠKOVIČ, R. 1984: Основы сравнительной грамматики славянских языков. 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Indogermanische Forschungen 105, 17–142. SKARDŽIUS, P. 1943: Lietuvių kalbos žodžių daryba, Vilnius: Lietuvos mokslų akademija. Dėl skaitvardinių būdvardžių kilmės 9 Ulvydas, K. 1971: Prieveiksmis. Ulvydas, K., red., Lietuvių kalbos gramatika 2, Vilnius: Mintis, 425–542. Urbutis, V. 1965: Daiktavardžių daryba. Ulvydas, K., red., Lietuvių kalbos gramatika 1, Vilnius: Mintis, 261–473. Vaillant, A. 1974: Grammaire comparée des langues slaves 4, Paris: Editions Klincksieck. Valeckienė, A. 1994: Būdvardžių daryba. Ambrazas, V., red., Dabartinės lietuvių kalbos gramatika, Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidykla, 141–238. Vykypėl, B. 2001: Zwei lettonistische Bemerkungen. Šefčík, O., Vykypėl, B., eds., Grammaticvs. Studia linguistica Adolfo Erharto quinque et septuagenario oblata, Brno: Masarykova universita v Brně, 211–223. Saulius Ambrazas Lietuvių kalbos institutas Antakalnio g. 6, 2055 Vilnius, Lietuva [email protected] Gauta 2001 12 10