Housenames of Fauna (Bird Names) Semantics in Vidzeme: Materials of Historical (Souls) Revisions in Vidzeme Guberniya 1826
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ILGA JANSONE
Latvian Language Institute, University of Latvia
Fields of research: onomastics, semantics, lexicology, dialectology.
HOUSENAMES OF FAUNA (BIRD NAMES) SEMANTICS IN VIDZEME: MATERIALS OF HISTORICAL (SOULS) REVISIONS IN VIDZEME GUBERNIYA 18261
Vidžemės sodybų pavadinimai, suponuoti ornitonimų (paukščių pavadinimų): 1826 m. Vidžemės gubernijos kadastro duomenys2
ANNOTATION
A total of 505 housenames of Vidzeme containing a bird name and mentioned in the Vidzeme Gubernya (souls) revision materials of 1826 have been analyzed in the article. Most ornitholexemes used in Vidzeme housenames are widely known and used appellatives in the modern Latvian language, for example, balodis, bezdelīga, dzenis, kaija, strazds, vārna, vanags, žagata, cīrulis, zvirbulis, vālodze, lakstīgala. A total number of Latvian lexemes in Vidzeme housenames amounts to 43 units and they refer to wild birds, whereas three Latvian lexemes refer to domestic birds, and also the general lexeme putnis and the lexeme with a high degree of generalization – gailis together with compounds pur(va)gailis, mež(a)gailis, ezergailis, rudz(u)gailis and sil(a)gailis. The bird names used only in certain subdialects such as pelēda, strads and strods, žīgurs and žēgurs have seldom been used. It
1 The article has been written within the framework of the project “Studies in the Latvian Language in the 21st Century Context” of the State funded research programme “Letonica – History, Languages, Culture, Values of Latvia”.
2 Straipsnio rengimas finansuotas Latvijos Respublikos Nacionalinės mokslinių tyrimų programos „Letonica – Latvijos istorija, kalba, kultūra, vertybės“ projekto „Latvių kalbos tyrimai XXI a. kontekste“ lėšomis.
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was observed that some of the lexemes from modern subdialects were more widely known and used in the beginning of the 19th century, for example, housenames with bird names pelēda and stradzs. Borrowings from related and contact languages have been used in the nomination of Vidzeme housenames very seldom, only possible borrowings from Lithuanian (antis ‘duck’), German (Ente ‘duck’), Estonian (kajakas ‘gull’, subdial. kikas (possibly, Liv’s kik) ‘rooster’, kuhk ‘rooster’, luik ‘swan’), and Russian (утка ‘duck’, курица ‘hen’) languages have been established.
The appellatives of bird names used in the nomination of housenames in the Latvian language are mostly of the derived etymology linked with either onomatopoeic verbs and/or designations for sounds emitted by birds; most of those words have a common origin in Latvian and Lithuanian languages.
KEYWORDS: Historical (Souls) Revisions, Vidzeme, Housenames, Bird Names.
ANOTACIJA
Straipsnyje analizuojami 505 sodybų pavadinimai, užfiksuoti Vidžemės gubernijos 1826 m. kadastre, sudaryti iš ornitonimų. Daugelis paukščių pavadinimų, suponavusių Vidžemės sodybų įvardijimus, plačiai vartojami kaip apeliatyvai ne tik bendrinėje latvių kalboje, bet ir jos šnektose. Skoliniai iš rytų baltų ar kaimyninių kalbų Vidžemės sodybų pavadinimų darbai vartojami labai retai.
Dauguma latvių sodybų pavadinimų, reflektuojančių apeliatyvinės kilmės ornitonimus, yra onomatopėjinės kilmės. Daugelis šių apeliatyvų, vartojamų latvių ir lietuvių kalbose, yra tos pačios kilmės.
ESMINIAI ŽODŽIAI: kadastras, Vidžemė, sodybų pavadinimai, paukščių pavadinimai (ornitonimai).
In historical onomastics, historical (souls) revision materials containing both toponyms and anthroponyms are important. The revision materials from Vidzeme have been preserved better and collected more accurately, that is why the paper provides an insight into the housenames of fauna (bird) semantics from one region of Latvia – Vidzeme; besides, similarities have also been observed in Kurzeme.
The first historical (souls) revision in Vidzeme Gubernya took place in 1782, and it was recognized as the fourth revision of Russian gubernyas. Subsequent revisions took place at either shorter or longer intervals: the fifth revision – in
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PICTURE 1. Excerpt from the historical revision materials of Vidzeme Guberniya in 1826 from Aloja private mansion. (LVVA3 foundation nr. 199, description nr. 1, file nr. 17, p. 8.)
1795, the sixth revision – in 1811, the seventh revision – in 1816, the eighth revision – in 1834, the ninth revision – in 1850, and the last revision – in 1858.
In the revision documents of mansions, the residents of private and crown mansions and of associated household structures (semi-mansions, farmsteads, pubs, mills, and others), as well as of pastoral mansions were listed. By 1816 only men had been listed, and it is very likely that the date is not accurate. Since 1816 all persons irrespective of their sex and age were listed. The revision of 1826 was not regarded as a separate event (it is considered a repetition of the revision of 1816); however, it was of paramount importance as peasants with their surnames were registered, namely, historical revision materials included both housenames and full names – first names, last names, patronyms across Vidzeme Guberniya for the first time, thus allowing to establish a connection between housenames and surnames.
It would be worth writing an overview about the spelling in the materials of the historical revision of ploughs and names because their orthography had
3 Latvian State Historical Archives.
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been influenced not only by clerks’ writing skills but also oftentimes low skills of the Latvian language as evidenced by many parallel forms and also the spelling of separate names in the German language, for example, the designations of the objects – Gesinde, Hoflage, Buschwächter, Lande, Krug, Mühle, descriptive data of a person – Wirtschaft, Sohn, Frau, etc., in some cases descriptive and defining designations of housenames – Alt, Neu were usually written in German.
The 18th and 19th century historical revisions in Vidzeme took place in 686 mansions, and several ones were united during the revisions in 1826 and 1834.
The number of household names included in the lists of the historical revisions of Vidzeme Guberniya in 1826 reach 14,500, including independent farmsteads retaining their original household name, for example, in 1826 there were six houses with the same name Dferwan in the Vecbebru private mansion of Koknese Parish but in the Piņku mansion of Piņku Parish four houses with the name Dfilne were mentioned, and four ones with the name Dumpe.
The number of housenames of fauna semantics totals 1,065 units, which is 7.34 per cent of the total number of Vidzeme housenames, provided that every unit recorded by the historical revision of Vidzeme is considered a separate housename. The data were also obtained from those mansions that did not have the registered materials of 1826, and so they were obtained from the revisions of 1816 and 1834.
Of the mentioned 1,065 units, 560 or 3.86 per cent are motivated housenames containing an animal name (mammals, reptiles, amphibians, and others), but 505 or 3.48 per cent are motivated housenames containing a bird name.
It is possible to write about the formation of peasants’ farmsteads in Vidzeme since the 15th century. It is likely that the first housenames were then created; however, relatively reliable information is available from the first half of the 17th century. The number of peasants’ farmsteads increased in the 19th century as a result of kin splitting leading to new own farmsteads and also as a result of buying out tenancy houses. Thus, it is typical of the cultural environment to foreground farmsteads well merged with the natural scenery. The proximity of Latvians to nature as reflected both in Latvian folk songs and beliefs and also in the choice of sacred places and abode could not but influence housenames.
Although the housename group of fauna semantics is not big, it does show the Latvian modus vivendi at the time when houses got their names.
When choosing a housename, the owners did not usually prefer a specific species of birds (for example, baltpieres zoss ‘white-fronted goose’, meža zoss ‘grey-lag goose’, īsknābja zoss ‘pink-footed goose’); a lexeme that corresponds to a designation of a species used in common Latvian or a subdialect (often but not consequently it may correspond to a genus or a subspecies) is practically
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always used (in the aforementioned example zoss – ‘goose’), and also a lexeme for a species that corresponds to a generalized notion about a specific bird that is usually nesting close to a peasant’s house or the lexemes of those birds hunted as game. In some cases, birds making distinct sounds became used in housenames. The lexeme that is a generalized joint designation for several species in common Latvian and / or subdialects will be referred to as ornitholexeme in the present article (the ornitholexeme of the aforementioned example is zoss).
Although the classification of ornitholexemes poses difficulties connected with the identification of specific bird species, namely, their attribution to a specific genus, for example, birds sārtais strazds ‘Swainson’s thrush’, mājas strazds ‘starling’ and raibais zemesstrazds ‘groundscraper thrush’ belong to the turdidae family, but niedru strazds ‘reed warbler’, melnais meža strazds ‘forest rock thrush’, dziedātājstrazds ‘song thrush’, pelēkais strazds ‘grey-cheeked thrush’, melnrīkles strazds ‘blackthroated thrush’, apkakles strazds ‘ring thrush’ and sila strazds ‘wood thrush’ belong to the flycatchers (Muscicapidae) family. The article refers to the ornithological classification according to the order. Of 18 bird orders (Latvijas daba 4, 203–207) established in Latvia, bird names of 13 different orders were used in the designation of housenames.
A different analysis was done with reference to motivated housenames containing poultry names, for example, vista ‘a hen’, cālis ‘a chick’, and also housenames with a generalized bird name putns ‘a bird’ and a lexeme gailis ‘a rooster’. Motivated housenames with an ornitholexeme gailis ‘a rooster’ belong to a separate group because many compound names contain this lexeme and can be designations for various bird families in colloquial and / or hunters’ professional lexicon.
TOPONIMIZATION OF BIRD NAMES
OF THE PASSERIFORMES ORDER
Preference was given to the study of bird names of the passeriformes order in Vidzeme housenames, which altogether make up 147 units or 29 per cent of all motivated housenames containing bird names. However, in the nomination of housenames containing twelve designations of bird species of this order, the most popular family was the paridae family represented by such lexemes as zīle ‘tomtit’ and zīlite ‘tit’.
The literary name zīle is the most widespread bird name in the nomination of housenames; it appears in 32 housenames altogether. It should be admitted that the lexeme zīle in the Latvian language has homonyms, and it is possible
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that in the nomination of housenames a homonym designating an acorn – an oak tree fruit – had been used.
The housename lexeme zīle is used in the base form (Sihl4, Siehle, Siele), and compound names (Jaun Sihl5, Wetz Sihl, Wezs Sihle, Kaln Sihle, Kalne Sihle, Leies Sihle, Leijes Sihle, Mefche Sihle, Siehle Alksne, Siehle Kaln Jahn, Siehle Purre Tanne, Siehle Wawur, Siele Gust, Siele Jahn, Siele Jatze, Siele Peter).
The appellative zīle was included in the first Latvian dictionaries of the 17th and 18th centuries6 (cf. Sihle ta, die Meifle Lange 1773: 296). The name of tomtit is the same both in Latvian and Lithuanian (cf. Lith. zýlé or žýlė); however, it is different in Old Prussian (cf. Prus. sineco Mažiulis IV 110–111) which has analogue names in Slavic languages (cf. e. g., Czech sinice, Polish sinica, Ukrainian сини́ця, Old Slavonic синица). There are different hypotheses about the etymology of the name7. Jānis Endzelīns links the origin of zīle with the name of the colour zils – ‘blue’ (ME IV 732). This hypothesis is supported by Ernst Fraenkel (LEW 1309) and admitted by Max Vasmer who indicated that initially the name designated a specific species – zilzīlite (Parus caeruleus). The link between the ornitholexeme with the bird’s sounds, namely the onomatopoetic origin, has been mentioned in M. Vasmer’s Russian Dictionary of Etymology and Konstantīns Karulis’ Latvian Dictionary of Etymology (ЭСРЯ III 625, LEV II 559). K. Karulis mentions the possible link between the lexeme zīle with the verb zināt ‘to know’, and his observations arise from the fact that in Latvian and Lithuanian folklore zīle is traditionally connected with fortune-telling (LEV II 559). The most plausible of all hypotheses about the lexeme zīle is onomatopoetic.
4 The parentheses indicate the established spelling forms of ornitholexemes from the revision materials from the whole Vidzeme Gubernya.
5 The article does not analyze word forms and compounds in detail because their second components usually have no connection with a specific bird name; these components usually differentiate housenames.
6 For the sake of comparison, the first dictionaries Lettus with Phraseologia Lettica of the Latvian language written by Georgius Mancelius and the Latvian–German Dictionary edited by Jakob Lange living in Vidzeme were used. In some cases other dictionaries of the 17th and 19th centuries were referred to.
7 For explanation of etymologies, mainly dictionaries of the Baltic languages indicating etymology (ME, LEV, LEW, Smoczyński 2007), some etymological dictionaries of language contacts (EES, ЭСРЯ) as well as some comprehensive studies on the etymologies of Baltic and other Indo-European languages (Sabaliauskas 1990, Гамкрелидзе & Иванов 1984, Sehw̨ers 1953) were used. Individual authors’ articles about the etymology of a specific lexeme were occasionally referred to.
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Only three housenames can be linked with the terminological designation for the representative species of zīlīte.
The lexeme zīlīte in housenames occurs only in the principal form (Sihliht, Sihlit).
The appellative zīlīte had already been included in the first 17th–18th century dictionaries of the Latvian language (cf. ein Meißchen/Sielite/Snedje Phras. Lettica 1638: 279) where it appears along with the name sniedze ‘snow bird’, but its German designation corresponds to the name zīlīte. A lexeme zīlīte is the diminutive form of the lexeme zīle that was formed with a traditional diminutive suffix -īte.
The second most popular bird names appearing in Vidzeme housenames belong to the corvidae bird names represented as ornitholexemes karakuls ‘raven’, agate ‘magpie’, koraris ‘jackdaw’. The appellative karakuls is connected with 19 housenames.
The lexeme krauklis appears in housenames both in the principal form, usually in the feminine (Kraukle, Krauckle), in derivative forms (Kraukel, Krauklit, Krauklin), and word groups (Kraukle Krug, Krauckle Krug, Krauklu Krug, Krisch Kraukle jetzt Jaun Kraukle genannt, Wetz Kraukle jetzt Jahn Kraukle genannt).
The appellative krauklis had already been included in the first 17th–18th century dictionaries of the Latvian language (cf. Raab/Kraucklis Lettus 1638: 138; Rabe/Krauklis Phras. Lettica 1638: 279; Krauklis tas, eine Rabe Lange 1773: 156); it is common both in Latvian and Lithuanian (cf. Lith. krauklỹs ‘crow’ and kriau-klys ‘raven’) and can be linked with sound verbs Latv. kraucināt, kraukāt, kṛaukt, Lith. kraũkti ‘krächzen (to caw)’ imitating bird sounds (ME II 263, LEW 290, LEV I 420). All the mentioned sources indicate that the Slavic krukъ ‘raven’ is of onomatopoeic origin.
Of less frequent appearance in Vidzeme’s housenames is the ornitholexeme žagata ‘magpie’ (13 units altogether).
The lexeme žagata appears in housenames both in the principal form (Sagat, Saggat, Schagat, Schaggat), in derivatives (Schaggaten), and in word groups (Kaln Schaggat, Lei Schaggat).
The appellative žagata had already been included in the first 17th and 18th dictionaries of the Latvian language (cf. Specht/Schaggata Lettus 1638: 171; Efster/Hechfter/Schaggata Phras. Lettica 1638: 279; Schaggata ta, ein Hejfter Lange 1773: 272). J. Endzelīns considers the word žagata to be a borrowing from Lithuanian žagata ME IV 786; K. Karulis admits the origin of this word as a creation from sound imitation (LEV II 575).
Only one housename contains an ornitholexeme kovārnis ‘jackdaw’.
The lexeme kovārnis appears only as an appropriate form of the corresponding appellative (Kowahrn).
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The appellative kovārnis had already been included in the first 17th and 18th century dictionaries of the Latvian language (cf. Kohwahrs tas, eine Dohle Lange 1773: 155). The root of the word corresponds to the designation for a word vārna of the coraciiformes order of the coracidae family, and in some language groups (Baltic, Slavic, Tocharian languages) it is a new phonetic formation with the initial sound *u- from the proto-root *k[h]or-n-, e. g., Lith. várna, Prus. warne8 (Гамкрелидзе, Иванов 1984(2): 540). K. Karulis indicates that an appellative kovārnis is a compound (LEV II 489), but J. Endzelīns only refers to analogous forms in other languages, e. g., Small Russ. káборон ‘Saatskrähe’, Slovenian kāuran ‘Kolkrabe’ (ME II 350).
The third most popular family of birds used in the nomination of housenames is that of the sturnidae of the passeriformes order represented in such ornitholexemes as strazds and strads/ strods. An appellative strazds appears in 12 housenames.
The lexeme strazds appears in housenames both in the principal form – usually in the feminine gender (Strasde), in derivative forms (Strasdin), and in word groups (Leel Strasd, Leel Strasde, Mas Strasda, Mas Strasde, Kalne Strasde, Leijes Strasde).
The appellative strazds ‘thrush; starling’ had already been included in the first 17th and 18th dictionaries of the Latvian language (cf. Droḥjel/Spreen/Strafda Phras. Lettica 1638: 280; Strafds tas, ein Krammetsvogel Lange 1773: 328). As indicated by Vyacheslav Ivanov and Tamaz Gamkrelidze, the name in several old Indo-European dialects in Europe originated from sound imitation, for example, Prus. tresde, Lith. strāzdas, Latv. strazds; however, if a Greek στρουθός ‘sparrow’ can be considered a sound imitation, it means that in old Indo-European dialects of Europe the name of strazds would be considered a semantic innovation (Гамкрелидзе, Иванов 1984(2): 541; see also ME III 1083, LEW 920).
Less than 9 housenames connected with the dialectal lexemes strads and strods appear in the East of Vidzeme and also Latgale (see ME III 1080).
Dialectical lexemes strads and strods in housenames appear in the principal form, usually in the feminine (Stradde, Strodde), in derivative forms (Stradding), and in word groups (Isfand Stradde, Leies Strodde).
The appellative strads originated as a result of the sound changes of strazds (ME III 1080).
8 Latvian vārna can be added to the Lithuanian and Prussian forms, and this fact has not been mentioned in Vyacheslav Ivanov’s and Tamaz Gamkrelidze’s study.
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In the nomination of housenames only a few bird names of the alaudidae family appear, and the corresponding ornitholexeme is cīrulis ‘lark’. The appellative cīrulis appears in 19 housenames.
The lexeme cīrulis appears in housenames both in the principal form (Zirul, Zihrul, Zierul, Zierull), and in word groups (Wezz Zihrul, Alt Zierul, Jaun Zihrul, Neu Zierul).
The appellative cīr(v)ulis had already been included in the first 17th and 18th century dictionaries of the Latvian language (cf. Lerch/Zierwuls Lettus 1638: 116; ein Lerche/Zihruwlis Phras. Lettica 1638: 277; Zihrulis tas, eine Lerche Lange 1773: 402). There is no general agreement as to the origin of the word cīru-lis, however, most researchers think that it originated from a sound imitation (ME I 291–292, LEW 70, LEV I 181). Lithuanian cȳrulis, cyrulỹs is thought to be borrowed from Latvian or Couronian languages (ME I 291–292, LEW 70, Sabaliauskas 1990: 270). Ojārs Bušs in his analysis of the Couronian and quasi-Couronian words in standard Latvian indicates that the word cīrulis in the Latvian language should not be considered a Couronian word (Bušs 2008 [1988]: 186), but the spread of the ornitholexeme in Lithuanian is shown in the prospectus of the Atlas of the Baltic languages (BVA 2009: 94–95).
The bird names of the passeridae family are used for over ten times in the nomination of housenames and represented by the standard ornitholexeme zvirbulis and its dialectical variation žīgurs. The appellative zvirbulis ‘sparrow’ appears in the nomination of three housenames.
The lexeme zvirbulis in housenames appears in the principal form (Swirbul) and word groups (Kalne Swirbul, Leijes Swirbul).
The appellative zvirbulis had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. Sperling/Swirrbuls Lettus 1638: 171; ein Sperling/Swirrbulis Phras. Lettica 1638: 280; Swirbulis tas, der Sperling Lange 1773: 339). The etymology of zvirbulis is not clear. It is related to Lithuanian žvìrblis (ME IV 776–777, LEW 1328); however, its further development has been widely studied. E. Fraenkel links it with the Old Church Slavonic vrabii ‘zvirbulis’, Czech vrabec, Polish wróbel, etc. (LEW 1328), J. Endzelīns indicates the possible contamination between the words of the root virb- and the words of the initial sound ž-, namely, ž- (ME IV 777), whereas Wojciech Smoczyński restores the common root appearing in the Baltic and Slavic languages *u̯arb-/*u̯irb- (Smoczyński 2007: 796).
A more popular version is the dialectal žīgurs (arī žēgurs) that appears in 11 housenames.
Dialectal lexemes žīgurs and žēgurs appear in housenames both in the principal form (Schigur, Schiggur, Sihgur) and in word groups (Kalne Schägur, Kalne Schiggur, Kalne Leies Schägur, Leijes Schiggur, Leies Leies Schägur, Kaup Schehgur,
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Pauker Schehgur). In Kār lis Mīlenbachs’ and J. Endzelīns’ “Dictionary of the Latvian language”, lexemes žīg uri s ME IV 813 and žigurs ‘der Sperling’ that are related to the Old Prussian singuris ‘Stieglitz’ were included because i arose from in (ME IV 718). In the lexicon of “The Dialectical Atlas of Latvian” it is shown that the name žīgurs is mostly used in the northeastern part of Vidzeme and the north of Latgale (LVDA 1999: 101–102; 39th map); however, the use of the ornitholexemes in the mentioned housenames žīgurs/ žēgurs is much wider westwards along the Estonian border – six of the housenames with the mentioned lexemes appear in Ērģeme, Pedele and Veckārku private mansions of Ērģeme parish, and this fact might be indicative of its narrower use in the area nowadays.
Even less commonly the bird names of the muscicapidae family are used in the nomination of housenames and represented by such ornitholexemes as kaukis ‘chiffchaff’ and lakstīgala ‘nightingale’. The appellative kaukis appears in the nomination of five housenames.
The lexeme kaukis appears in housenames both in the principal form (Kiauke, K̦jauke/ K̦jauke), in derivative forms (Kiaukul), and word groups (Kalna K̦jauke, Leijes K̦jauke).
The appellative kaukis had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. Kaukis, die Grasmükke, ein Vogel Lange 1773: 146). The bird name in Latvian kaukis has not been provided with a clear etymology. J. Endzelīns refers to the verb sound kaukstēt1) k̦au, k̦au hervorbringen, bellen, schreien (emit sounds k̦au, k̦au, bark, shout); 2) undeutliche Laute hervorbringen (emit vague sounds)’ (ME II 357) and considers it to be a borrowing from the Lithuanian language. It is possible that the appellative kaukis is of onomatopoeic origin.
In 1826 the appellative lakstīgala appears in one housename in Vidzeme only. The lexeme lakstīgala appears in the housename in the principal form only (Laxtigall).
The variants of the appellative lakstīgala had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. Nachtigall/Lafdig hala Lettus 1638: 128; Nach tegall/ Lagſteghalls Phras. Lettica 1638: 280); it can be related to the common lexical stratum of the Baltic languages (see ME II 416, LEW 337, Sabaliauskas 1990: 150), although J. Endzelīns writes about the influence of the German Nachtigall ‘lakstīgala’.
Of the emberizidae family, only the ornitholexeme sniedze ‘snowflake’ appears in the nomination of housenames, and it was mentioned six times.
The lexeme sniedze appears in housenames in the principal form (Snedſe, Sneedſe) and word groups (Jaun Snedſe, Wetz Snedſe, Sneedſe Reipin).
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The appellative sniedze had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. ein Meißchen/Sielite/Snedfje Phras. Lettica 1638: 279; Sneedfje ta, ein Schneevogel Lange 1773: 312). The bird name sniedze is semantically motivated and related to the lexeme sniegs. As shown by J. Endzelīns, the Lithuanian snieginis ‘Dompfaffe (readbreast, bullfinch)’ (ME III 977) is related to the lexeme sniegs (Lith. sniegas).
In the nomination of housenames the ornitholexeme čakste ‘butcherbird’ of the laniidae family is mentioned four times.
The lexeme čakste appears in housenames in the principal form (Tschakfte, Tſchakfte, Tſchakste) and derivative forms (Tschakften).
The appellative čakste had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. Tſchakfte ta, ein Küchlein oder Vögelein ſo eben aus dem Schalen gebrochen Lange 1773: 357); it is possible to link it to the sound verb čakstēt that reflects the sound the bird makes (ME I 401, LEV I 185).
In the nomination of housenames the ornitholexeme vālოდze ‘oriole’ of the oriolidae family was used and it appears three times.
The lexeme vālოდze appears in housenames in word groups only (Jaun Wahlods, Wetz Wahlods, Mefch Wahlods).
The appellative vālოდze had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. Rotkelchin/Wahlodſe Phras. Lettica 1638: 280; Wahlodſe ta, ein Meeramſel, andere nennen ihn Pfingſtvogel Lange 1773: 370). There are different opinions about the origin of the word. Algirdas Sabaliauskas includes the word both in the common Indo-European language stratum (Sabaliauskas 1990: 37) and in the common lexical stratum of the Baltic languages only (Sabaliauskas 1990: 153). J. Endzelīns relates Latvian vālოდze together with Latvian valuodze, Middle Low German witewal, Small Russian ivola, Polish wywilga ‘Pirol’ to Latvian valuoda and Polish wołać ‘rufen (call)’ (ME IV 501). The relation to Polish wołać is explained by J. Endzelīns and E. Fraenkel referring to the idea proposed by Kazimieras Būga (cf. Būga 1908: 139; see ME IV 501, LEW 1273), and it is included in the common Indo-European lexical stratum with Avestan vāra(n)gan- ‘Name eines Vogels (a name of a bird)’ (see, e. g., LEW 1273). K. Karulis offers his explanation as the most plausible one, namely, to relate Latvian vālოდze to the Latvian adjective valgs ‘moist, humid’ (LEV II 479); however, this explanation of semantic origin based on folklore and mythological traditions cannot possibly relate to all the groups of Baltic, Slavic and German language groups (oriole – the invoker of the rain); in such a case it would be considered a Latvian (at best – Baltic) innovation.
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The ornitholexeme žube ‘chaffinch’ of the fringillidae family appears in the nomination of housenames, and the word is a parallel name for the standard terminological žubīte.
The appellative žube appears three times in housenames.
The lexeme žube appears in housenames both in the principal form (Schubbe) and word groups (K[alna]. Schubbe, L[e]as]. Schubbe).
The appellative žube had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. Schubbe, ein Ortolan Vogel Lange 1773: 285). One of the first to provide the etymology of the word was K. Būga by relating Prus. schibe, Lith. žībe, Latv. žubi [in that spring!] (žube, žubyte, žubryte) to the verbs that indicate flashlights, glimmering, glittering, etc. (Būga 1908: 106); later on this hypothesis was accepted in J. Endzelīns’, E. Fraenkels’ works and other authors’ works (ME IV 827; LEW 1314).
A version bezlinga of the ornitholexeme bezdelīga ‘swallow’ belonging to the family of the hirundinidae appears twice in the nomination of housenames.
The dialectal variant bezlinga of the lexeme bezdelīga appears only as a word group in housenames (Kaln Beslinge, Leies Beslinge).
The appellative bezdelīga had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. Schwalb/Beßdeligha Lettus 1638: 164; eine Schwalbe/Beßdeligha Phras. Lettica 1638: 280; Beßdelliga ta, eine Schwalbe Lange 1773: 56). The word used in the Latvian language originated from *blezdelīga as a result of sound changes (see ME I 282; LEW 49). Further etymologies of Latvian bezdelīga and Lithuanian blezdinga are not clear. W. Smoczyński tried to relate Lith. blezdinga to the verb plezdėti ‘wave wings; hove; flutter’, where pl- > bl- (Smoczyński 2007: 64).
A standard version ceplītis ‘wren’ of the family of the troglodytidae (the terminological version in Latvian – paceplītis) was used in the nomination of a housename only once.
The lexeme ceplītis appears in a housename in the appellative form (Zepplit) without the characteristic prefix pa- of the terminological word.
The appellative ceplītis had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. Zeplihts tas, der Zaunkönig, ein Vogel Lange 1773: 400); its etymology is uncertain. J. Endzelīns indicates the possible connection with the substantive priekšceplis ‘ein Vorlauter (an impudent person)’ (ME I 373); however, such an explanation is very unlikely.
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TOPONIMIZATION OF THE BIRD NAMES BELONGING TO THE CHARADRIIFORMES FAMILY
The second most popular names in Vidzeme were those of the birds belonging to the charadriiformes family; they account for a total of 8.9 per cent or 45 units of all the motivated housenames with a bird’s name in them. Besides, in the nomination of housenames the most popular was the scolopacidae family birds among the three genuses of the corresponding order and represented with such ornitholexemes as sloka ‘woodlock’ and ķikuts ‘snipe’. The appellative ķikuts appears in the nomination of 15 Vidzeme housenames.
The lexeme ķikuts appears in housenames in the principal form (Kikut, Kikkut, Kikkutt, Kikkutu, Kickut, Kķikud, Kķikķut) and word groups (Kalne Kikkut, Leijas Kikkut).
The appellative ķikuts had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. Kķikuts, ein Kiwit Lange 1773: 149; Kķikuts, ein Mittelfchneppe Lange 1773: 149); however, different spelling variants refer to various bird species. Latv. ķikuts, Lith. tikūtis, Est. tikutes are words of onomatopoeic origin (ME II 379; see also LEW 1093).
The appellative sloka used to be less popular and it appears in ten housenames. The lexeme sloka appears both in the principal form (Sloke, Slokas, Slokes, Slohke, Slocke, Slohkas), in derivative forms (Slohzin), and in word groups (Leel Schlock, Mefche Schlock) in housenames.
The appellative sloka had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. Slohka9 Phras. Lettica 1638: 280; Slohka, eine Art kleiner Schnepfen Lange 1773: 309). A. Sabaliauskas relates Lith. slánka, Latv. slùoka, Prus. slanke to Rus. слука, Polish słąka (Sabaliauskas 1990: 119), but its further etymology is connected with the movement verb slīnkti ‘schleichen’, slānkioti ‘umherschleichen, umherirren, –rutschen, –gleiten, –kriechen (sneak up, climb, steal)’ (ME III 944, LEW 826) related to IDE *slenk- ‘grīēzt, vīt; līst, rāpties, vīties’ (wind up, climb up, crawl upwards) by K. Karulis (LEV II 230–231).
The second most popular group of ornitholexemes kaija ‘gull’, kajaks ‘common gull’, ķiris ‘ridibundus’ of the laridae family appears in motivated housenames in Vidzeme. The appellative kaija appears in the nomination of seven housenames.
9 The name was written at the end of the next line; the content of the previous full line does not correspond to this word.
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The lexeme kaija appears in housenames both in the principal form (Kaije, Kaye), in derivative forms (Lehkaii), in word groups (Kaye Krug, Saus Kaii), and in combined forms (Leijes Kaijhern).
The appellative kaija had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. Kaija, eine große Waßermeeve Lange 1773: 141). There are different opinions about the etymology of the word. The onomatopoeic etymology is not excluded as a plausible explanation; however, there are discussions whether this onomatopoeic word is a borrowing from the Finnish languages of the Baltic Sea region (see ME II 132, Thomsen 1890: 255–256, Zeps 1962: 118), or it could have originated in parallel (LEV I 367).
The appellative kajaks also appears in the nomination of seven housenames. The lexeme kajaks appears in the principal form (Kaiag, Kajak, Kayack) and word groups (Jahn Kaijak, Jahn Kayak, Mickel Kayak, Peter Kayak) in housenames.
It seems that the appellative had been included in K. Mülenbachs’ and J. Endzelīns’ “Dictionary of the Latvian Language” and the added explanation, namely, the translation it is related to a specific bird species ‘gemeine Raubmöve (lestris parasita)’ (ME II 136). The German designation is widespread in the ornithological publications of the 19th century, for example, in Lorenz Oken’s multivolume publication (Lorenz Oken; 1779–1851) “Allgemeine Naturgeschichte” Chapter Larus includes a bird name “Die gemeine Raubmöve oder der Labbe (Larus parasiticus, crepidatus)” (Oken 1837: 397–398), and today it is related to Stercorarius parasiticus, its terminological name in Latvian is īsastes klijkaija ‘arctic skua’ that belongs to the stercorariidae family of the charadriiformes order. However, according to the onomastic lexicon it is not possible to get any idea of the specific species that has a designation including such a lexeme, but in a specific case the explanation is simpler. If the distribution of housenames is considered, four of them are known in Daugavgrīva parish, two – in Rūjiena parish, and one – in Matīšu parish, namely in those places that have many borrowings from the Finnish languages of the Baltic Sea area. That is why, a more general name of birds of the laridae family, kajaks, being a borrowing from Estonian kajakas ‘gull’, rather than a specific bird species is referred to in the nomination of housenames (see ME II 136; Zeps 1962: 118). It should be added that in such a case the mentioned appellative kajaks in housenames has no relation to the terminological name kajaks (Larus canus) that designates only one specific species of the laridae family, and their terminological counterparts are German Sturmmöwe (literally ‘storm gull’) and Estonian kalakajakas (literally ‘fish gull’); it is common gull in English.
The appellative ķiris is used in one housename only. The lexeme appears in the housename in the word group Ķirre Sall.
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The appellative ķīris had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. Kīhris tas, eine kleine Waßermeeve Lange 1773: 149). This word is considered a borrowing from the Finnish languages of the Baltic Sea area; the disagreement, however, is about the donor language – either Estonian kīr (ME II 389, Thomsen 1890: 261–262) or the Liv’s language kīr (Zeps 1962: 139).
The least widespread of the bird names of the charadriidae family is the ornitholexme ķīvīte ‘peewit’ mentioned in five place names of Vidzeme.
The lexeme ķīvīte appears in housenames in the principal form (Kiwit, Kiewit) and word groups (Leies Kiwit, Kaln Kiwit, Mefch Kiwit/ Mefch Kiewit).
The appellative ķīvīte had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. Henffling/Kiwulis Phras. Lettica 1638: 278; Kihwite, der Kiwit Lange 1773: 149). There is no agreement about the etymology of the word. J. Endzelīns thinks that Latv. ķīvīte and Est. kīwit are borrowings from MLG kiwit (ME II 390), whereas K. Karulis thinks that the word imitating the bird sound could have originated in the Latvian language (LEV I 478).
TOPONIMIZATION OF BIRD NAMES OF THE PICIFORMES FAMILY
The third most popular choice for housenames includes the names of the piciformes order – a total of 38 units or 7.5 per cent of all the housenames of the avian semantics. Whereas they are the only birds from the picidae family of the piciformes order, the ornitholexemes dzenis and dzilna ‘woodpecker’ appear in housenames. The appellative dzenis appears in the nomination of 30 housenames and is the second most popular appellative after the appellative zīle.
The lexeme dzenis in housenames appears both in the principal form, more frequently in the feminine (Dsenne, Dfenne, Dfēne, Dfeņņe, Dfennis), in derivative forms (Dfennith), and in word groups (Jurmal Dfenne, Kalla Dfenne, Kaln Dfenne, Kaln Dfennes, Gruslehns Kalna Dfenne, Leies Dfenne, Leij Dfenne, Leijes Dfenne, Gruslehns Leijes Dfeņņe, Tirum Dfenne).
The appellative dzenis had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. Specht/Dfennis Phras. Lettica 1638: 279; Dfennis tas, ein Bienenfpecht Lange 1773: 88); Latv. dzenis, Lith. genỹs, Prus. genix, aytegenis can possibly relate to the common lexical stratum of the Baltic languages (Sabaliauskas 1990: 149); the lexemes may relate to Latv. dzenêt, namely, dzīt, Lith. ginti (ME I 545, LEW 147, LEV I 248). Vladimir
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Toporov indicates that on the basis of the designation Aytegenis (lesser spotted woodpecker) in Prussian, genis (in Prussian) can be considered Nomen act. from the Baltic *gen- ‘sist’ (beat, hit) (Топоров Е–Н 205–206).
The appellative dzilna appears in the nomination of eight housenames.
The lexeme dzilna appears in housenames both in the principal form (Djfilne), in derivative forms (Djfilnan), and in word groups (Jaun Djfilne, Wetz Djfilne, Mefche Djfilne, Tihrum Djfilne).
The appellative dzilna had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. grün Specht/Djfillna Phras. Lettica 1638: 280; Djfilna ta, ein gelblicher Specht Lange 1773: 90); different opinions have been expressed about its etymology. J. Endzelīns relates Latv. dzilna to Latv. dzèlts ‘gelb (yellow)’ (ME I 550), E. Fraenkel includes Latv. dzilna, dzilnis, Lith. gilnà in the entry gélti ‘stechen, wehtun (physisch und psychisch) (to puncture, to carve, to inflict pain (physically and psychically))’ (LEW 145–146). K. Karulis also mentions its relation to IDE *dhelbh- ‘to dig, to hollow out’ (LEV I 253).
TOPONIMIZATION OF BIRD NAMES OF THE COLUMBIFORMES ORDER
Bird names balodis ‘pigeon’ and ūbele ‘turtledove’ from the columbidae family of the columbiforme order appear in the nomination of housenames. Housenames originating from bird names of the columbiforme order constitute 33 units or 6.5 per cent of the objects of the avian semantics.
The ornitholexeme balodis appears in 19 housenames; it is the sixth most popular ornitholexeme. The lexeme balodis appears in housenames both in the principal form (Balod, Ballod, Ballohd, Ballohds, Ballosch), in derivative forms (Ballodan, Balloden, Ballodin), and in word groups (Kallne Ballod, Leijes Ballod). Obviously, the established form Ballud is a dialectical variant of the lexeme from Alūksne parish.
The appellative balodis had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. taub/ ballohdis Lettus 1638: 181; Taube/Ballohdis Phras. Lettica 1638: 279; ballodis tas, die Taube Lange 1773: 49); it is possible to relate it to the common lexicon of the Baltic languages (cf. Lith. balandis), and the common designation in the Baltic languages is that of a colour (cf. Latv. balts, Lith. bālas, báltas) (see ME I 259–260, LEW 31, Smoczyński 2007: 42). There was an endeavour to relate both names in the Baltic languages with the Ossetian bælon ‘mājas balodis’ in the 20th century thus broadening the etymological link from the area of the Baltic languages to the
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areas of the Baltic and Indo-Iranian languages (see Гамкрелидзе, Иванов 1984 (2)I 602; Sabaliauskas 1990: 29; Karaliūnas I 77; ME I 259–260).
The appellative denoting pigeons – dūja with a certain present-day connotation appears in the nomination of ten housenames.
The lexeme dūja in housenames appears in the principal form (Duije, Duijes) and word groups (Mesche Duije, Kalne Duije/ Kalne Duje, Leijes Duje). In addition, housenames with the lexeme tūja appear as well.
All housenames are either word groups (Strupp Thujes, Garr Thujes, Jaun Thujes, Wetz Thujes, Tuhjas Melfup) or combined groups (Latwan Tuhjan, Andre Tuhjan) used only in Lēdmane’s private mansion of Lielvārde parish, Bučauska’s private mansion of Cesvaine parish, and also in Alūksne manor house.
Another designation for a pigeon – dūve had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language (cf. Duhwe, duhwiņa, eine zahme Taube Lange 1773: 93).
If housenames with the lexeme dūja can definitely relate to the semantic group of fauna, the housenames with a parallel lexeme tūja pose difficulties. Only orthographically these housenames can be related to the semantic group of flora; however, in the colloquial speech the name dzīvībaskoks (in Latin Thuja occidentalis) appears more frequently. And if we consider the name of Tūja’s mansion of Liepupe parish, we may conclude that the name of the mansion Tūja is not of the flora semantics, but it is a name of the fauna semantics. The German name Taubenhof (German Taube ‘pigeon’, Hof ‘mansion’) is the reason for the etymological explanation and can be related to the name of a pidgeon – dūja where t : d shift could have been influenced by German Taube. The authors of “Baltisches historisches Ortslexikon” (see Ortslexikon II 637) indicate such an etymology. The German name of the Tūja mansion Kragenhof in Alūksne parish does not provide an answer, but its Latvian name is also related to the name of dūja, namely, from 1631 till 1791 the owners of the the Tūja mansion were representatives of von Taub family (see Ortslexikon II 298).
Etymologically, the lexeme dūja is a borrowing from MLG dūve, and hence Latvian dūve which turned into dūja as a result of the deminutive dūviņa > dūjiņa (ME I 524, Sehwers 1953: 178).
The ornitholexeme ūbele appears in four housenames where it is both in the principal form (Ubel, Uhbels/ Uhbel/ Uhbele) and in word groups (Ubel Krug, Uhbel Gesinde).
The appellative ūbele had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. Turteltaube/Ubele Phras. Lettica 1638: 279; Uhbele ta, eine Turteltaube Lange 1773: 362). This is an onomatopoeic word originating from the sound verb ūbuôt (ME IV 403, LEV II 448).
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TOPONIMIZATION OF BIRD NAMES OF THE FALCONIFORMES ORDER
Bird names of the falconiformes order used to be actively used in the nomination of Vidzeme housenames; they make up the total of 32 units or 6.3 per cent of all the bird names in motivated housenames. The most popular names are from the accipitridae family and two bird names of this family were used; the following ornitholexemes are vanags ‘hawk’ and ērglis ‘eagle’. The appellative vanags appears in the nomination of 30 housenames, and together with the appellative dzenis it shares the second place in the use of ornitholexemes.
The lexeme vanags appears in housenames both in the principal form (Wanag, Wannag, Wannags, Waņagge), in derivative forms (Wannadfen), in compounds (Pollowannag), and in word groups (Kalne Vannag, Leies Vannag, Leijes Wannag, Purre Wannag, Ogelneck Wannag).
The appellative vanags had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. Habich/Wannags Lettus 1638,82; ein Habicht/Wannags Phras. Lettica 1638, 277; Wannags tas, der Habicht Lange 1773, 377). A. Sabaliauskas relates Latv. vanags together with Lith. vāndgas, Prus. sperglavanagis to the common lexical stratum of the Baltic languages (Sabaliauskas 1990: 152). The further word etymology is not clear enough (possible variants of etymology discussed in LEW 1194 and LEV II 481–482; ME IV 468).
Only one housename contains the lexeme ērglis, and it is only in the principal form of the feminine gender (Ergle).
The appellative ērglis had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. Adler/Ehrghle Lettus 1638, 18; ein Adler/Ehrglij Phras. Lettica 1638, 277; Ehrglis tas, der Adler Lange 1773, 110); it has retained the old root *he/or- in all the Baltic languages from which Latv. ērglis, Lith. dial. arēlis, erēlis, Prus. arelie (=arelis) originated (Гамкрелидзе, Иванов 1984(2): 538; concerning the Prussian arelie see also Топоров А–Д 101–102).
Only one housename has the ornitholexeme pieķūns ‘falcon’ in the form appropriate to the appellative Peekun from the falconidae family.
It is possible that the appellative pieķūns was included in Carl Christian Ullmann’s Latvian-German dictionary of 1872 for the first time (cf. peekuhns, ein großer Flake Ullmann 1872: 194). J. Endzelīns mentions the possible Lath. Piec-es relation to Gothic figures finger (finger)’ and afghan fanged (snatch at, catch, seize)’ (ME III 262).
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TOPONIMIZATION OF BIRD NAMES OF THE GALLIFORMES ORDER
Names of the galliformes order have been actively used in Vidzeme housenames; they constitute a total of 30 units or 5.9 per cent of all the bird names in motivated housenames. The most popular of this order were two designations from the tetraonidae family represented in the housenames by such ornitholexemes as mednis ‘wood grouse’, rubenis ‘black grouse’ and teteris ‘heathcock’. The appellative mednis appears in the nomination of 11 housenames in Vidzeme.
The lexeme mednis appears in housenames in the principal form, usually in the feminine (Medna, Medne), and in word groups (Medne Zenne, Muisches Kripan Mednes).
The appellative mednis had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. Meddens Mednis, ein Auerhahn Lange 1773: 187). Latv. mednis (with its older form medenis) derived from *medinis, which corresponds to Lith. adj. medinis ‘wooden,’ (ME II 590, LEV I 575–576).
Both lexemes of the tetrao tetrix family appear in the housenames of Vidzeme: the appellative rubenis was a motivating word in eight housenames but teteris – in seven housenames.
The lexeme rubenis appears in housenames in the principal form (Rubben, Rubbin) and word groups (Grosz Rubben, Klein Rubben, Mas Rubben, Rubben Ansch, Rubben Martz, Tupeſchan Rubben).
The appellative rubenis had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. Birchkhun/Tetteris/Rubbenis Lettus 1638: 35; Birckhan/Tetteris/ Rubbenis Phras. Lettica 1638: 279; Rubbens tas, ein Birkhuhn Lange 1773: 253). J. Endzelīns and E. Fraenkel expressed opposite opinions about Latv. Rubenis: J. Endzelīns thinks that the name of a bird derives from the sound verb rubinât ‘utter mating-calls’ (ME III 552), whereas E. Fraenkel showed that the sound verb derived from the substantive Latv. rubenis (LEW 744). In the explanation of the etymology a more usual approach is the direction - ‘sound verb’ → ‘bird name’.
The lexeme teteris appears in housenames both in the principal form (Tetter), in derivative form (Teterit), and in word groups (Kaln Tetter, Leijes Tetter).
The appellative teteris had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. Birckhun/Tetteris/Rubbenis Lettus 1638: 35; Birckhan/Tetteris/Rubbenis Phras. Lettica 1638: 279; Tetteris tas, Birkhahn Lange 1773: 348). The onomatopoeic reduplicated root *t[h]et[h](e)r is
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frequent in bird names in all the main IDE dialectal groups, e.g., Prus. tatarwis ‘female of the black grouse’, Lith. teterà ‘teteris’, Latv. teteris, but the age of the name does not permit to establish the initial meaning and the specific bird species that were designated by the lexemes of the root (Гамкрелидзе, Иванов 1984(2): 540; see also Būga 1908: 138, ME IV 169, Sabaliauskas 1990: 35, LEW 1084–1085).
Bird names of the phasianidae family appear less frequently in the nomination of housenames and they are represented by ornitholexemes irbe ‘partridge’ and paipala ‘quail’. Housenames with the lexeme irbe were counted as those belonging to the phasianidae family to which laukirbe ‘grey partridge, Perdix perdix’ belongs and is the most popular partridge species, whereas savukārt mežirbe ‘hazel grouse, Bonasia bonasia’ and baltirbe ‘willow ptarmigan, Lagopus lagopus,’ according to the last changes in the classification, belong to the tetrao tetrix family. The appellative irbe appears in three Vidzeme housenames.
The lexeme irbe appears in housenames only in derivative forms (Irbīht, Irben). The appellative irbe had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. Hafelhun/Irrbe Lettus 1638: 85; Rebhun/Irrbe Lettus 1638: 140; Hafelhun/Irrbe Phras. Lettica 1638: 278; Irrbe ta, ein Feldhuhn Lange 1773: 132). There is no agreement about the etymology of the word. Most etymologists think that Latv. irbe, Lith. jerubė (with variants) is the word of the same root as in Latv. rubenis (see ME I 708–709, LEW 193–194); however, there is an attempt to relate Latv. irbe to a colour name (see LEV I 344).
The lexeme paipala appears only in one housename where it is mentioned with a different suffix – Paippul.
The appellative paipala had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. Wachtel/Paipole Phras. Lettica 1638: 278; Paipala ta, eine Wachtel Lange 1773: 225). J. Endzelīns relates Latv. paipala to Lith. piépala, Old Prussian. penpalo and Rus. непепель (ME III 34), E. Fraenkel relates the further etymology with the IDE root *pel- ‘fliegen, flattern, schwimmen (fly, hover, swim)’, also, K. Karulis supports this explanation (LEW 586, LEV II 10).
TOPONIMIZATION OF BIRD NAMES OF THE CORACIIFORMES FAMILY
Bird names of the coraciiformes family also contributed to the choice of housenames – a total of 22 units or 4.4 per cent of all the housenames of the bird semantics. Bird names belonging to the coraciidae family are only used
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in the nomination of housenames and represented by an ornitholexeme vārna ‘crow’.
The lexeme vārna appears in housenames both in the principal form (Wahrna, Wahrne, Warne), in derivative forms (Warnen), in compounds (Wahrnakrug, Wahrneporesch), and in word groups (Wahrne Krug, Warnes Krug, Wahrn Krug, Jaun Wahrne, Wezz Wahrne).
The appellative vārna had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. Kräe/Wahrna Lettus 1638, 106; eine Kräe/Wahrna Phras. Lettica 1638, 279; Wahrns tas, eine Krähe Lange 1773, 371); in one language group (Baltic, Slavic, Tocharian languages) it is a phonetic innovation with an initial sound *u- from the proto-root *k[h]or-n-, e.g., Lith. vārna, Prus. warne10 (Гамкрелидзе, Иванов 1984(2): 540). A. Sabaliauskas adds Latv. vārna, Lith. vārnas, vārna, Prus. warnis, warne to the common lexical stratum of the Baltic and Slavic languages (Sabaliauskas 1990: 120).
TOPONIMIZATION OF BIRD NAMES OF THE ANSERIFORMES ORDER
Sometimes, the preference in the nomination of housenames was given to bird names of the picidae order – a total of 20 units or 4 per cent of all the housenames of the avian semantics. Of the picidae order, only birds of the anatidae family are represented by ornitholexemes gulbis ‘swan’, gaigala ‘goldeneye bird’, pīle ‘duck’ and their borrowed analogues in housenames.
The appellative gulbis appears in ten housenames.
The lexeme gulbis appears in housenames both in the principal form, usually in the feminine Gulbe, in derivative forms (Gulban, Gulbit), and in combined forms (Ans Gulben, Anz Gulben, Jahn Gulben, Marting Gulben).
The appellative gulbis had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. Schwan/Ghullbis Lettus 1638, 164; ein Schwan/Ghullbis Phras. Lettica 1638, 279; Gulbis tas, ein Schwan Lange 1773, 126). A. Sabaliauskas adds this lexeme to the common lexical stratum of the Baltic and Slavic languages and at the same time he admits that Christian Stang relates that to the lexicon of Baltic languages only (Sabaliauskas 1990: 117–118; more about the relation to the forms of the Slavic languages see also ME I 676, LEW 175). However, Anatolij Nepokupnij broadens the area
10 Also Latv. vārna can be added to the Lithuanian and Prussian language forms, and this fact is not mentioned in Vyacheslav Ivanov’s and Tamaz Gamkrelidze’s study.
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of use of Baltic gulbis and Slavic kъlpъ by establishing correspondences in the whole area around the Baltic Sea (Непокupный 1966: 81–87).
Along with the Latvian appellative gulbis in one housename it is possible that an analogous Estonian lexeme luik ‘gulbis’ appears in a housename in Gaujiena parish in the principal form which ends in the final unified ending of the Latvian -e (Luike). According to Estonian etymologists, luik underlies the Est. sound verb luikama, Finnish luikata (EES 2012: 253).
In the nomination of one housename, the lexeme pīle appears in the diminutive form (Pilit). Certainly, taking into consideration that the length of the vowel in this housename is not indicated, the hypothesis that the housename is related to the appellative pils should not be abandoned; however, such a hypothesis is unlikely.
The appellative pīle had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. Antvogel/Piele Lettus 1638, 21; Ente/Piele Lettus 1638, 53; eine zahme Endte/Piele Phras. Lettica 1638, 277; Ente die, ta pihle Lange 1777: 207). Evidently, Latv. pīle is a lexical innovation that replaced an older lexeme retained in Lithuanian and Old Prussian antis. Pīle is the result of onomatopoeisis (see ME III 232, LEV II 48). Some authors think this word is of Couronian origin, but it was refuted by O. Büss (Büss 2008 [1988]: 186).
An interesting couple is a housename Ente in Straupe parish and Ante in Opekaln’s parish. The lexeme Ente is a relatively certain borrowing from German Ente ‘duck’; having in mind the influence of German landlords and pastors, the borrowings seem obvious; but Ante is similar to Lith. antis ‘duck’ and its ending is the unified -e. Could a Lithuanian borrowing appear near the Estonian border? Drusku or Korneta castle mound is located not very far from the place, and the dictionary “Placenames of the Latvian SSR” includes the old name of a farmstead that J. Endzelīns compares with the name of the village Drùškiai and a hill name Drùska-kalnis in Lithuania (Lvv I (1) 230).
T. Gamkrelidze and V. Ivanov write that at the time when separate IDE dialects had already been established, pīles (ducks) were domesticated poultry, that is why IDE *anḤt[h]- became a designation for a wild duck, and in several languages (including Old Prus. antis ‘duck’ also Lith. ántis ‘duck’, OHG anut, German Ente ‘duck’, Rus. утъ, утка, утва ‘duck’) retained the relation to the proto-root (Гамкрелидзе, Иванов 1984(2): 543).
The analogous Russian утка of the lexeme pīle in the nomination of housenames is more popular, and it appears in four housenames mentioned in the appropriate original form (Utke, Uttke). Such housenames appeared in Salaca and Matīšu parishes as well as Opekalna and Tirza parishes. If the latter parishes are located near the border of Russia and belong to the High Latvian
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dialect with a large number of borrowings from the Russian language, then Salaca and Matīšu parishes belong to Vidzeme Livonian dialect and they are located near Estonia so that Slavic words did not find their way to the language. It is possible that another unestablished lexeme appeared in housenames.
The ornitholexeme gaigala appears in the nomination of two housenames, and it is only in the principal form (Gaigal).
The appellative gaigala had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. Teucher/Ghaighalis Phras. Lettica 1638, 278; Gaigale ta, ein Fijchgeyer Lange 1773, 114). Latv. gaigala, and Lith. gāigalas, Prus. gegalis connect with sound verbs of the reduplicated sound imitation *ge–/*ghe–. Such sound verbs and their derivative substantives are well known in Slavic languages, e.g., Old Church Slavonic glagolъ ‘word’, glagolati ‘speak’, Rus. dial. gologolitь ‘chat’ (ME I 583–584, LEW 128, LEV I 278, Топоров Е–Н 187–189).
TOPONIMIZATION OF BIRD NAMES OF THE GRUIFORMES ORDER
Sometimes, bird names of the gruiformes order were chosen for housenames – a total of 19 units or 3.8 per cent of all housenames of the avian semantics. Only names of the gruidae family from the gruiformes order were used in the nomination of housenames represented by the ornitholexeme dzērve ‘crane’.
The lexeme dzērve in housenames appears both in the principal form (Dserwe, Dſerwe, Dſehrwe), in derivatives (Dſerwit, Dſerwan, Dſerwen), in word groups (Kalna Dſehrwe, Leies Dſehrwe, Leel Dſerwe, Mas Dſerwe, Masſ Dſerwe), and in combined forms (Jaun Dſerweneek Gesinde).
The appellative dzērve had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. Kranich/Dſehrwe Lettus 1638, 106; (ein) Kranich/Dſehrwe Phras. Lettica 1638, 279, 280; Dſehrwe ta, ein Kranich Lange 1773, 87); it retained the old root *k’er- in all Baltic languages, from which further derivations are Latv. dzērve, Lith. gérvė, Prus. gerwe (Гамкрелидзе, Иванов 1984(2): 540; see also LEW 137–138, ME I 548, LEV I 249, Топоров Е–Н 223–227).
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TOPONIMIZATION OF BIRD NAMES OF THE STRIGIFORMES ORDER
Bird names of the strigidae family from the strigiformes order were also used in housenames – a total of 15 units or 3 per cent of all the motivated housenames containing bird names and represented by ornitholexemes pūce ‘owl’, pelēda ‘tawny owl’ and apogs ‘little owl’. The appellative pūce appears in six housenames.
The lexeme pūce appears in housenames in the principal form only (Putze, Puhze, Puhtze).
The appellative pūce had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. eine Eule/Uhpis/Puhza Phras. Lettica 1638, 280; Puhze ta, eine Eule Lange 1773, 242). J. Endzelins writes about the onomatopoeic origin of the word (ME III 444; skat. arī LEW 660, LEV II 83, LVDA 1999: 100–101).
A dialectal lexeme pelēda appears in four housenames in Ērgeme (2), Limbaži and Suntaži parishes. In the lexical part of “The Dialectal Atlas of Latvian” the word pelēda is popular in Latgale and the East of Vidzeme and Zemgale (LVDA 1999: 100–101; 38th map), but the spread of the mentioned ornitholexeme pelēda is much broader including the northwestern part of Vidzeme.
The lexeme pelēda in housenames appears in the principal form (Pellad, Pellehdu) and in word groups (Kalna Pellehd, Leies Pellehd).
The appellative pelēda had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. Fledermaus/ Sickpfahrni/ Pell=ahd Phras. Lettica 1638, 280), but it relates to an animal name of the vespertilionidae family of the chiroptera order.Etymologically, it is considered to be a compound consisting of Latv. pele, Lith. pelē and Latv. ēst, Lith. ēsti (ME III 196, LEW 566, LEV II 35). Besides, E. Fraenkel writes that it originated as a taboo word (LEW 566).
The appellative apogs appears in five housenames.
The lexeme apogs appears in housenames in the principal form (Appog, Appoga), and in word groups (K[alna] Appog, L[ejas] Appog).
The appellative apogs had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. Eule/Appohx Lettus 1638, 55; Kautz oder Eul/Appohx Lettus 1638, 100; Appohgs tas, eine Nachteüle Lange 1773, 23); it is common both in Latvian and Lithuanian languages (cf. Lith. apúokas ‘eagle owl; owl’) and relates to the common lexical stratum of the Baltic languages (see Sabaliauskas 1990, 148). The etymology is not clear enough. The root of the word corresponds to the sound verbs Latv. ūkšuot, ūkšēt ‘seufzen
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(sigh)’, liet. ú̂kauti ‘zurufen (to haloo)’ (ME I 133, LEW 14), but the problem about the meaning of the prefix ap- discussed by J. Endzelīns remains unsolved (ME I 133, LEV I 73). Despite the uncertainties, the word apogs can be added to the group of words of onomatopoeic origin.
TOPONIMIZATION OF BIRD NAMES OF THE CICONIIFORMES ORDER
A bird name of the ardeidae family dumpis ‘bittern’ appears in the nomination of housenames; it is mentioned 9 times, which accounts for 1.8 per cent of all the housenames containing bird names.
The lexeme dumpis appears in housenames both in the principal form, usually in the feminine (Dumpe), and in word groups (Dumpe Runtze).
The appellative dumpis had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. Dumpis, ein Rohrdommel Lange 1773, 95). J. Endzelīns, referring to Johanns Sehwers’ study, argues that the lexeme dumpis is a borrowing from no OHG raredump ‘Rohrdommel (bittern)’ (ME I 515; skat. arī Sehwers 1953: 29); K. Karulis, referring to Middle Low German raredump (the absence of the first part of the word in Latvian), thinks that Latv. dumpis ‘putns’ relates to Latv. dumpis ‘rebellion, insurrection’, thus he concludes that the bird makes a noise (LEV I 240).
TOPONIMIZATION OF BIRD NAMES OF THE CUCULIFORMES ORDER
A bird name of the cuculidae family from the cuculiformes order dzeguze is used in the nomination of housenames; it was mentioned five times and it makes up one per cent of all the bird designations in housenames.
The lexeme dzeguze ‘cuckoo’ in housenames appears in the principal form (Dsegus, Džegus, Dzeggūs) and in word groups (Kaln Džegus, Leis Džegus).
The appellative dzeguze had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. Guckuck/Djāggufe Lettus 1638, 81; der Kuckuck/Djāggufe Phras. Lettica 1638, 279; Djāggufe ta, der Gukkuk Lange 1773, 86). A. Sabaliauskas relates Lith. gegùžė and Latv. dzeguze, and also Prus. geguse to the common lexical stratum of the Baltic and Slavic languages (Sabaliauskas 1990: 117). Also, J. Endzelīns, E. Fraenkel and M. Vasmer indicate the correspondence between Baltic and Slavic forms; however, they do
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not discuss the further development (ME I 539–540, LEW 142–143, ЭСРЯ II 91–92). K. Karulis admits the fact that the word relates to the imitation of the cuckoo voice (LEV I 246). J. V. Toporov links the name of dzeguze in the Baltic and Slavic languages with the forms of the German languages, for example, Old High German gouh (Топоров E–H 189–191).
TOPONIMIZATION OF BIRD NAMES OF THE PODICIPEDIFORMES ORDER
A bird name of the podicipedidae family from the podicipediformes order dūkuris appears in the nomination of housenames; it was mentioned only three times and accounts for 0.6 per cent of the housenames of the avian semantics.
The lexeme dūkuris ‘grebe’ in housenames appears only in the principal form (Dukur, Dukk ur).
A variant of the appellative dūkuris had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. duḳḳeris, eine art Tauchenten Lange 1773, 94). J. Endzelīns includes the diminutive dūkurītis ‘Zwergsteissfuss (podicipes fluviatilis)’ in the entry ᵈdūkuris ‘der Taucher (diver)’ of the dictionary and writes that Latv. dūkuris was borrowed from MLG dūker (ME I 526).
HOUSENAMES WITH DESIGNATIONS FOR POULTRY
Some bird names of poultry were used in the nomination of housenames, which make up 14 units or 2.8 per cent of all the housenames of the avian semantics11.
The appellative cālis ‘chick’ appears in nine Vidzeme housenames.
The lexeme cālis appears in housenames both in the principal form (Zahle), in derivative forms (Zahlit, Zahlīht, Zahlīet), and in word groups (Mefche Zalīt).
The appellative cālis had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. jungs Hennlein/Zahlietz Lettus 1638, 88; Küchlein/Zalifchi Phras. Lettica 1638, 281; Zahlis tas, ein Küchel Lange 1773: 396). J. Endzelīns does not provide the origin of the word (ME I
11 A separate group consists of housenames with the ornitholexeme gailis (rooster). Pīle (duck) was not counted as a domestic bird.
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367); K. Karulis tries to relate it to the IDE root *kel- ‘call, shout, make a noise, sound’, which turned into *kol- : kal- and in Latvian *k’āl- > cāl- (LEV I 159–160) as a result of sound change.
Three housenames are connected with the appellative vista ‘hen’.
The lexeme vista appears in housenames in the derivative form (Wiftul) and in combined forms (Jaun Wistuz, Wetz Wistuz).
The appellative vista had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. Henn/Wiṭa Lettus 1638: 88; eine Henne/Wiſta Phras. Lettica 1638, 281; Wiſta ta, die [avotā – diz] Henne Lange 1773: 396).
There is no agreement about the origin of the lexeme vista. A. Sabaliauskas relates it to the common lexical stratum of the Baltic languages (Sabaliauskas 1990: 153). J. Endzelīns relates Latv. vista with a meaning ‘a domestic bird’ or ‘the one that came home’ to the old Indic viś- ‘house’ (ME IV 626; arī LEW 1266). E. Fraenkel mentions its link with Latin avis ‘bird’; however, he does not consider the hypothesis to be real; namely, it is unlikely that Latv. vista, Lith. vištà could be related to Lith. vimščióti (LEW 1266).
One housename is connected with the analogues of the lexeme vista in the Russian language курица. This housename appears in Alūksne parish and is used in the form appropriate to the Russian appellative – Kuritz. Etymologically, Rus. кура, курица ‘hen’ is derived from Rus. кур ‘rooster’, which is from a sound verb connected with singing (ЭСРЯ II 422).
The appellative connected with one housename and appearing in a word group Titer Krug is titars.
The lexeme titars ‘turkey’ had already been included in the dictionaries of the 18th century (cf. Tihteris, Joll einen Kalkuhn vorſtellen Lange 1773: 396). The origin is not clear enough. J. Endzelīns thinks that Latv. tītars could have been the result of reduplication in Latv. teteris (ME IV 206).
HOUSENAMES WITH A GENERAL DESIGNATION PUTNS (BIRD) AND ITS ANALOGUES
The generalized designation putns appears in 18 or 3.6 per cent of all the ornitholexemes in motivated housenames. The lexeme putns in housenames appears both in derivative forms (Putnen, Putnin, Puttnin, Puttnieng), in compounds (Areputne), in word groups (Jaun Putne, Wez Putne), and in combined forms (Kalne Puttnung, Leijes Puttnung, Putning Janne, Putning Andres Gesinde).
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The appellative putns had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. Vogel/Puttnis Lettus 1638, 196; ein Vogel/Puttnis Phras. Lettica 1638, 277; putns, ein Vogel Lange 1773: 244). There is no agreement about the origin of the word. Most etymologists relate it to the IDE root *pū- ‘small, baby’ > Baltic and Slavic *putā- ‘bird’ > Baltic *putnas > Latv. putns (LEW 554, ME III 441 – 442, LEV II 94).
Three housenames in Vidzeme from Cesvaine and Palsmane parishes could be an analogue of the lexeme putns in the Estonian language lind ‘bird’. The lexeme lind appears in housenames in the appropriate form of the appellative with an added ending (Linde), and in word groups (Linde Pawul, Jaun Linde). However, it is more plausible that the housenames are not an appellative of the fauna semantics, but an appellative of the flora semantics, namely, German Linde ‘linden tree’.
HOUSENAMES WITH A LEXEME GAILIS (ROOSTER) AND ITS ANALOGUES
Fifty-five housenames are connected with the lexeme gailis, which make up 10.9 per cent of all the housenames of the avian semantics. These housenames might refer to the motivated onymic group of poultry, but excerpted compounds (in some cases word groups) with the lexeme gailis show that they refer not only to poultry but also to several species of forest birds.
The lexeme gailis appears in 22 housenames in which the motivation word could be connected with a domestic bird; these housenames appear in the form appropriate to the appellative – usually in the feminine (Gaile), in derivative forms (Gailit, Gailiht, Gailan, Geilit), in compounds (Marsgail, Gailematſch), in word groups (Kalna Gailis, Lejas Gailis, Leel Gaile, Mas Gaile), and in combined forms (Gailit Krischan, Gailit Mickel).
The appellative gailis had already been included in the first dictionaries of the Latvian language of the 17th and 18th centuries (cf. Hahn/Ghailis Lettus 1638, 83; ein Han/Ghailis Phras. Lettica 1638, 280; Gailis, der Hahn Lange 1773: 114).
Etymologically, Latv. gailis, Lith. gaidỹs relate to the sound verb Latv. dziedāt, Lith. giedóti (ME I 584–585, LEW 150, LEV I 279)
Five housenames in Vidzeme may relate to the analogue of Est. kukk ‘gailis’ of the lexeme gailis. These housenames appear in the form appropriate to the appellative with a unified ending (Kuikke/Kukke), and in word groups (K[alna] Kukke, Kalne Kukke, L[ejas] Kukke, Leies Kukke. The mentioned housenames are in Ērģeme, Rūjiena, Lēdurga, and Turaidas parishes, where borrowings from Estonian are not rare. Est. kukk is basically onomatopoeic (EES 188).
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A borrowing from Finnish appears in four housenames – either the popular kikas of Est. subdialects or the Livonian kik, and its etymology is analogous to Est. kukk (EES 154). These housenames appear in both the form appropriate to the appellative with a unified ending -e (Kikke), in derivative forms (Kikkan), and in word groups (Kalne Kiks, Leijes Kiks). The derived housename Kikkan is in Alūksne parish, but the rest of the housenames – in Cēsis and Madliena parishes. It is possible that the Livonian kik is in the housenames in Cēsis and Madliena parishes, but in Alūksne parish – either Est. kikas, or even a lexeme of different semantics.
Twenty-four housenames were studied separately, and they are compounds with the lexeme gailis – pur(va)gailis, mež(a)gailis, ezergailis, rudz(u)gailis and sil(a)gailis – because these compounds are colloquial designations for forest birds or they have a taboo element – to be successful in hunting the hunted animal, namely, a bird should not be pronounced.
The compound pur(va)gailis (in separate cases also a word group purva gailis) appears in the nomination of 12 housenames where it is used in the form appropriate to the compound (Purgael, Purgail, Purgaill, Purregail, Purrgail), and the form appropriate to the word group (Puru gail). In some cases an extra component was added to the compound (e.g., Purregail Pankoh, Mafs Purregail). The housenames of a compound pur(va)gailis do not have a specific area of location; they are evenly spread all across Vidzeme.
The compound pur(va)gailis as a bird name raises a special interest. According to the information provided by hunters, the bird could be a partridge, particularly and most likely – ptarmigan.
Having analyzed the mentioned compound purgailis, Ojārs Bušs and Renāte Silina-Piņķe admit a possibility that the word could denote not a bird but a specific plant – marsh Labrador tea (Ledum palustre) (Bušs, Silina-Piņķe 2012). The assumption based on the study of the language materials from Lithuanian and Estonian may seem plausible; however, if we analyze all the housenames of the beginning of the 19th century in Vidzeme, we should conclude that there are too many housenames with a lexeme gailis in the second component of the compound, and this fact cannot be considered a coincidence, namely, gals → gailis.
The compound mež(a)gailis appears in the nomination of five housenames used in the form appropriate to the compound (Mefchgail, Meschgail), and also with extra components added, thus forming combined word groups (Kalne Mefchgail, Leies Mefchgail), which separate two similar housenames.
Evidently, the compound mež(a)gailis denotes a wood grouse, because the word group meža gailis included in K. Mülenbachs’ and J. Endzelīns “Dictionary of the Latvian Language” is explained followingly: “a wood grouse with a
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red comb” (ME I 584–585). The surveyed hunters agreed that meža gaili is a wood grouse.
The compound ezergailis appears in the nomination of three housenames used both in the form appropriate to the compound (Esfergail, Efergail) and the spelling appropriate to the word group (Esfer Gaile).
The compound ezergailis most likely denotes a bittern because the word group ežera gailis included in K. Mülenbachs’ and J. Endzelīns “Dictionary of the Latvian Language” refers to a bittern (ME I 584–585), and this viewpoint matches the hunters’ explanation.
The compound rudz(u)gailis appears in the nomination of two housenames only together with the lexemes liels ‘big’ and mazs ‘small’ (Leel Rudfgail, Mas Rudfgail). Both of these housenames appear in Ropaži parish. Presently, the unconfirmed information is that the lexeme rudz(u)gailis could denote a grey partridge.
The compound sil(a)gailis also appears in the nomination of two housenames in the form appropriate only to the compound without taking into consideration the spelling of the 19th century (Sillegail). These housenames appear in different country manors of Trikāta parish. Possibly, it is a designation for a black grouse.
CONCLUSIONS
A broad range of bird names is represented in the nomination of housenames. The most widespread ones are gailis, zīle, dzenis, vanags (see Picture 2). As peasants of Vidzeme obtained their surnames on a massive scale only in 1826, they cannot be a basis for housenames. In separate country estates, for example, the private mansions of Karva and Veclaicene in the Opekalna parish it was common that a housename was the basis for the surname (usually in the surname of the housekeeper). However, if ornitholexemes are compared in housenames and surnames (cf. Сталитмане 1981, Balodis 2008), both similarities and differences can be noticed among motivation words. An undoubted leader both in housenames and surnames is a partially generalized designation gailis that denotes not only a poultry bird but also a male of a forest bird. However, in housenames the popular bird names zīle, vārna, dzērve, ķikuts, žagata are not among the most popular surnames.
The popular bird names in surnames gulbis, mednis, putns and putniņš, rubenis, zvirbulis (Picture 3) are not among the most widespread ornitholexemes in housenames.
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PICTURE 2. The most popular ornitholexemes in Vidzeme housenames in 1826
Certain widespread and well-known bird names, for example, stārķis ‘stork’, zoss ‘goose’, cielava ‘wagtail’ do not appear in housenames.
Most ornitholexemes used in Vidzeme housenames are also well known appellatives of modern Latvian, for example, balodis, bezdelīga, dzenis, kaija, strazds, vārna, vanags. A total of 43 lexemes referring to wild birds in the Latvian language were established in Vidzeme housenames, three lexemes referring to poultry birds in the Latvian language, a generalized lexeme putns and a lexeme of a high degree of generalization gailis. The appellatives used only in subdialects are very rare, for example, pelēda, strads and strods, žīgurs and žēgurs. It was observed that some of the lexemes from modern subdialects were known in a broader area in the beginning of the 19th century, for example, housenames with bird names pelēda and strazds appear in the mansions of Ērgeme parish, and neither in the lexical part of Ērgeme or nearby subdialects as shown by “The Dialectal Atlas of Latvian” (LVDA 1999), nor the three-volume “Dictionary of Ērgeme Subdialect” (ĒIV 1977–1983) mentions any of the appellatives. Besides, some housenames contain a lexeme dūja which has a connotative meaning nowadays.
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Housenames of Fauna (Bird Names) Semantics in Vidzeme: Materials of Historical (Souls) Revisions in Vidzeme Guberniya 1826
PICTURE 3. The most widespread ornitholexemes in Latvian surnames (the diagram has been prepared on the basis of information provided in P. Balodis’ doctoral thesis (Balodis 2012))
Borrowings from relative and contact languages in the nomination of housenames in Vidzeme are very rare. It is possible that in the corpus of 14,500 housenames some may have remain unnoticed; presently, however, only borrowings from Lithuanian (antis ‘duck’), German (Ente ‘duck’), Estonian (kajakas ‘gull’, subdial. kikas (possibly, Livonian kik) ‘rooster’, kukk ‘rooster’, luik ‘swan’), and Russian (утка ‘duck’, курица ‘hen’) were established. The appellatives of the Latvian language (dūja, dumpis) were not considered borrowings, but it is likely that they entered Latvian as borrowings from German.
The appellatives denoting bird names used in the nomination of housenames are mostly words of derived etymology either connected with sound verbs and/or designations for bird sounds; most of them have the same etymology in Latvian and Lithuanian.
The analysis of bird names in motivated housenames of Vidzeme may provide an insight into the semantics of the mentioned lexicon in the beginning
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of the 19th century as well as an insight into the criteria for choosing specific housenames.
SOURCES
LVVA = foundation nr. 199, description nr. 1 – Historical (Souls) revision materials of Vidzeme Guberniya (Vidz̦emes gubern̦as dvēsel̦u revīziju materiāli ) of the Latvian State Historical Archives.
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Vidžemės sodybų pavadinimai, suponuoti ornitonimų (paukščių pavadinimų): 1826 m. Vidžemės gubernijos kadastro duomenys
SANTRAUKA
Straipsnyje aptariami 505 Vidžemės gubernijos (1826 m. kadastro duomenimis) sodybų pavadinimai, sudaryti iš ornitonimų. Daugelis paukščių pavadinimų, suponavusių Vidžemės sodybų įvardijimus, yra dažni bendrinės latvių kalbos apeliatyvai, pvz.: balodis, bezdelīga, dzenis, kaija, strazds, vārna, vanags, žagata, cīrulis, zvirbulis, vālodze, lakstīgala. Iš viso Vidžemės sodybų pavadinimus suponavusių ortonimų suskaičiuota 43, kurių dauguma – laukinių paukščių įvardijimai, 3 naminių paukščių vardai, hiperonimas putns, dažnas hiponimas gailis, pasitaikantis dūriniuose pur(va)gailis, mež(a)gailis, ezergailis, rudz(u)gailis
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Housenames of Fauna (Bird Names) Semantics in Vidzeme: Materials of Historical (Souls) Revisions in Vidzeme Guberniya 1826
and sil(a)gailis. Kai kurie ornitonimai vartojami retai ir tik pavienėse šnektose, pvz.: pelēda, strads ir strods, žīgurs bei žēgurs. Nustatyta, kad kai kurie minėtų dialektizmų buvo kur kas plačiau vartojami XIX a. pradžioje, plg., pavyzdžiui, sodybų pavadinimus su ornitonimais pelēda ir strazds. Skoliniai iš rytų baltų ar kaimyninių kalbų Vidžemės sodybų pavadinimų daryboje vartojami labai retai, plg. lie. antis „Anas“, vo. Ente „t. p.“, es. kajakas „Larus“, es. dial. kikas „Gallus“ (galbūt ir lyv. kik „t. p.“), kukk „t. p.“, luik „Cycnus“, ru. умка „Анас“, курица „Gallina“.
Dauguma latvių sodybų pavadinimų, reflektuojančių apeliatyvinės kilmės ornitonimus, yra onomatopėjinės kilmės. Daugelis šių apeliatyvų, vartojamų latvių ir lietuvių kalbose, yra tos pačios kilmės.
Įteikta 2015 m. rugpjūčio 14 d.
ILGA JANSONE
LU Latviešu valodas institūts
Akadēmijas laukums 1, LV-1050 Rīga, Latvija
[email protected]
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