Hiat laryngalny w językach bałto-słowiańskich

ACTA LINGUISTICA LITHUANICA XLVII (2002), 55-87 The article deals with the treatment of the so-called Laryngalhiat in Baltic and Slavonic languages. The article is published in the Journal of Linguistics. These are cases where a laryngeal was lost between a high vowel i or u and a suffixal vowel. This constellation is characteristic of zero grade formations based on roots of the type *CeiH-/*CieHor *CeuH-/*CueH-. When a vocalic suffix is added to a full grade root of the type *CeH-, the laryngeal leaves no trace (its loss leading to contraction or the rise of a secondary diphthong), whereas a similar situation involving the loss of a laryngeal after i, u produces a hiatus subsequently eliminated in Baltic and Slavonic by insertion of a homorganic glide i, u. INTRODUCTION The term laryngeal hiatus (German: Laryngalhiat) is used in reference to the situation when the laryngeal consonant (Irg.) is in the position after the high vowels i, u and before the suffix vowel, schematically *iH-V, *uH-V. This constellation of phonemes is appropriate for expression forms on the apophonic declining degree (SZ). We are talking about derivatives of elements of type *CeiH-/*- CieH or *CeuH-/*- CueH-, that is, those that contain in their composition a dyftong plus Irg. The treatment of the sequences *iH-V, *uH-V is fundamentally different from the case of *eH-V, when the vowel suffix joins the root on the full degree (SP) *CeH-. While in *eH-V Irg. disappears without a trace, which leads to the contraction of the vowels (dual effect: contractive length or secondary diphthong, depending on the quality of the suffix V*), then in the case of *iH-V, *uH-V the disappearance of H entails a hiat. Its specificity lies in the fact that it is not removed by contraction, but by insertion after i, in the case of a homogeneous sliding consonant, i.e. i, u. *[iiV], historical [ijV] in place ie. *[iHV] and 2. *[uuV] > hist. [uvV] in place of pie. *[uHV]. For example: [IV]: scs. bijenu 'bity' from *bi.le.no-- <= *b'iH-eno- -, formation on SZ-V to *b'eiH-C. SZC be, bin. [ijV]: lit. bijóri(s) ‘to be afraid’ from *bi.ua-< *bi. HaH-< *b"iH-eh,- -, formation on SZ-V to *b'eiH-, wed. bhdyate. Fear. SZ-C łot. bitićs 'to be afraid'. [uvV]: scs. zabuivenii ‘forgotten’ (-enanalogiczne zam. *-on-), from *bu. uana-< *bhu.ha.- no- < *bhuh,-eno-, formation on SZ-V to *b"ueh,-. Fear. SZ-C apartment, were. This article is the development of a paper that I presented in the Linguistics Commission of the Polish Academy of Sciences, Branch in Krakow on February 28, 2001. 2 Cf. on one side of length: lat. lėnis 'łagodny' < *leh,-en-; mas'male < *maHós <*meh,-0s; flos ‘kwiat’ < *b'loHós < *b"leh_-ós. On the other hand, diphthongs: gr. xAetocoę'most numerous' < *pleh,-istHo-; lit. dieni ‘celna’ < *dejn-i < *d'eh i „in-(wd. dhenń-*krowa' < *d*eh,inu-); lat. laeuus ‘lewy’, gr. hat(z Jóg, scs. lóva < *laiuo-< *leh.i iuo-; lit. sańsas ‘suchy’ and scs. Suxo < *saHusos < *seh,usos (gr. (h)adog); lit. kaulas 'bone < *kauH.lo- -< *kaHulo-< *keh, ulo-(Latin. caulis). 56 | THE WORLD OF YOU [uvV]: lit. buvo ‘was’ from *bu. ua < *bhuh,-eh,- -, formation on SZ-V to *b'ueH-. Fear. SZ-C be, being. As you can see, the syllabic structure of the historical forms corresponds to the pre-linguistic structure: bi.je.nii as *b"i.He.no- -, ©bi.ve.nii as *b"u.He.no, etc. Historical spirants j, v continue the proto-language slides *i, *u, but it must be taken into account that these are not phonemes inherited directly from the proto-language ie., as in the case of lit. lejii < *leiH-e-, vejū < *ueiH-e-, scs. zovg < *g"euH-e-, lit. srava < *sreu-, but about segments of a secondary character, created only in the epoch, the framework of which is defined by the weakening and disappearance of laryngeal phonemes. The phonemes j and v of the sequence ij} and uvV are therefore considered as indirect evidence of the presence of Irg. intervocalic and in this sense we distinguish them genetically from j, v appearing after other than i, in vowels. The main aim of this study is to record, as exhaustively as possible, those Baltic and Slavic morphemes that contain §slizi and, u on the spot laryngeal phonemes. The organization of the material is as follows. For each morpheme, an apophonic nest is created, where the first place is given to the allomorph from ij, uv, specific to SZ-V. Then it is contrasted with the long-callic (i, ii) allomorph from the position SZ-C, in order to highlight the fact that the character of the suffix accent, V or C, presupposes the complementarity of these two forms of the degree of declination of elements of type eiH/ieH and euH/ueH. In turn, the degree e (SE) of the root pi. is mentioned, usually in the form given by LIV (1998), and its Baltic-Slavic reflexes are detailed. SE is followed —in some phrases—- by derivatives made from iiV, uuV with degree o (SO). They are divided into antevocal (ai-V, au-V) and anteconsonant (ai-C, au-C). The apophonic nest of the morphem also shows how the primary forms of iiV, uuV generate their derivatives. We are talking about three groups of forms: 1. presence inflected at SZ, 2. derivatives at the degree of elongation iV, ūų V (denoted as WSZV), 3. derivatives at the degree of o (SO). Infixed Lithuanian sequences such as *Cini, *Cunu are phonetically transformed into Cj, Cyv (gija, būva), then denasalized into Cij, Civ (gyja, lyja, buva, kliūva). Where there is an opportunity, attention is drawn to the presence of the lateral *praesenti na -na” (gyna, lyna, būna, kliūna), since the latter, because of the circumflex and the -na formant, must be considered as a product of the crossing of the innovative type -(y)ja, -(ū)va with the older type -(i)na, -(ū)na, which was represented by inherited inficted formations dating back to the eras before the disappearance of the laryngeal antevocals, e.g. *lina from *li-n-H-e, *būna from *b*u-n-H-- e. — Derivate types of WSZ-V are in Lithuanian e.g. palyjéti lij-, papjiivćti <= pjuv-, in Slavic e.g. scs. upijati sę <= pij-, pokrywać <= kriw-. —When it comes to derivatives on SO, they are mostly deverbal nomina with the root form aiV (<= vb. iiV') or auV (= vb. uuV), e.g. lit. bajūs from bij-, gajūs from gij-, sajūs from sijoraz łot. cow, scs. krovii from *kruu-, scs. rovii from riiv-(on the scale of the whole material strikes a relatively weak representation of the aul type). Sometimes it happens that the SZ-V form we are interested in is not given in the material. Then WSZ-V is taken as the basis for internal reconstruction, cf. e.g. the words *mii-, *zii-, *liuu-. In previous analyses, accidents have occurred, e.g. LARYNGIAL HIATUS IN BALTO-SLAVIC LANGUAGES| 57 of the yj form pałyjćti with y (lyti) or yj prs. It's raining. Similarly, with papjiivćti av was inserted in connection with du vb. pjauti (see e.g. Otrębski 1965: 366). On the other hand, when it comes to Slavic, for example, byvati was analyzed according to byti as by-vati (pronoun of the correct *buu-a-). Such accidents have been corrected in the WSZ-V section. The four excursions attached at the end of the article signal some morphological innovations, which were apparently indirectly conditioned by the laryngeal hiatus. These are: (1) presences infixed by anitic elements of the type ś/yja, srūva, (2) nominal suffix ys as allomorph -ijas, (3) infinitive suffix -yti, (4) word suffix. - Come on. 1. SLIDE IN POSITION *1. HV 1.1. *bii -I < *b"iHSZ-V * bii-: lit. bijóti(s) ‘to be afraid’, lat. bijdt(ićs), stpr. biatwei® with *bi.ia-< *bi. HaH-< *b'iH-eh,-. SZ-C *bi-: lat. bitićs be afraid”, prs. bistuós (=> intensive bistitićs), prt. dial. biduós (aside from bijuós). SE *b"eiH-“in Furcht geraten’ (LIV 58), por. wed. bhdyate ‘he fears, he is afraid’. Drw. bai-V: 1. ps. *boja-, scs. bojati sę ‘to be afraid” (prs. bojitii sę) looks like a reflexivum, which was created to *bojati, a form having previously a transitory value (caus. 'to frighten') in relation to the ps. bii-, cf. above lit. biot(s)*. —2. stpr. Pobaiint caus. 'punish. —3. lit. bajńs 'fearful, timid'; baju: Mirt nebus baja Dying will not be terrible. Drw. bai-C: baidy caus. 'to scare, to frighten' (Lat. baitit 'to scare'), baimė f. 'fear, fearfulness- ', baisa 'fear' (= baisūs 'fearful'), bailys m. 'fearful, cowardly person'. 1.2. *biiII < *b"HSZ-V *bii-: 1. scs. bijenić ‘bity’ with *bi.ie.no-= *b'iH-eno- -, 2. scs. bijetii ‘beat’ (ESJS 63, Stang 1942, 46) < *bi.ie-= *b'iH-e-, secondly changed to scs. bejetń by alignment to inf. bi-C (see below brejet). SZ-C *bi-: 1. scs. biti beat, bit beaten”, nizubiti throw down, ubiti kill”, zabić ‘that’s why’, 2. łot.bit'schieben', iter. bidit ‘to push, to push, to push; stopfen- ”, lit. dial. bydyti ‘force¢ to rise, frighten, rush (see Urbutis 1981: 109). SE *b"eiH-‘- to strike’ (LIV 57). Drw. *bai-V: scs., razboi m. 'assault, robbery', uboi m.'murder'; stow.°boji, pol. fight (meaning etym. ‘fighting’). Read [bija:tvei]. 4 Less likely is the inherited character of the skeletal stow. boj-, namely as a continuation of the perfectum pie. *-b*oiH-(- cf. wed. bibhdya-), as it is usually accepted in literature (cf. Vaillant 1966: recently 393) i ESJS 72. 58 | 1000 Years of War 1.3. *biiIII < *b"ih,- SZ-V *bii-: lat. I'd be fine. I was. Referring to the witnessed in the optional words. bimu (1. pl.), bi (2.3. sg.) of the anteconsonant SZ *bi-, it is possible, according to the analytical principle adopted here, to reduce *bii-ado *b'iH-eh.-, and *bi-C to *b"iH-C. If now in the light of the equivalent allomorph *b"uh,-V (cf. lit. buvaii, st. buvu, scs. biveni) we specify the elemental H as h,, then we get *b"ih,-V, i.e. SZ to *b*ieh,-*. This, in connection with the fact of the occurrence of the variation *b'ih,-/*b"- uh, also in Germanic, Celtic and Italian (see LIV 83) leads to the hypothesis that in West Indo-European dialects pwk. *b"ueh,-'to grow, to arise, to become' split by the way of labial disassimilations, b*u > b'i*, into two forms, and that both of them are used in bsl languages. complementary in the paradigm of the verb 'to be, namely in its weak forms. Further, if correct is the hypothesis that in the forms conditionalis stlit. on -biau *-bym', -bei '-byŚ', *-bi *-by (pl. -bime, -bite)" is contained the auxiliary verb *bij-a-, then taking into account the contraction *bijau > -biau (1 sg.), *bijai > -bei (2 sg.) and the apocopy *bija > *-bi (3rd person) we will find in this evidence of the Pralitewsko-Latvian metric of the subject *bija-*. 1.4. *brii-< *briHSZ-V *brii-: ps. *brijetu sę 'goli się < *bri.ie-= *briH-e-; scs. brijetń sū is a younger form; its long and comes from the alignment to inf. bri-C (see above bijetii next to bijeti )”. SZ-C *bri-: scs. briti sū 'to shave' (britva f. 'razor, shaving tool'), sch. arch. briti, brijem, wtórnie brijati. SE *b"reiH-- ‘cut’ (LIV 77). In ps. the meaning has been reduced to 'Cut the beard. 1.5. *gii-I < *g"ih,- SZ-V * gii-: 1. lit. atgijo'relived, recovered' lat. dziju z *gi.ia-< *g'ih.-ch,-, 2. drw. pagijelis m. ‘oszdrowieniec’, 3. lit. prs. infected gyja/gija ‘heals’ from *gi-n-i- (lateral form of gyna from the crossing of older *gina < *g"i-n-H-e and younger gyja). Fear. I'm gonna live. 6 Others assume that the disassembly occurred in the subject *b'u-jei that it was induced by the suffix -į-, > *b'i-ie-, cf. Klingenschmitt (1982: 222, note 72) and LIV 84. In response, it must be said that in relation to the Balto-Slavic languages, the *b'ū-ie model does not work, because here (at least in the primary verb) the combination of the suffix -iez with roots ending in -ūi -i-(< *-uH-, *-iH-) is avoided, cf. for example the lack of fryja to nti'swallow, devour, įlyja to lyti *fall (in the rain)'. 1981. pp. 122. "Nusidétumbiau, biitumbei, tarnóutumbime, sakiótumbime" (in Lithuanian). More precisely about this Smoczyński (2001:51, 224n). There also about earlier attempts to explain lat. bij-V Therefore it is unlikely that brijete is derived from pie. *b"riH-iew LIV 77. As for the sequence -iH-iezob. note in note 6. The laryngeal gap in Baltic-Slavic languages| 59 SZ-C *gi-: 1. lit. atgyti 'to revive, łot.dzit 'health¢', scs. ożiti 'ożyć < *gvih.-C". 2. gydyti 'to cure (meaning etym. 'to make it live, to make it better'), gyvas alive”. 1962) 1919 – G.E.M., American singer (d. Bźoua: 'I will live,' from the coniunct origin. *g'eih.-0Drw. gai-V: 1. lit. gajūs 'easily, quickly healing, recovering,' atgajńs lively. —2. In Slavic, from the antevocal allomorph *gii-, ps. *žij-V (see lit. *gijo), SO gojwas formed: caus. *gojiti bring back to life”, refl. *gojiti sę 'to heal the wound" (cf. above bojati sę). Only from the synchronic point of view gojiti presents itself as drw. Causative to Ziti intr. 'żyć < *gtih.-C". Drw. gai-C: lit. gaiva f. longevity.’ (The fact that there are no Baltic reflexes *gei-V/ *gei-C, excludes the possibility of derivation of gaiod osnowy on SE). 1.6. *gii-II < *g*iHSZ- -V * gii-: lit. gija f. thread in the fabric weft”, lat. knit, yarn of wool. Ha < *gviH-ćh,. Por. Wed. Yiyof. 'arc cuts', gr. him. Brėg m. ‘fat’ (meaning etymologically provided with a cut) < *bi.ió-< *g"iH-ó-. SZ-C *gi-: lit. gysla f. “žyta', serb. Zica f. ‘nothing, dratwa’ < *gika. 1999. pp. 10. "Weed". jya f. 'cutting of the bow' (Mayrhofer EWAIA, 603). 1.7. *glii-< *gliHSZ-V *glii-: ps. *glijf, ros. dial. see 'clay, clay soil, inc. hlej'mul, glina, bir. hlej ‘mute under water” (borrowed in Polish. glej ‘a layer of soil with an ash colour’ (see Sławski SEJP, 282, Bańkowski I 430). SZ-C *gli-: 1. lit. glytūs'smooth, even, flat. glits ‘smooth, nice, tiny, pretty’, 2. słow. ‘Lehm’ clay. SE *gleiH-‘- to cover, to stick together’ (LIV 168): lit. glejū (ob. glieju prt. gliejaii, inf. glićti obok dial. glieti) ‘smarować, wyrównywać smarujac; glue, fill holes with clay, glue, refl. 'to stick to (something), Ignac’. Drw. *glai-V: lit. glajus m. “gas with a viscous consistency” (LKZ). N.B. In the footsteps of the old prs. infigowanym *gli-n-H-é- -> lit. glin, resegmented as glin-h, is neopwk. glin-, por. prt. gliniań, inf. glinti, usually with the pre-verbs ap-, uż-‘oblepié, zalepić (clay)’, see. LKZ. 10 SZtypugy-C lies perhaps in the nominal composition lit. dveigys ‘dwulatek (o koniu)’. This composition can be interpreted as ‘two (years) alive, namely assuming that the -gy-s member is an alternative to the antevocal allomorph *gii-V, pbałt. *giias 'living', which continued pie. nomen *g*ih.- 6-, por. gr. God's life, way of life; means of subsistence, food; zboże”. Zob. also Excursion III. u Note the lack of lit. *gajyti. The Slavic gojiti corresponds to the meaning of lit. treatment (see above). 2 Based on gaivfrom the reanalysis of gaiv-+ -a, vb was then made. gaivinti 'cucić and nomina gaivalas '*żywioł, gaiviimas m.'revival'. 60 | 2015 1.8. *gnii -II < *gniHSZ- -V *gnii-: ps. *gnijetu prs. 'rotten with *gnih -e-. SZ-C *gni-: scs. (sit)gniti '(zygnić < *gnih -C. By alignment *gnijdo inf. gniC was created prs. gnijetit (see above bijetu at biti, brijetu at briti). SE *gneiH-. Not in LIV. As for the pwk type. tooth. wyżej *b"eiHi niżej *leiH-, *peiH-. Drw. *gnai-V: scs. (sit)gnojiti caus. '(z)gnoić * (postvb. scs. gnoi, -ja m.'manure'). Drw. *gnai-C: scs. "gniew, Zorn". As for the suffix cf. lit. gaiva s.v. gii-I 1.9. *kii-< *kvih - SZ-V *kii-: ps. *čijo < *k*ih,-e-- ‘wypoczywam’, prs. do citi. Por. * biję:: biti, * lio :: Jiti, * vijo:: Viti. SZ-C *Ki-: scs. pociti 'to rest (to this new prs. poćijo) < *k*ih,-C. Compare also scs. chilú, sch. Czes, czes. čily ‘sweet, sweet” (meaning etym.'rested'). SE *k*ieh,-'- ausruhen (LIV 352), por. awest. $iiama 'we are happy'. In words. no SE *čaz *ké-< *k*ieh or with *kia-< *k*ioh -". Por. lat. quiétus 'quiet, satisfied; peaceful; "private" < *k*ičh -to-(to stawest. šiiūta-'happy', stpers. šiyatats- .), pf. quieui < *k¥ié-uai (LIV 353). As for the pwk type. por. *g*ieh.s.- v. gii-I. Drw. *and-V: scs. pokojiti 'to calm down, to strengthen, to strengthen, pokojiti zakona fulfill the law, stpol. koji się ‘it ziggs, it cools down’, koji się choroba ‘it gets milder’ (ps. caus. with the etym. meaning ‘cause that it finds peace, cf. Sławski SEJP, 329). From this room m. 'peace, peace as postvb. 1.10. *krii-< *kriHSZ- -V *krii-: 1. łot. krijat (< *kriH-eh,- -) ‘shinden; lining the sleigh with limewood; Winding up yarn on a reel’ (ME, 278), 2. łot. krija f. *linden bark, linden bark, Lindenborke; island, sieve ring, Bastrand eines Siebes, Riegensiebes; basket made of linden bark, Korb aus Lindenborke; lime board, Lindenbrett (ME, 277; to this ‘schinden’ as a younger denom.). SZ-C *kri-: 1. lit. krytis, -ties f. 'a net for catching fish; czerpak na ryby”, with metatonic: krytis, -tiés f. “ice crust” (meaning etym. ‘fish that has separated’). —2. cs. krinii m. or krina f. ‘wooden vessel, cauldron for water’, scs. ocher (about this otherwise ESJS 365: from *(s)kreianitowy). SE *kreiH-, it is from the transformation of pie. *kreh -‘to sift, separate’, por. LIV 327. To the SZ *kriH was created in the Baltic technique vrddhi new SP *kreiH-, stad lit. dial. Historically speaking, it is therefore a derivative of prs. on -£f-, not on -ii-, as in Vaillant (1966: 417). As for the development of meaning, see. Sławski SEJP, 304, ESJS 182. Unless we associate with this element wtraz ćaš ‘time’, assuming the construction ¢a-s» and the etymological meaning ‘break, moment of rest (?). ESJS 98 s. v. ćaš does not take such affiliation into account. Derived from prs. on -ii-, not -ii-(inf. -i-), as in Vaillant (1966: 417). Zob. above gojiti, gnojiti and below *krojiti, *lojiti, pojiti. LARYNGIAL HIATUS IN BALTO-SLAVIC LANGUAGES| 61 kreju (kriejań, krieti) 'to collect from the surface; łowić w płynie”, lat. kreju (kreju, kriet/ krićt) collect the cream of the surface of milk”. z Drw. krai-V: 1. lit. nomen krajus m. 'boki sita, rzeszota; obręcz”. —2. ps. *cut, half. kroić 'to separate, using a sharp tool', ros. króń, kroitb 'to sift the grain', pl. krojim, krojiti ‘tupac, drzeć’, scs. okrojenije n. ‘circumcision’. SW to krojwidać in scs. krai, -ja m. ‘shore, edge’. Drw. krai-C: lat. kraistit rahmen, schmanden, the cream, the cream from the milk schopfen’, iiberhaupt 'to scoop off from above; make superficial” (ME, 256), lit. kraitis m. ‘kosz, krobia’. 1.11. *lii-I < *liHSZ-V *lii-: 1. total. lija prt. 'it rained', lit. joined prt. It started to rain for good < *l.ia- < *liH-eh,-, 2. lit. prs. infigowane ryja/lija ‘pada deszcz’ < *li-n-i-* (lateral form of lyna from the intersection of *lina < *li-n-H-e and Zyja), 3. nomina: lijjmas m. ‘raining rain’, lijingas dial. ‘rainy, sweet’, lijundra f. ‘głódź (time when the rain falls and freezes)’. WSZ-V * Li: lit. pałyjćti 'rain (a short-term rain)" = *lij-c-'8. SZ-C *li-: lit. sex *(about rain) to fall, to pour” lot. = lit (to this prs. list); lit. melting caus. ‘keep the na rain wet’. SE *leigh- ‘gieBen’ (LIV lit. 363): leu, cast ‘lac, pour out, lot. down, melt (nowe caus. lit. liediti caus. 'make it pour, pour out, overflow). Drw. lai-V: lit. Atlas or f. Atlasis m. ‘casting, millstone, place shallow w lake”, atlajus m. ts., uZuolaja f. ‘zalewisko nadrzeczne’. Drw. lai-C: lit. watering iter. ‘polewaé, water; Shed tears””. N.B. Fear. Attentio on jlajai m.pl. ‘clay for do sealing holes”, laitas m. klepisko gliniane” na end of part I. 1.12. *Iii-II < *liHSZ-V *lii-: ps. 1. *Her breasts. ‘lej¢’, rose. ju with the z lot. dial. line ‘pada deszcz’ (Endzelin 1922: $609), z *li.ie- < *liH-ė-, 2. ps. *living up z *IiH-ćh* -, co is implied by the presence of SW lijati (por. Higher lats. lija). "7 Ambiguous formation na SO: or causativum do *crinoti sę ‘detach, disconnect, leave behind (it is built by old prs. na infected *krinQ < *kri-n-H-¢-), or iterative do ps. *create* (por. lot. Creon). The lengthening of the laryngeal-conditioned declination degree -ii-W -ii also occurs in pavyjéti (see *uii-I). The corresponding -uu- = -ūųw papjiivćti (s.v. * piuu-) and pasiiivéti (s.v. *siuu-). The vowel i is before our secondary treated the same as before other consonants regardless of whether i i to na są to resonanty, por. pagynéti, pamynéti, patrynćti, pakylėti, czy obstruenty, por. ‘pabrydėti (brid- <=bred-), paskrydćti, paslydéti ( *slid- = *sleid-), pakrypéti (*crypto- =refer-), referring, referri- <= ng to (*refer-), referring to (*litleit-), <= show example (*vizdveizd-) <= (* above) <=vež-). Details u Otrębski (1965: $616nn.), although it should be noted that the primary outlines of these duratives indicated by the author sometimes leave something to be desired, cf. do Krypsta dla *krypćii, liécia dla "touching, sliding dla *słydćti. Acute modeled by na main lieti, for polarization with respect to laistyti ‘mazaé, to lubricate, to sprinkle with wet clay” (/ćisti). 62 | WOJCIECH SMOCZYŃSKI WSZ-V * Lii-: scs. lijati 'casting, pouring *, secondary intens. na -vati: izlivati 'leaving out'. SZ-C *li-: scs. liti, sch. [iti (se), dial. IJżti, stpol.°li¢ ‘lac’. 1963) 1933 – Leigh Whannell, American actress (d. lćjo ‘lej¢’ < *leiH-ie-(- see also above *lii-I). Drw. * lai-V: ps. *lojiti iter. 'pour, pour out, from this scs. loji, -a m. 'lój', sti. Oh, hey, hey, hey, hey. I'm a postvb. (meaning etym. 'liquid, funnel fat'). Lack of words. SO *Ie-C. 1.13. *mii-< *miHSZ-V *mii-: lat. miju prt. do mit 'changes- ', exchange, < *mi.ja-< *miH-eh.-. WSZ-V *mii-: words. mijati 'to pass by (about time)" —assumes prs. prymarne *mijo (sę) ‘I am changing- ’? SZ-C *mi-: 1. lot. with ‘exchange’, refl. mitićs ‘exchanging with each other, alternating, changing, changing themselves'; iter. mistit ‘Ofters tauschen” < *mi-sti-. —2. scs. minoti 'to pass away (about time)'. SE *meiH-. LIV 383 lists only anitic *mei-‘wechseln; tauschen, andern' (cf. vi mayante 3 pl. 'change'). In Latvian prs. *meju*' replaced by miju by alignment to prt. Miyu. Drw. *may-C: 1. lit. atmaina f. change”, mainai pl. ‘variation of the moon’*, 2. scs. mena f. exchange. 1.14. *nii-< *niHSZ-V *nii-: lat. niju prt. do nit, nit < *ni.ja-< *niH-eh.-. SZ-C *ni-: lat. nit, nit make a circular motion, svistu nit beat the cream into butter”. SE *neiH-'to celebrate, to lead', por. wed. nyati ‘to lead’, het. néanzi 3pl. ‘kerują (powożą), send” (LIV 406). In Latvian prs. *neju was replaced by niju due to alignment to prt. niju. In LIV there is no mention of vb. lot. 1.15. *pii-I < *pih.- SZ-V *pii-: scs. 5th prs. 'pije' < *pih.-e-(allomorph *pih,z metatezy *ph.i-), por. ros. poju, pojeśb (inf. pity), pojdnyj, ukr. pju (inf. pyty)”. WSZ-V *pii-: scs. upijati sū 'to get drunk (secondary intens. on -vati: opivati sū ts.**, to which pivo n. 'beverage as postvb.). 2 It is worth investigating whether lijati can not be a reflex of ps. *Iij-€-, i.e. a formation parallel to lit. palyćri, see. Higher. u Por. łot. Meju do miet wbijać pal, pale’. * The absence of the acute is evidence that these nomina were derived from SZ-V *mii-, and not from SE-C *mei-. LIV 383 gives only anitic *mej-‘wechseln; tauschen, andern’. Otherwise Stang (1942: 46), who (incorrectly) operates with the anitic element *pei-. Por. sc. posmivati sę obok starszego posmijati sę naśmiewać się”. The secondary suffix -vati comes from the re-segmentation that occurred in the type oplivati scs. 'spit = opli-vati (according to pli-noti'spit'), pocivati *rest = poci-vati (according to *poci-noti'rest'). LARNGAL HIATUS IN BALTO-SLAVIC LANGUAGES| 63 SZ-C *pi-: scs. piti ‘pic’. 1995) 2000 – Pee-wee- 's Big Adventure (ep. the notation *peh.(i)-‘- trinken’ in LIV 417). Drw. *pai-V: words. to water the cauus. 'dat pić, napoić* (postvb. napoji, -a m. 'napój, cf. above loji 'łój). 1.16. *pii-II < *piHSZ-V *pii-: 1. lit. They're drinking. do pyti (see below), 2. prs. infigowane pija ‘collects milk’ < *pi-n-i-*, from *pi.ie-< *piH-ć-. SZ-C *pi-: 1. lit. pyti 'collect milk (about cow's udder)', iSpyti rozmoknąć (about ground, road); pydyti caus. "to massage the udder before milking, so that milk would flow into it", 2. ps. *pitu'sized, saturated" < *piH-tó-, which gave the basis for vb. denom. scs. piteti sū 'to feed, to nourish" (from this caus. pitati 'to feed, to nourish, to feed; to raise) and sb. scs. pista f. ‘pokarm- ’, sch. drinks, stpol. pica”. SE *peiH-‘anschwellen’ (LIV 419), por. wed. póyate ‘tryska (o mleku)’. The allomorph on SO may be stuck in lit. pienas m. ‘mleko’ < *paina-< *poiH-no-- (zob. siena s.v. siiII). Lack in lit. SO *paiod pij-. 1.17. *prii-< *priHSZ- -V *prii-: słow. *prijo 'to show friendship, favour' —implied by the presence of the iterative on SW prijati 'to favor someone, to be favourable to someone- '*. Reconstruction of *pri.ie-< *priH-ć-. Por. Wed. priyd-‘mily, desirable; swój, do swoich zaliczany (next to prs. prinati 'is pleased with something, is satisfied; enjoys something < *pri-nć-H- -ti (Mayrhofer EWAIA,, 189). Compare the corresponding SZ to *b*eiH-, *leiH-, *ueiH-. SZ-C *pri-: in bsł. Uncertified. Por. Wed. pritd-‘friendly” < *priHtó-, pritif. 'joy, contentment' < *priH-ti-(- Mayrhofer EWAIA,, 181). SE *preiH-‘- to rejoice, to show love’ (LIV 441): prs. cs. Prejo, stczes. prey (Trautmann 1923: 231). In the Baltic there is Latvian. pricks *radość (ME, 393) < *prei-ka-. As for the construction of por. lat. spūks “sieve, power; mnóstwo”, lit. spėkas “sita, moc” (do spėju, spėti *mieć wolny czas”, suspėti 'zdążyć < *speh,-) and scs. znakii ‘Kennzeichen’ < *żnó-ka- (do znajo, znati = *gneh.-‘- to know’). 25, Derivate from prs. on -ii-, not -ii-(inf. -i-), as in Vaillant (1966: 417). Zob. - I'm not sure. * The reconstruction of pyja as *piH-ićw LIV 419/is doubtful. With regular continuation of the given praform we would have to obtain acute fpyja. Such a form would be quite irregular, because Baltic does not combine the suffix -ie/oz with the base to *-iH-, cf. note 6. =. __ The affiliation of ps. *pirb, scs. pirs 'a feast, a meal'; It could just as well belong to scs. piti ‘pic’. * Given the fact that prijati is no different from iterative as scs. lijati <= *Ij-(s.v. *lii-II) and lit. pałyjćti <= *Kj-(s.v. *lii-I), słow. Passing the lot. miju (s.v. *mii-), scs. upijati sę wobec pijetń (v.v. *pii-I) does not see the need to take after Vaillant (1966: 293) borrowing from goc. frijón '*to be friendly'. 70 | WOJCIECH SMOCZYŃSKI (prs. dijem) ‘duften, wehen' < ps. *dyti < *d"uh,-C, por. type scs. kryti, kryję (s.v. *kruu-), tryti, tryjo (s.v. *truu-); secondly in the isolated noun lit. diilis, -io m. 'porosity used in bee-kill,' from adi. *dilas < *d'uh.-ló- -* (formation parallel to diimai pl. ‘dym’ < *d'uh,-mó-, see LIV 131). 2.9. *griuuzam. *gruu-< *g'ruHSZ-V * griuu-: 1. lit. griūvo 'runąć', prt. do griūti, replaced by *gruv-a-< *g'ruH-eh.-, from r” according to SE (see), 2. prs. infigowane griūva ‘wali się: < *griu-n-u- -, zam. *gru-n-u-; even older *gruna < *g"ru-n-- H-, cf. war. griūna), 3. sb. gr(i)uvésiai m. pl. ‘ruins’. SZ-C *griu-: lit. griūti to fall down, to fall, to collapse (subst. *griiti). SE *g"reHu-- 'stiirzen, losstiirzen' (LIV 182) = *g"reuH-, pbałt. *griau-: bed. griduti, gridunu, grióviau 'to overturn and overthrow, to overthrow, to tear down'. 2.10. *guu-< *guHSZ-V *guu-: 1. łot. guvu 'I caught' prt. to gir, from *gu.ua-< *guH-eh.-, 2. in lit. no prt. *guvań, is instead nomen guvis ‘efficient, agile; Vibrant, fast like a spark. SZ-C *gu-: lat. git 'to grab, catch, get (prs. gūnu a. giistu**), iter. captured. SE *geuH-'erlangen (LIV 167): lit. gauti 'to get, to receive' replaced *giau-. Accent equalized to the form SZ, where prs. gaunu must also be reckoned with the influence of the old infixed formation *gunu < *gu-n-H-- ć-(similarly in the case of šaunu next to inf. *śiauti, see s.v. *Suu-). 2.11. *kliuuzam. *kluu-< *kluHSZ- -V *kliuu-: 1. lit. got prt. to the obstacle. Instead of *kluv-a-< *kluH-eh -, z! According to SE, 2. prs. infigowane kliūva ‘falls where, into what; zawadza” < *kliu-n-u-, zam. *klu-nu-(- even older *kluna < *klu-n-H-, cf. war. kliūna). SZ-C *kliū-: lit. kliūti get; zawadzać”. SE *kleuH-, pbałt. *kliau-: lit. klidutis (klińujuosi, klióviausi) 'to connect, to engage, to engage with someone; trust whom’. 2.12. *kniuuzam. *knuu-< *knuHSZ- -V *kniuu-, zob. WSZ-V. WSZ-V *kniiiu-: lit. kniiivynes f.pl. "bojka" (meaning etymologically "szarpanina"). The secondary variant knyvynes 'quarrel, disagreement. Accent modeled on SE (see). SZ-C *kni-: lat. knūdu a. kniistu, kniidu, kniist'swędzieć, ada knud'skin itches. Topic on -duogólniony with prs. *kni-da < *knuH-d'- e-, signif. etym. It's scratching. Next to this shortvocal knud "itch, knudét, so far unexplained. 52 Por. note about piiliai s.v. *puy-. 3 It is not possible to exclude the analysis of *gun-stu, it is from the renewal of *gunu < *gu-n-H-e. 71 SE *kneuH-‘- to scratch’ (LIV 326, gr. xvów ‘drapi¢’), pbalt. *kniau-: bed. knidutis, knidujuosi, knióviausi ‘to fight, to jerk off with someone- ”, atsikniduti “(a scabies on a wound) to separate, to stand back. More widespread is kniausiu 'to dig in what, to dig, to overturn; Looking for what”, refl. 'to dig (digging in the earth, straw)", once belonging "to inf. *kniau-sćti. 2.13. *kruu-I < *kruHSZ- -V *kruu-: 1. ps. *kruvenu ‘covered’, scs. nepokrivenii ‘niepokrytyTM < *kru.ue.- no- < *kruH-eno-; scs. pokrivati ‘to cover, to cover up < *kruH-eh- ,-, 2. łot. grova ‘kupa (malkas grova ‘kupa drewna); hills, rise” (var. kruva, with r transferred from SE, see below), 3. the affiliation of lat is uncertain. kruvesis m., which in addition to 'der Hocker' (see above kruva) also means 'hartgefronerer Kot auf dem Wege, Felde', cf. ME, 291 (here comparison with Greek xgóoc 'frost', xpdorahhog 16d’). 1st ed. pp. 5. cover the ether. "cover, cover, 2. lit. krūva f. pile (of stones, wood, straw, manure); crowd of people” (Den. kruvyti or kriivóti, kriivkoti *‘to pile up’). SZ-C *kri-: 1. scs. kryti, kryjo 'cover (parallel s.v. *truu-), 2. lit. krūnis, -ies f. ‘kupa, stos kamieni. "KreuH-: lat. kraut, kraūju 'to assemble, to gather, to load < *kriau-C. Secondary accent krw lit. krauti'składać, nakładać is a consequence of disassimilation occurred in the form of prs. : *kriduju > krduju (see móuju instead of *mjauju and note 56). Drw. *krau-V: lit. pérkravinéti ‘to load, overload (carriage), kravis ‘comfy, large” (about a carriage, barn), kravažai m. pl. ‘things carried during a move, loads’). lot. cow f. kupa. —From the Slavic lt. scs. krovii m. ‘roof, cover; the shield; a tent, a hut; covered place”, scs. pokrovii m. 'cover, roof; ochrona, obrona’. 2.14. *kruu-II < *kruHSZ- -V *kruu-: pbsł. *kruuina- -< *kruh,-V, por. 1. lit. krūvinas 'bloody, bleeding', 2. słow. Kriivinii sanguinis; spokrewniony” (relative- ), 3. scs. krińvi, -ve f. ‘blood’, ros. krovv, of ancient origin acc. s.g. do kry, < *kru.uin < *kruh,-m. SZ-C *kru-: stpol. Come on, shit. krf, sch. dial. kr? f. blood” < pbsł. *krus. Por. awest. xrū- ‘raw, bloody meat’, xriira- ‘bloody; cruel" (Latin: crūdus 'harsh'). SP *krćuh,-- s-, por. wed. cow-sn. ‘bleeding meat’, gr. him. xpæag ts. < *krćua-s- -. In the languages bsł. There is no trace of *kriau-C. The antevocal allomorph *kria can be found in Lat. kreve f. 'blood clot, pus on the wound', from *krave. Drw. krevains ‘strupiasty’, krevelains ts. Drw. *krau-C: lit. kraūjas m. *blood (also kraujai as pl. tantum) is ambiguous. First, kraumoże be SO to *kruu-. Because such derivatives usually show the suffix bsł. -a-/-a-*, and not -ia-, so krau-jam could be a second-degree dercitizen Cf. also prikrivenije n. 'cover, covering- ', siikriiveno adv. 'skrycie, tajnie'. > Por.lot. cow, scs. krovk s.v. *kruu-I. 12 | WOJCIECH SMOCZYŃSKI from some *kravas or *krava. Secondly, it can crawl in place of *kriau-, which before the suffix -iastracilo root segment and disassimilation path, like vb. blood < *kriauju (compare with Latin blood, zob. *kruu-I)**. Then we would have an outline for SE. The absence of acute makes us come from the antevocal allomorph, *kreuh -V-> *kriavas, *kriava. Also in this case the formation on -i would be only a secondary derivation”. 2.15. *kuu-I < *kuHSZ-V *kuu-: scs. kiivafi 'nodding < *kuH-eh,-. WSZ-V *kuu-: scs. kyvati *nodding my head”, ros. kivdtb*. SZ-C *kū-: 1. scs. (po)kynoti 'to tilt, to shake the head,' kyzni, -i f. deceit, machinations,' 2. lit. kūjis m. "młot kowalski- ", cs. kyji m. ‘foot, hammer. 306) 1996 – "S.O.S." (feat. kovo, kovati *kuć, to strike with a hammer ”*. In the Baltic generalized *kaukosztem *kiau-in the aftermath of the disassembly and in the formation of prs. *kiau-i0": lit. kduti, prs. kauju/kaunu, prt. Kóviau (daw. kavaii), 'uderzać, bić, kuć, łot. kańt, prs. shark/shark, prt kdvu/kavu*'. 2.16. *kuų-II < *kuh - SZ-V *kuu-: ps. *kuuenu 'odczuwany < *kuh,-V*. It was according to SE čuti 'to feel; słyszeć replaced by *ćivenu, cf. cs. More calm, sir. ćvenije (Vaillant 1966: 288); later renewed as *ćuvenu, cf. sch. ćhven ‘known, recognized’. —In Baltic, the equivalent is the verbal subject stlit. kuv-ē-(or SW kūv-ē-) refl avoiding (sin), avoiding (loss), avoiding (people), written <nusikuweti>, 3 pers. prs. <kuwisi>- *, with the exception that the relationship between Slavic and Lithuanian meanings remains difficult to explain. SZ-C *kii-(no reflexes- ). SE *(s)keuh -‘to perceive, to look’ (LIV 507): scs. čujo, čuti 'feel, perceive < *kiu-C. 56 Paralele: rezultatas ‘nowy’ from *niau-ias < pie. *neu-io-s (compare with Greek ionic veiog, Goth niujis, Wed. nóvya-, see Smoczyński 2001: 122, 162); brdujuos s.v. *bruu-II, móuju s.v. * muu-. On the assumption of the original suf. *-iolaryngeal would be in an anteconsonant position, and this would have to lead to an acute reflex: *kraujas < *krouh,-- joor *kraujas < *kreuh,-io-. Fear. above see. kravis and gr. xp(r Jas. % Por. Vaillant (1966: 284), where also a formal comparison with stlit. cold. The latter is in my opinion closer to *kuu-II, see. Lower. 57 % Refleksov is the result of the Pre-Slavic change of *eu into *ou. As a result, in the apophonic range SE merges with SO. See below the etymological forms on SE: plovo s.v. * pluu-, rovg s.v. *ruu-11, snovo s.v. *snuu-, trovQ s.v. *truu-, zovo s.v. Zhuo-I. so Por. lit. krauti wobec tot. kraūt (s.v. *kruu-I). 6 LIV 308 plays pwk. in the form *keh,u-'schlagen, spalten’, and assigns scs. kovg structure *koh,u-(from origin prs. reduplicated to SO: *ké-koh,- u-). According to the same dictionary has a lit. I want to be a secondary prs. na -ie-z vocalizmem pwk. o: *koh,u-ie- -. I doubt it. 2 Por. wed. dkuvdte 'intents, conceives something. 8 Zob. documentation from Punktay sakimu Szyrwida (1644) in Smoczyński (1989: 50). The Laryngeal Hiatus in Baltic-Slavic Languages| 73 Zob. *shot-* 2.17. *liuuzam. *luu-< *luHSZ-V *liuu-, zob. WSZ-V. WSZ-V *liuu-: lit. liūvis m. 'the cessation of something, the breaking with something'. Por. gr. him. The word 'uwalniam' < *lu.uó < *luH-ć-. SZ-C *lu-< *luH-. Probably belongs here as deverbal sb. *lii-ka-, ps. *lyko n. ‘linden tree’, sch. ko, ros. - Yeah. - Yeah. - Yeah. Lyko, Paul. fyko*, o znacz. etym. ‘what has been separated, has been separated'*. (N.B. Lit. has a different genesis. linkas ‘to touch’, lat. liks. This is a postvb. of the verb *lūnku (*likau, *likti) 'to tear a mouthful', made from sb. *like-'like- '5). SE *leuH-‘abschneiden, lösen’ (LIV 374, wed. lundti ‘ucina’), pbałt. *liau-: lit. liautis (liujasi, liovėsi) ‘to refrain, to stop; znosić, znieść”, lat. lańtićs *stop, lait allow, allow *. 2.18. *mluu-< *mluh,- SZ-V *mluu-: scs. mliva f. 'bustle, noise; confusion, anxiety, unrest” < *mlu.ua-< *mluh,-eh,-(compare wed. bruvdnti 3 pl. prs. ‘mewing’, ptc. prs. bruvdnt- -< *mluh,-ćnt-‘speaking’); without mlūvy adv. ‘calmly, quietly’, mlivinii ‘noisy, noisy, restless- ’. —From mlūva urobiono vb. denom. scs. mlivljo, -iti make noise, make confusion, initiate disturbances, stir up *, in other ‘mévic’ languages: stczes. speak, half. speak (now and dial. speak), ros. molvitv. SZ-C *mlu-. Maybe it's in the words. mlynii m. ‘mole’ < *mli-no-(- assumed meaning. etym. 'noise, loud sound of stones rubbing against each other). Lack of words. "M.J.M.E- ." *mliau-C < *mleuh,-" (cf. awest. mraomi "I say, I say", wed. braviti'says')'. The antevocal allomorph would be ps. *mlov-*, por. rove, r(j)uti, trove, trout. 8... Codobudowy por. sc. rykii *ryk' s.v. *ruu-II. % Cf. Lithuanian names of the lick: móukna <= maukti i. a. 'to tear off the skin, bark', kama «= kėrti 'to stand back, to detach', plaisa or plaiSas <= plyšti *to tear off, to crack'. % Cited in the circle equalization lit. Some of the words. łyko (see e.g. Trautmann 1923: 163) are opposed to the vowel rights: neither the Slavic knows įlokū, nor the Lithuanian fliikas in the meaning of 'lyko'. 8 Without Baltic material. This is found in LIV s.v. *leh, at p. 358. % Problemic so far lit. liūtas ‘lion’ may have the base liū-, which was abstracted from prs. intr. *liūva a. *liūna ‘liūna’; breaks itself” < *liu-n-u-. Independent of this is adi. liūtas ‘wild’, borrowed from rus. ljutyj (see Fraenkel LEW 382). % Codo of formation cf. e.g. lit. krūvija, -yti'putting on a pile” «= sb. krūva ‘stack, pile’. 0 Por.scs.- bljujo do *bhleuH-, spiten do *(s)pieuH. 1 ESJS 485 gives in the first place the reconstruction of pie. *melu(H)-, which does not seem appropriate, because (1) in Slavic there is no SZ *mulu-< *m]u(H)-, (2) the itv sequence in mliiva allows only the deduction from SZ ending in *uH-(ESJS does not mention the connection (u)v with the laryngeal hiatus). 2 SW *mlav(iti), parallel to plaviti <= plovo, traviti <= trovp, could have given postvb. *mlava, visible in pol. n.a. "Mława (por. trawy z trawy)". 74 | WOJCIECH SMOCZYŃSKI 2.19. *muu-I < *muHSZ-V *muu-: 1. scs. neomiivenii ‘unwashed’ < *mu.ue.no-< *muH-eno-; omiivenije n. ‘obmycie’; stress. movi f. łaźnia < *muvi (Vaillant 1966: 282), 2. łot. *muvu ‘plynatem’, prt. to the chest. dial. myunu (*mi-nu)*. WSZ-V *miiu-: scs. omyvati 'to wash, to wash’. SZ-C *mu-: 1. scs. izmyti sū 'to wash', umyti 'to wash', sch. Myths, cheers. myti, 2. stpr. aumiisnan ‘Abwaschung’ (from *aumiit 'to wash, wash over'), 3. lat. dial. myustūs next to myunu *I swim”, 4. miiddt ‘swimming, midatiés ‘swimming, bathing’, midinot ‘swimming (horses in the river)’. SE *meuH-: in lit.-lat. instead of *miau-(see below type lit. pjauti) it was established *mau-: lat. mańt, mauju/maunu”*, mavu ‘diving, floating, caus. mauddt 'to swim', lit. móudyti kąpać kogo” (here there is no vb. prymarny). 2.20. *muu-II zam. *miuu-< *miuh - a ATA ~ 1 SZ-V *muu-, see WSZ-V. WSZ-V *miiu-: lit. mūvėti ‘to wear something put on, knitted (clothing, ring), to be undressed, dressed (3 pers. prs. mūvėti)”. SZ-C *mi-: 1. lit. miistytis "waving, twisting, moving, behaving restlessly; nod your head; oppose, be disobedient (intens. na -sty-; to this war. miistyti(- s), LKŻ), 2. nomina: mii-kla 'loop, trap for catching birds', miiklas 'a horsehair loop attached to a rod, used for catching pike' (LKŻ); maybe also miiksnis m. łyk, haust' (Three miiksniais išgėrė a quarter of a milk, LKŻ), or if with *mi-snis- ”. Until now, the degree of decay miiC has not been mentioned in connection with mduti, see. Trautmann (1923: 172), Pokorny IEW 743, Fraenkel LEW 421, Rasmussen 1989: 115nn., LIV 402. SE *mieuh, -'(moving- )' (LIV 402”). Baltic SE *miauuległ in formation prs. *miau-io change by dissimiliation and, therefore, lit. mduju, not *mjauju- ”. Hence, the non-palatal accent m was extended to the whole paradigm (including the SZ-C letter mii-). Por. lit. mduti, móuju/móunu, móviau 'insert (ring, hat), put in (pants); Insert and remove, lot. maiit, mauju/maunu*”, mavu 'ubrać; put on the harness- ”. 3 Tak Endzelin (1922: $612). Zob. Higher lats. guvu 'I caught' to the giłn, gūt. The presence of the present participle -nu makes us reckon with the influence of the form of the defunct prs. infigowanego *munū ‘odziewam się” < *mu-n-Hć- -. Compare the hypothesis about prs. *unū 'I'm wearing shoes' s.v. *uu-. It could be prs. intr. *mi-du ‘I dive’ < *muH-d'e- -‘why madud-yti as causativum and lat. maud-dt is an iterative on SO. Zob. below lit. piźdyti ‘doprowadzac do gnicia’, peeing ptc. prs. 'gnijący’ «= *pūda ‘gnije’ (inf. pilti). If so, then ps. *soap ‘Seife’ allows analysis of *mud-laiw consequence separation from wed. miitra-, stawest. mii 9ra n. "urine, urine' < *muH-tro-. 75 % Por.typsiūvėti s.v. *Siuu-. 7 Insert as in alksnis, duksnas, stpr. lauxnos. "5 Por. wed. mivati ‘to slide, to push’ < *miH u-e-, it is from the metathesis Irg. w SZ *miuH,-, see Eichner (1988: 135). "* Parallels in 56. 80 The presence of the present participle -nu makes us count with the influence of the form of the old prs. The infixed *munū < *mu-n-H-. The Laryngeal Hiatus in Baltic-Slavic Languages| 75 2.21. *piuu-< *piuh,- SZ-V *piuu-: lit. pjuvenos f. pl. ‘trociny’ < *piu.ue.na-*' < *piuh,-en- -. WSZ-V *piiiu-: lit. papjiivćti 'to desire for a time' (cf. pasiiivćti s.v. *siuu-); nomina: lit. pjitvenos f. pl. ‘drzazgi; sickle blade”, pjūvis m. 'cutting, sawing; and grain with its leaves. SZ-C *pii-: lit. pjūdyti'- szczuć; judzić, podżegać*, sb. saw m. ‘pita’. SE *pieuh,-: lit. pjauti, pjaunu 'cut, saw (intens. pjautyti- ), lat. pleasure 'kosić; zbierać plon” (intens. płaństit- ). 2.22. *pluu-< *pluHSZ- -V *pluu-: 1. lit. float, prt. 2nd edn., pp. 2. infixed pluva < *plu-n-u-(- war. plina suggests older *plūna < *plu-n-H-), 3. pluvéti, pliva ‘to be submerged, to sink in something; wander, “pluvćnti ‘pomatu run, flow *. —In the Slavic por. ps. *plivćti, stczes. plvéti, plvu 'flow, melt, dissolve; topic się (o wosku)”, plvńci'melting, melting', stpol. plwieč 'to sway, to waver' (transitive use), spłwiących gen. pl. “fluctuantium’; ps. *ob-pldv-- itu ‘floating in what’ (calca latin. abundans), stpol. opłwity ‘obfity’. WSZ-V *pliiu-: scs. “plyvati 'to swim'”. The relation kyvati = kiwati (see *kuu-I) raises the question whether it is not necessary to establish the base *pluvati, which coexisted with *plivćti (see. above). SZ-C *plural: 1. lit. pliiti (prs. pliinu/plivu, prt. pluvań) 'to be overflowing, to melt away, to be under water, to be in water'; flooding with tears; to abound; sb. pliitis m. *flooding in the net” (LKZ). —2. ps. *plyti 'to flow, sch. plates, stpol. swim, prt. pho “(of the fluid) to pour, to flow; let down like rain” (SSTP,, 178), to this ps. *plynoti as imperfectivum. SP *pleuH-*: scs. plovg, pluti, stczes. plovu, plūti 'to swim, cf. set rovo, ruti, trovQ, truti. N.B. In this family there are anitic forms such as (1) łot. pluts, gen. pluta ‘tratwa’, (2) scs. plutu ‘tratwa’, ros. plot, plota (*plu-to-), stpol. płet, płtu m., stczes. plet, plti f. (*plu-ti-) ts., (3) scs. plūnije n.'stream, stream of water, spring' (*plu-n-) can be left in connection with the short *plustarego prs. *plune-< *plu-n-H-- ć-(see above). 2.23. *puu-I < *puHSZ-V *puu-: 1. lit. (su)puvo, prt. 2nd ed., pp. 2. infigowane pigva/piiva < *pu-n-u-(- replaced *puna < *pu-n-H-, cf. pina), 3. p. Apparently instead of *piuuana- -< *piuh,-en- -ch,. Por. scs. zabuvenii s.v. *buu-. #2 Next to this pjudyti ts. The striking vocalism and can be explained by the assumption of the neo-element pju-, which was abstracted from the old prs. *pjuni < *piu-n-h,-- ć. See note about spjudóti s.v. *(s)piuy-. s Para. sruvéti, srūva Next to sruvénti 'flowing, flowing in a small stream'. * LIV 438 reconstructs only *pleu-'schwimmen, schweben” and does not take into account the above cited material, which strongly speaks for the set character of the element. 76 | WOJCIECH SMOCZYŃSKI nomina: puvenos f. pl. ‘rotting, rotten objects’, išpuvimas m. ‘rotting, rottingness, supuvimas m. ‘rotting, rotting’”, sémpuva ‘rotten object’, lat. puvesi m. pl. ‘ropa, Eiter'. WSZ *piiu-: lit. išpūvėti *zgnić do reszty’ (LKŻ), piivažirniai m. pl. powalony gnijący pech’ (LKŻ). SZ-C *pu-: 1. lit. puff (pitsta), łot. pit (pustu) *gnić', 2. putrefy caus. putty, putty, pitdamas ptc. prs. ‘gnijacy’ <= *pida ‘gnije’ < *puH-de-, 3. pūliai m. pl. ‘oil, eiter’ (drv. from adj. *pu-la-‘zgnily’), 4. piitra ‘what is rotten: a physically weak being’”. SE *peuH-‘faulen’ (LIV 432), pbałt. *piau-C. Nomination only: 1. lit. pjdulas m. 'rotted or rotten wood', pjaulai m. pl. 'porosity for smoking bees', 2. łot. prańls m. “a modern or decayed stick of wood; contemptible name for an old man’, z dysymilacji *plauls, to z *piaulas (see ME, 379)%. 2.24. *puu-II < *puHSZ-V *puu-: scs. "Upivati 'trust, believe'", ros. upovóte, ukr. upovóty, sh. iipati, sch. Trust me, cheers. Doufati, stpol. sing, overswing and trust. This verb can be denom. from the extinct adjective *pūvū < *puH-e/oo meaning ‘trustworthy, reliable *%. If this adjective meaning developed from the older 'clean'*, then we have here a derivative of the root *peuH-/*puH- -, cf. wed. punati 'cleans', pdvate 'becomes clean. LIV 432 makes no mention of upiivafi in this connection. 2.25. *ruu-I < *ruHSZ-V *ruu-: cs. ruvati 'to tear, to break < *ru.ua-< *ruH-eh -, scs. rūvatva f. ‘tearing, tearing’, viizdriivanije n. ‘picking up, uprooting’, rūvenikii m. pit, pit with water” (assumes ptc. *ruvenu 'to be torn')*. WSZ-V *riiu-: words. *yvati iter. (pol. tear off, tear off). "S.K.I.E.L- .D. - S.K.I.E.L.- D. - S.K.I.E.L.- D.". Nomen stpol. rywocina f. ‘urwisko, abruptum” (SSTP,,, 65). SZ-C *ru-: 1. scs. ryti, ryjo 'digging, digging', izdryti 'digging' (parallel s.v. *kruu-, *truu-); sch. rilo 'ryj; usta”, 2. lit. rūtis, -tićs f. jama, cellar” (secondary form in place of *riitis?). SE *reuH-: pbałt. *riawas replaced by *rusas a result of disassimilation occurred in the form of prs. *riau-ió, hence: lit. rauti, rńuju/rńunu (prt. róviau) 'to tear, to tear off (with the root)", lat. rat, raūju/raūnu (prt. rdvu). Intense. lit. burn. Drw. rau-V: 1. scs rovii m. ‘row’, p(r)érovii m. ‘jama, pieczara- ’, 2. stlit. ravalas ‘chwast’ (Dauksza- ), lit. rava f. ‘rwanie; pora rwania Inu’, išravos f. pl. ‘grassy lawn’, ravis ‘easily to ruff. 5 Lit. pavalas 'inverted, rotting tree' (LKŻ), which at first glance looks like an apophonic drw. na -alas from puv-, is basically a borrowing from pol. pował 'a tree of powel' (cf. to fall). Noun type stpol. pwa 'trust, confidence' < * pūva is probably not primary, but postvb. to pwać. For this abstractum was created adi. *beer, half. pewny ‘sicher’, czes. skc. solid "strong. ¥ Por. pol. common he is clean, i.e. unarmed, harmless” = ‘not raising suspicion’ (hence the step to *‘raising confidence’). s It is not known whether lithium belongs here. riuv-(zam. *ruv-?) wįsiriuvėti 'to get used to' (LKŻ). The difficulty of meaning. The Laryngeal Hiatus in Baltic-Slavic Languages| 77 2.26. *ruu-II < *h.ruHSZ-V' *ruu-: ps. *ruvati iter. 'ryczeć < *ru.ua-< *h.ruH-eh,-(por. Wed. ruvati ryczy ). SZ-V* *riuu-(*ris alignment to SE-C, see below): 1. ps. *rjivati > *rjivati iter. 'Screaming in St. Paul. Scream, hey. ?vdti ‘to roar, to scream’. —2. ps. *rjūv-inū ‘roaring, roaring with anger; angry, disputing, touched *, cf. rivini f. 'wrath, anger', scs. rivinivū ‘angry, jealous’, pol. rzewny, rzewniwy, czes. fevny cas ‘ruing time’, ros. revnivyj zazdrosny”. SZ-C *ri-: sb. *rii-ka-> cs. rykić m. 'ryk'* (= denom. scs. rykati rykić, rykować). 1972) 1927 – H. ReuH-‘briillen’ (b. *riau-: scs. rove, ruti 'roar, scream (viizdruti *scream); straight ptc. prs. act. The lateral paradigm rev-/rju can be seen in cs. revo, roe, ostrich. Revu, Rjuti and Stczes. fevu, fūti (see also shi. rjóvem, rjńti, rus. revń, revćtb). It was created by introducing to prs. voice group rjz inf. rjuti. As a result, the phonetically correct rov-V was replaced by *rjov-, hence *rjev-(> rev-, fev-)', see. Trautmann (1923: 241)". 2.27. *siuu-< *siuHSZ-V *siuu-: lit. siuvū prs., siuvaū prt. do siūti “szyč', łot. Suvu®, prt. Summer. Reconstruction: *siu.u-V < *siuH-V. Compare also siuvėjas m. tailor; siuvćlć f. ‘sew’; siūvena f. ‘bovine weed’ see. sawdust s.v. *piuu-. —In the Slavic por. 1. scs. šiventi'szyty < *slu.ue.na-< *siuH-eno-(see above siūvena), 2. scs. Siv-ici tawiec”, which requires the presence of ps. *šivo (= lit. siuvit) as a derivative basis, cf. stlit. siuvikis m. krawiec = sewing’*- *. WSZ-V *siuiu-: 1. lit. pasiūvėti 'to sew a little, to do sewing from time to time', siūvis m.'sewing; eye in the needle”, 2. words. *%ivati, pol. zszywać, wyszywać, which as an intensive assumes *šūvati “szyč' (see Polish szwacz, szwaczka). * Braku Trautmann (1923: 241) s.v. *rau6. % Por. *liika-, e.g. *lyko s.v. *liuu-. *!—Por. lot. plevindt 'to flatter, to move (hair, sequins) z *plavwobec plau-, scs. plovo 'flow, lit. plauju 'wash, wash off'. 2 Przyrjuti could have existed as intensivum *rjujati. This is indicated by such postverbal derivatives as ostrich. rjujenb, ros. rjūjeno m. ‘the time of roe (ryku) in deer; name of the month of September”, sch. riūjan September, stczes. raje f. ‘čas rui u jeleni’, czes. fije ts., rijen ‘the name of the month of October’ (pl. ruja ‘the time and place of the deer’s roar looks like a secondary conjunction of *rzuja, cf. rzwać, rzwieć). On the postvb. *rju-va indicates stress. Rjuvitisja ‘coire’. Next to this new prs. šu-ju, which assumes synchronous re-segmentation of fu-vu. Zob. below the stitch next to the stitch "naked". 9 p Stanga’s statement (1966: 334) is surprising: “Skt. sivyati: syūtah gives a hint that the pras. siūva is not an old formation”. From the standpoint of laryngeal theory sti. praesens sivyati 'neck' is translated as an innovative form, resulting from the metathesis of the laryngeal consonant in the vicinity of u: *siuH-ić-> *siHu-ić-, see. Eichner (1988: 135), LIV 493. It follows that it cannot be taken as a starting point for the analysis of lit. seam. A similar metathesis is shown by the sti reflex. mivati ‘pushing, pushing, pushing’, from *mih -u-é-ti < *miuh -(pwk. *mieuh, -), zob. above *muu-. 78 | 1000 Years of War SZ-C *siu-: lit. siūti szyć”, lat. sew, scs. Siti”. SE *sieuH-: no pbsł. *C-half, lit. *siau-, ps. *shu-. 2.28. *skiuuzam. *skuu-< *skuh wyw Va 1999. pp. 10. "S.P.A.S.- H. - S.P.A.S.H. - S.P.A.S.H- .". szczwać “kazač (to dogs) sniff, stczes. I'm sorry. The accent of the equalization to SE (see below). As for iv see. Zivati s.v. *ziuu-. The expected form is *skuvati < *sku.ua-< *skuh -eh,-*. Sign. etym. *'make dogs smell (game)'. The formation of caus. on -4 in relation to scs. Hey, goat. s.v. *kuu-. SZ-C *ski-(no reflexes- ). SE *(s)keuh -'to feel, to perceive. Ps. *śćujQ ‘szczuj- ¢’ continued prs. *skiau-ieww z. (in balt. unknown- ). On this praesens a new inf. *śćuti: sti was built. Ścici, pol. szczuć”. 2.29. *skuu-< *skuh,- SZ-V *skuu-: lat. breasts. *, skuvu prt. Do skit 'nagli, < *skuh,-e-, *skuh.-eh,-. SZ-C *ski-: lat. skit inf. (to this new prs. skiinu), iter. skiistitićs to shave; to wash.” SE *(s)keuh_- -‘do¢ with a blade, cut, punch, etc., pbałt. *(s)kiau-: lit. kiduras ‘holedTM’, probably also: skidutas m. ‘strip’, skiautė f. ‘a piece of fabric, a holed part’, lat. škaute ‘sharp edge, edge’ (possible confusion with the family of lit. skutń, skusti ‘to shave, to scratch, to peel, to scrape, to plump from the bark’, cf. *skeut-). 2.30. *snuu-< *snuHSZ- -V *snuu-: ps. *snuvati ‘snu¢’ < *snu.ua-< *snuH-eh_-. Implied by WSZV -snyvw scs. osnyvati 'to assume, to establish. Zob. higher byvati to biiv-,°kryvati to kriw-,°myvati to muv-, “ryvati to riv-. WSZ-V *sniiu-, see. Higher. SE *sneuH-‘- to turn, to wind’ (LIV 523), pbsł. *sniff-* Por. cs. saovQ (=> snovati) ‘snow, dream nothing’. Drw. *snau-V may be in scs. osnova f. ‘base, foundation’. Por. rovii do ruivs.v. *ruu-I. % S$cs.śijo is based on inf. ši-ti tumor, like myjo:: myti, ryję:: ryti and bijo:: biti, brijo:: briti, gnijo:: gniti. As for secondary palatality in SZ forms, see bljivati s.v. *bluu-II. 9 LIV 507 does not include *śćfvati, quotes only scs. Hey. Vaillant (1966: 295) incorrectly qualifies *šču-/*ščivjako as an onomatopeic element*. 96 98 From the differentiation with respect to prt. comes new prs. I'm going. See above šuju next to šuvu 'neck'. LIV 508 s.v. skeuh "cites Hittite forms and sti. skunati, askunoti, but Baltic data is not noticed. It is wrong to associate skuvu/skńt with gr. Edo and with anitowym pwk. pie. *kseuw ME, 908, Trautmann (1923: 268) and Fraenkel LEW 824 (any hypothesis of metathesis *ks > sk, no explanation for the alternation uv-V:: u-C). 99 The Laryngeal Hiatus in Baltic-Slavic Languages| 79 2.31. *(s)piuu-< *(s)piuHSZ-V *(s)piuu-: 1. scs. pljivati 'pluć, spluwać z ps. *pjuvati < *piu.ua-< *(s)piuH-- eh,-, pol. Swimmer. Similarly, Zivati with ps. *žjūvati (s.v. *žiuu-). Zob. also bljivati s.v. *bluu-II, *śćfvati s.v. *skiuu-. —The Slavic subject on -dprzy SZ suggests that Lithuanian may have once had prt. *spjuvau, which was later renewed as spjóviau. —2. In the footsteps of Lithuanian iter. *spjuvóti can be spjudóti *plwać, spluwać (LKŻ), because its - can be explained by secondary reference to iter. spjduti ts. ' * WSZ-V *(s)piliu-: 1. lit. spjivis m. ‘splunigcie’, 2. ps. *-pljivati <= *pljiv-, e.g. scs. oplivati'spit', stczes. Swim, cheers. plivat *-pluwac- ’. SZ-C *(s)pii-: ps. *pljiw scs. plynpti 'plunąć, perfectivum do pljivati 'plué', zob. Vaillant (1966: 232). SE *(s)pieuH- -‘spit, spew’ (LIV 529), pbsł. *(s)piau-: 1. lit. spjauti, spjauju/ spjaunu (prt. spjóviau) 'plunąć, pluć, łot. splaūt, splatju (prt. splavu), 2. prs. scs. Spitting, sch. I'm sorry, Ros. Spit. 2.32. *suck-* < *suHSZ-V *suu-: lat. dial. suvęns ‘prosi¢’ < *su.uen-< *suH-en-- (also represented in sivęns). SZ-C *su-: por. awest. hiiś ‘maciora’, gr. Oz, lat. Six. SE *seuH-: no reflexes pbsł. *siau-(ps. *shu-C). 2.33. *śluu-< *śluHSZ- -V *śluu-: šlūvenos f. pl. ‘Smecie, to co zmieciono, zmieciny' < *ślu.uen- -< *k luH-en-. Paralele: pivenos s.v. *puu-, pjiwenos s.v. *piuu-, siūvena s.v. *siuu-. SZ-C *uncertified. SE *K'leuH-'- reinigen' (LIV 298, Latin cluere). There's no light. *slide, prt. *Slow down. Compare, however, lit. šliūti (šliūuna, šliovė) w znaczeniu. portable *to strike, to divide, to strike”. It is likely that the allomorph šlavw prs. šlavū ‘sweep’ (Żmudzkie), sb. sąślavos, iśślavos, nńoślavos f. pl. śmieci” represents itself SO to *śluu-. 2.34. *$uu-< *k’'uHSZ-V *šuu-: pbsł. *šuu-e-< *k'uH-e-(- no lit. *šuv-C'sunę"). WSZ-V *śuu-: lit. šūvis m.'shot, shot'. SZ-C *šū-: lit. šūtis, -ies f. kupa, stos”, šūsnis, -ies f. kupa, stos drzewa, chrustu” (regarding the construction, see kriisnis kupa, stos kamieni” from krii-/krdu-). 90 Another possibility is the hypothesis of the neo-element spju-, derived from the reanalysis of *spju-nu (cf. spjdu-nu- ), for which the starting point was the old prs. infigowane *spjunu < *(s)piu-n-- H-ć-. 1 Contrary to what is stated in ESJS 666, Vaillant |. c. it does not speak of the “elongation of the reduced degree”, but of the degree of reduction: “Le theme pliest issu de *pljii-, degrć réduit de la racine *(s)piču-, lit. I'm speeding. 86 | JOSEPH MORRIS denom. —denominativum drw. — a duration derivative. —durativum gr. —Greek H any laryngeal (as opposed to odh “ hh.) inf. —infinitivus intens. —intensivum lit. —Lithuanian Irg. —laryngeal lobe. —Latvian neopwk. —neopierwiastek pbałt. —pre-Baltic pdg. acc. —accent paradigm pbsł. —Pra-Balto-Slavic pers. —Persian pf. —perfectum pie. — the pre-Indo-European pole. —Polish postvb. —(nom) postverbale prs. —presence prt. —praeteritum ap. —przypis ps. —prasłowiański pwk. —element ros. —Russian Russian. —Russian sb. —substantivum sch. — Serbo-Croatian scs. —Old Church Slavonic SE degree e Serbian. —Serbian slan. —Slovenian SO degree o SP — full degree st — agepr. —Old Prussian SW —elongated degree SZ decreasing degree (SZ-C anteconsonant, SZ-V —antevocal) any vowel vb. V — -verbum war. — The default value is 0. —Vedic WSZ —wzdłużony stopień zanikowy zam. —instead of znacz. etym. —etymological meaning AMBRAZAS, S. 2000: Daiktavardziy darybos raida 11. 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Wojciech Smoczyński Gauta 2002 11 29 Jagiellonian University Department of General and Indo-European Linguistics al. Mickiewicza 9/11, 31-120 Kraków, Poland [email protected]