Sudurtinių Marijampolės apskrities helonimų motyvacija

DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ Institute of the Lithuanian Language Research areas: onomastics (studies of the formation, origin, and motivation of proper names). MOTIVATION OF COMPOUND HELONYMS IN MARIJAMPOLĖ COUNTY Motivation of Compound Helonyms of Marijampole County ABSTRACT The article analyzes the motivation of helonyms in Marijampolė County recorded in the Land Names questionnaires compiled during the interwar period and formed by compounding. This source is particularly suitable for research into toponymization, since the questionnaires preserve descriptions explaining the recorded onomastic situation, as well as comments by the contributors of place names, which make it possible to view the toponymic material through the lens of the experience and evaluation of members of the ethnic community. To identify the regularities in the naming of marshy places, the analysis of place names is based on the principle of topo-object nomination, distinguishing landscape features, local relations, ownership relations, and cultural-historical relations. Attention is also given to the linguistic community’s (nation’s) representative declaring one’s own self in linguistic units. In addition, situational helonyms are identified and discussed for the first time in Lithuanian toponymy: a typified situation or event marks an obscure, little-known object. KEYWORDS: place names, water names, helonyms, compounds, motivation, naming situation, principles of nomination, interwar period. ANNOTATION The article analyses the motivation of helonyms from Marijampolė County formed by means of compounding and recorded in the “Land Names” questionnaires during the interwar period. It is an excellent source for the research of toponomination because the questionnaires record the descriptions explaining the onomastic situation and the commentaries of informants providing place names which enable us to take a look at the 243 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ toponymic material through the prism of experience and evaluations of representatives of the ethnic region. In order to find out the tendencies of naming swampy places, the analysis of place names is based on the distinction of the principles of topoobject nomination according to landscape peculiarities, local, ownership-related, cultural-historical relations. Attention is also paid to the declaration of self by a member of the linguistic community (nation) in linguistic units. It is also the first time when situational helonyms in which a typified situation or event marks a little known and poorly familiar object are distinguished and discussed in Lithuanian toponymy. KEYWORDS: place names, hydronyms, helonyms, compounds, motivation, naming situation, nomination principles, interwar period. 0. INTRODUCTION An analysis of helonyms (names of marshy places)1 formed by compounding in a particular area, from the perspective of motivation, is a continuation of earlier studies of Marijampolė County place names from the interwar period, with regard to their structure and origin. Be Laimučio Bilkio vykdytų lietuvių helonimų tyrimų (Bilkis 2008), kelių Lietuvos plotų helonimija analizuota regioninės toponimikos studijose (Mickienė 2001; Endzelytė 2005; Bartkutė 2008) ir atskirame straipsnyje (Adamonytė 2013). Dalis sudurtinės toponimijos – oikonimų ir oronimų – taip pat yra sulaukusi mūsų tyrėjų dėmesio (Razmukaitė 2002; Sviderskienė 2006; Kačinaitė 2008). Atsižvelgiant į esamą pelkėtų vietų ir kitų klasių (poklasių) sudurtinių vietų vardų tyrimų padėtį2, tenka konstatuoti, kad vieno darbo būdo toponimų motyvacijos analizė ne tik papildytų iki šiol aktualiais ir įprastais (darbo ir kilmės) aspektais vykdytus lietuvių toponimijos tyrimus, bet atsižvelgus į kalbos vartotojų kalbinės sąmonės duomenis, padėtų atskleisti tam tikro ploto vietovardžių motyvaciją. Tarpukario Žemės vardų anketos3, kaip šaltinis, nominacijos tyrimams ypač tinkamos, nes jose yra išlikę užfiksuoti onomastinę situaciją paaiškinantys aprašai, vietovardžių pateikėjų komentarai, leidžiantys pažvelgti į toponiminę medžiagą per etninės srities atstovų patyrimo, vertinimo prizmę. Be to, motyvaciją kalboje suprantant ir kaip tam tikros atrankos mechanizmą, šį tyrimą ypač paremia Prano Skardžiaus sudurtinių žodžių vertė 1 Dėl termino žr. Bilkis 1997: 35–57. 2 Dėl helonimų tyrimų padėties plačiau žr. Bilkis 2008: 27–29. 3 Plačiau dėl tyrimui naudojamos medžiagos dar žr. Sviderskienė 2015: 170. 244 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXV Sudurtinių Marijampolės apskrities helonimų motyvacija arguments supporting this: “by their nature, they are particularly suited to a more precise, more concise, richer, and more meaningful mode of expression. Consequently, compound words very often have much fuller, richer, and at the same time more specialized content than the separate parts of word groups that have not yet been perceived as a unity.” “In this way, compound words constitute one of the principal specialized means of expression<...>,<...> and they most often have something distinctive” (Skardžius 1943: 396–397). The local aspect of the present study is also important. Its foundation is not the identification of areas corresponding to the meanings of helonyms, but the determination of motivational features and the highlighting of their hierarchy, since “the regular recurrence of motivational features reflects certain inclinations of a nation, its attention to one or another sphere of reality” (Gudavičius 2007: 221). The position set out here is supported by an observation made by Aleksandras Vanagas concerning research into the semantics of hydronyms, which also applies in the context of research into helonym motivation: “it is difficult to imagine that semantic phenomena themselves could form areas.” “After all, the most important meanings of hydronyms are, by their nature, an ‘antiareality’ phenomenon, an unquestionable hydronymic universal. At most, one can speak of the quantitative (and, in a certain sense, qualitative) relationship between various semantic categories” (Vanagas 1981: 124). The aim of the article is to elucidate the motivation of helonyms formed by compounding in a particular area, reveal the distinctiveness of the linguistic categorization of a fragment of reality, highlight the hierarchy of motives behind the emergence of names for marshy places, and determine naming tendencies. The research material is analyzed using the method of structural analysis of toponyms, the method of interpreting comments by informants about place names in the ethnic area under study, the method of componential analysis, and the descriptive method with elements of the comparative method. First, the research material was assessed according to the structural-grammatical classification devised by A. Vanagas for the study of the hydronym class (for further discussion, see Vanagas 1970: 21–27), which, as studies of Lithuanian toponymy show, is readily applicable to the analysis of place names from other classes (subclasses) as well. In this way, determinative4 formations were identified, whose first components are appellatives (nouns, adjectives, etc.) and onyms (in our case, only personal names occurred). Since the place names under study were recorded from spoken language, the comments by informants about place names in the ethnic area under study, accompanying the place names recorded in the Žemės vardų questionnaires, were considered perhaps the most important source for elucidating the meanings of the appellatives from which they were formed. However, experience shows that comments are not an absolute indicator. Language users often try to invent a semantic connection and apply it to support their explanations of the motivation behind place names. Thus, the underlying 4 Dėl termino žr. Urbutis 1978: 173. Straipsniai / Articles 245 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ The interpretation of the meanings of words (appellatives) was based on documentation of instances of one word or another being used in other sources—terminological dictionaries5, the Dictionary of the Lithuanian Language (hereafter LKŽe). An important source supporting the study of toponymic motivation was the collection of place names recorded from living speech at various times (Place Names Index; hereafter VK), kept in the Institute of the Lithuanian Language’s Onomastics Archives6. The main sources for personal names were Lithuanian anthroponymic dictionaries: Dictionary of Lithuanian Surnames (LPŽ), Dictionary of the Origins of Lithuanian Names (LVKŽ)7, and the alphabetical index of historical personal names kept in the Onomastics Archives of the Institute of the Lithuanian Language (IAK). The study showed that dictionaries of Polish were indispensable in seeking to substantiate appellatives and personal names as base words (etymons)8. The second constituents of the compounds identified—-bal-, -pelk-, -plyn-, -raist-—show that they belong to the selected subclass of names for marshy places. Pelkė means ‘a boggy place with standing water, a marsh’. As can be seen, the physiographic term pėlkė, used in this sense, belongs to a particular semantic paradigm: terms for marshy places denote related concepts and include physiographic terms naming other subordinate concepts: bala ‘a boggy place, usually with standing water; a marsh, bog; a quagmire, pool’, plynė ‘a marsh, bog’, raistas ‘a boggy place overgrown with shrubs or trees, a marsh, a thicket’. Names of features with the second constituent -kamp- were also included in the material under study; this constituent is derived from the Lithuanian appellative kañpas ‘edge’, denoting a part of a particular space—its edge or margin (in our case, a part of a marshy area, as indicated by the feature-type references—b., rst.—recorded in the questionnaires). In analyzing the material in terms of motivation, the study drew not only on the practice of Lithuanian onomastics, namely A. Vanagas’s semantic classification of water names (for more detail, see Vanagas 1981: 4–153), but also on examples of classification applied in Russian toponymic studies (on qualification and classification, see Sviderskienė: 2014). This article does not limit itself to identifying the motives behind the emergence of helonyms. Distinguishing the principles of topo-object nomination provided an additional semantic criterion for explaining place-name motivation. Accordingly, the article classifies names of marshy places according to nomination principles as well: 1) by the features of the objects, 2) by the relationship of the objects to other objects, and 3) by their relationship to humans. This classification of proper names is determined by the features and characteristics of the real-world entities themselves. During the study, determining the lexical status of the first, modifying constituent of some helonyms proved problematic—whether it was appellative or onymic (in our 5 For these, see the list of sources at the end of the article. 6 Plačiau apie šią kartoteką žr. Maciejauskienė 2002: 57; 2002a: 103–105; LVŽ I: XIII–XIX. 7 These abbreviations have been omitted from the article because they recur frequently. 8 For these, see the list of sources at the end of the article. 246 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXV Sudurtinių Marijampolės apskrities helonimų motyvacija case—anthroponymic). There were also more difficult cases of a different kind in interpreting motivation, associated with the polysemy and homonymy of the first appellative constituent. The absence of comments in the land-name questionnaires only compounded the problem. As is known, the metaphorical expression of a motivating feature is based on comparison, which both provides an associative direction and allows freedom of interpretation. Thus, without additional information recorded in the questionnaires, all that remained was to make reasoned conjectures about which feature of a place had inspired the figurative naming of places. Since the material is heterogeneous in terms of clarity, the article divides compound helonyms into two sections: helonyms with clear motivation (I) and helonyms whose motivation admits two (or several) explanations and is therefore not entirely clear at present (II). 1. COMPOUND HELONYMS WITH CLEAR MOTIVATION 1.1. According to the properties of the objects 1.1.1. Helonyms motivated by animal names are the most abundantly attested representatives of the names of the places analyzed: Anč-balė bog Ss⁹; Anč-plynė bog KzR: Lithuanian ántis ‘duck’; Avin-a-raistis bog Gdl: Lithuanian ãvinas ‘male sheep’¹⁰; Barsūk-raistis swamp Gdl: Lithuanian barsūkas ‘badger’; Bùl-ia-raistis swamp Brb: Lithuanian bùlius ‘male cow’¹¹; Gaidž-ia-raistis bog Ss: Lithuanian gaidỹs ‘rooster’; Géru-a-balė swamp Igl; Gerv-a-raistis 9 Nominative semantic groups are arranged according to the number of representatives in each. In the article’s sections, helonyms are generally listed alphabetically; exceptions are made where required by the specific nature of the material analyzed. The components of compounds are separated by a hyphen. Place names whose stress has been reliably recorded in the Earth Names questionnaires are marked for stress. If a toponym is unstressed in the interwar data, or its stress is unclear, it is left unmarked in the article. If the accent is uncertain, the nucleus of the stressed syllable is underlined. References to the named objects and their locations are provided for all place names. The lists of these and of abbreviations for object references were not compiled anew; instead, those already prepared for the Dictionary of Lithuanian Place Names (hereafter LVŽ) were used. A list of abbreviations used in the article is provided at its end. 10 See also LVŽ I 244–245. 11 See LVŽ I 612–613, where, alongside the possibility that related place names are of appellative origin, their association with personal names is also acknowledged. The derivational basis of the helonyms Bulinė meadow Gir, Pdv; Buliùkas bog Pkn is considered unclear (see also Bilkis 2008: 48, 185). Straipsniai / Articles 247 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ swamp Brb: Lithuanian gérvė ‘crane’; Karõs-balė 2 bog Klvr; Karos-balė bog Klvr: Lithuanian karõsas ‘a bony fish of the family Cyprinidae, crucian carp (Cyprinidae), crucian carp (Carassius ca-rassius); Kiaũl-ia-balė bog Igl, Mrj12: Lithuanian kiaũlė ‘pig’; Kiel-a-balė bog Mrj; Kiel-ia-balė bog Ldvn: Lithuanian kielė ‘marten’; Krek-a-balė bog Prn: Lithuanian krėkė ‘crucian carp (Carassius carassius); Kumél-balė bog Lbv, Ss; meadow Ss; Kumel-balė bog Brb: Lithuanian kumelỹs ‘young horse; stallion’, kumėlė ‘a domestic working animal—a female (Equa); Kùrk-a-balė bog Mrj: Lithuanian kùrka ‘turkey hen’; Ož-ia-raistis swamp Prn, Vv: Lithuanian ožỹs ‘male goat’13; Õžk-a-raistis swamp Brb: Lithuanian ožkà ‘goat’; Pãrp-plynė (< *Pãrpl-plynė) meadow KzR: Lithuanian par-plỹs ‘mole cricket’14; Pelėd-balė bog Ss: Lithuanian pelėda ‘owl’; Šárk-a-balė bog Lbv; Šark-a-raistis swamp Prn: Lithuanian šárka ‘magpie’; Špók-a-raistis bog Ss: Lithuanian špókas ‘starling (Sturnus vulgaris); Stirn-a-plynė bog KzR: Lithuanian stirna ‘roe deer’; Varn-a-balė bog Klvr; Varn-a-balė bog Klvr; Várn-a-plynė bog KzR; Varn-ā-plynė swamp KzR; Varn-a-plynė bog KzR: Lithuanian várna ‘a bird of the crow family with gray and black plumage (Corvus corone)’, var̃nas ‘a large black bird of the crow family, raven, carrion crow (Corvus corax)’; Višt-a-balė bog Mrj: Lithuanian vištà ‘hen’; Žalč-ia-balė bog Brb: Lithuanian žaltỹs ‘a non-venomous snake-like reptile (Natrix); any animal belonging to the snakes’; Žvirbl-ia-raistis swamp Brb: Lithuanian žvirblis ‘sparrow’. 1.1.2. Several helonyms recorded in the study area were named according to their extent (dimensions): Didž-balė bog Igl, KzR, Mrj; swamp KzR; Didž-plynė bog KzR – in the Velniakalnis Forestry questionnaire, in the object-reference field for the hydronym Didžbalė KzR, it is described as a large bog. Based on this information about the denotatum, one may infer that the base word of the place name is Lithuanian didis, -ė (‑ė, -i, didžia) ‘notable for its extent, large’. The adjective long also has a spatial seme as well as a quantity seme. Most likely for this reason, A. Vanagas too hesitated when qualifying and classifying hydronyms formed from this adjective: whether to regard them as representatives of configurational meaning (like elongated hydro-objects) or of extent (size) meaning15. Assuming that a topo-object can be qualified as long independently of its position in space, since the quantitative relations between the object's parts are more important, helonyms (like hydronyms) whose first constituent is long- are classified in the article as named by extent (dimensions): Īlg-a-balė b. KzR, Lbv, Prn; marsh Igl; Ilg-a-balė b. Lbv; Ilg-a-plynėmarsh KzR; Īlg-a-raistismarsh Gdl; 12 “At Užakūsi; in the old days, pigs were grazed here in early spring,” the Dambrauka village questionnaire states. 13 Since the swamp’s name was recorded in the questionnaire for the Prienai-Ašminta forestry district, a connection with Lithuanian ožỹs ‘roe deer’ cannot be ruled out. 14 Dėl pelkėvardžio darybos dar žr. Bilkis 2008: 296. Čia jis vertinamas kaip priesagėtasis. 15 Dar žr. Vanagas 1981: 108. 248 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXV Sudurtinių Marijampolės apskrities helonimų motyvacija Ilg-a-raistis village Prn; 2 bogs Prn, bog Šil; Ilg-a-kampis village KzR: Lith. ilgas, -à ‘extending lengthwise, far (in space)’. Other representatives of the semantic group under analysis are helonyms motivated by scarcity of water16: Saūs-balė rst. Igl; Saūs-plynė b. KzR; 3 rst. KzR; Saus-plynė 2 rst. KzR: Lithuanian saūsas, -à ‘without moisture, without water, not wet, dried out’. Only one helonym motivated by water depth has been recorded – Gil-ì-balė b. Lbv. The adjective deep (like long), besides the spatial seme (cf. deeply), also has a quantitative seme. In this case, most likely, the latter is what is actualized. 1.1.3. Su augalų pavadinimais susijusios motyvacijos helonimai gausumu mažai nusileidžia „gyvūniniams“: Alksn-io-balė b. Prn: lie. ãlksnis; Bérž-balė b. Klvr: lie. béržas; Buil-ia-raistis b. Brb: lie. builỹs ‘augalas, augantis pelkėtose vietose’ (DKŽ 39), lie. builė ‘balos žolė, panaši į samanas’, lie. builis, builỹs ‘skėtinių šeimos augalas (Chaerefolium); pelkinis gailis (Ledum palustre)’; Gail-ia-raistis b. Krsn: lie. gailė ‘pelkių pušynų, durpynų stipriu kvapu augalas (Ledum palustre)’; Geguž-balė b. Krsn: lie. gegužė ‘tokios žolės, augančios pūdymuose’; Yv-ā-raistis rst. Šil – galbūt sietinas su le. iwa ‘gluosnis’ (SJP II 116, VII 587), ‘gluosnių rūšis (Salix caprea)’ (LLKŽ 162); Kanā-plynis (< *Kanāpl-plynis) b. Prn: lie. kanāplė ‘kultūrinis augalas, iš jo stiebo gaunamas pluoštas, o iš sėklų spaudžiamas aliejus (Cannabis sativa)’; Karkl-a-balė b. Mrj: lie. kar̃klas; Nendrin-balė b. Mrj: lie. néndrinis, -ė, nendrinis, -ė, plg. nèndre ‘varpinių šeimos vandens augalas ilgu tuščiaviduriu stiebu (Phragmites communis)’; Plov-a-balė b. Krsn: lie. plovà, plõvos ‘vandenyje augančios žolės, maurai’; Pùp-a-balė b. Igl; Pùp-a-raistis rst. Brb: lie. pupà. A bog name of somewhat different semantics belongs to this subgroup: Lapìn-balė Mrj: Lith. lapinė ‘a leafy shoot, branch’. According to the questionnaire data from the Šunskai forestry district, the bog is overgrown with black alders. The motivation17 reveals that the naming feature here is expressed metonymically, on the basis of a whole–part relation: the name of a plant part (a leafy shoot, branch) substitutes for the name of the whole plant (black alder). The first component of yet another helonym derives from a place name denoting a group of objects18: Beržýn-balė village Krsn: Lith. beržýnas ‘birch forest’, beržỹnė ‘birch forest; a place where many birches grow’ (motivation: formerly there was a birch forest). 16 Dėl tokio hidronimų semantinio kvalifikavimo ir klasifikavimo dar žr. Vanagas 1981: 108–110. 17 Konkre­tūs motyvacijos atvejai nusakomi terminu motyvuotė (dėl jo žr. Drotvinas 1987: 33). 18 According to A. Vanagas, hydronyms derived from plant names with a collective meaning denote a place where those plants are abundant. However, that place is not necessarily the water itself, since these are not water plants. In any case, topographical objects of this kind are characterized by reference to plants <...> (see also Vanagas 1981: 90). Straipsniai / Articles 249 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ 1.1.4. Helonyms motivated by physiographic features. The semantics of these names of marshy places are related to physiographic characteristics of the bottom and surface (cover)—their shape, configuration, and so forth19. 1.1.4.1. Two topographical objects have been recorded whose names derive from features of the bottom: Grįst-a-balė 2 villages Ss20: Lith. grįstas ‘logs laid as paving for a bridge (road, flooring...), a floor’ (motivation: in ancient times it was paved with logs). Alongside these, it seems possible to discuss other names of the objects under analysis that derive from surface features, since in the case of helonyms, the surface is most often also the bottom21. As will be seen below, the modifying component of some compounds may denote an uneven bottom/surface (1) Kūpst-a-balė village Vv: Lith. kūpstas ‘mound’ (the motivation is expressed directly); Park-a-balė village Ss: Lith. párkai ‘such a skin disease, scabies, scabs’22 (the motivation is expressed metaphorically—as irregularities, protrusions like scabs)23; and surface/bottom quality (2) Šlyn-a-raistis bog Brb: Lith. šlȳnas ‘grayish-blue or whitish, slippery clay containing organic matter <...>’. 1.1.4.2. The topographical objects discussed below are those named according to shape. For many of them, the naming feature is expressed metaphorically. The marshy places probably received the names Bõsiaraistis and Plaučiabalė. Their convex, “swollen” surface may have been caused by plant cover or a peat layer24. Bõs-ia-raistis bog Šil25: Lith. bõsas ‘barrel, cask’26—this interpretation of the place name’s motivation is also supported by a sentence recorded in the study area from spoken language: Išsipūtus karvė kaip bõsas Gs27. The basis for the motivation of the bog name in this group, Plauč-ia-balė Krsn, is the name of an internal organ (Lith. plaučiai ‘respiratory organ’). This usage 19 Cf. A. Vanagas’s position on hydronym motivation: although a water body may be physiographically characterized in various ways, some of its most important features are its configuration and the quality of its bottom (cf. Vanagas 1981: 67). 20 Place names recorded in questionnaires from the villages of Nuoragėliai and Pavengliškė. 21 The article’s author thanks the anonymous reviewer for this observation. 22 According to the testimony of the questionnaire informant from Serbentiškės village. 23 In A. Vanagas’s study, hydronyms describing topographical objects according to banks overgrown with particular vegetation, the barrenness of the banks, and so forth, are presented in the subsection on hydronyms with meanings describing the surroundings (see Vanagas 1981: 112–113). 24 Dėl šio teiginio dar žr. Jaras̄ius 2012: 60. 25 According to the questionnaire data from Liepalotas village, there used to be many thick alders there, from which they made casks. This informant’s testimony is an excellent example of intermediate motivation, in which representatives of the ethnographic region attribute the motivating feature (swollen) to another denotatum (not the topographical object, but the alders growing there). 26 See also LVŽ I 541. Abbreviations of sentences supporting explanations of motivation, such as LKŽe. They are not explained separately. 27 250 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXV Sudurtinių Marijampolės apskrities helonimų motyvacija in creating a place name figuratively, apparently not only because of an association in terms of form, but also in terms of function. The subgroup was expanded by several objects in the study area named because of their spatial arrangement (configuration): Kryž-balė bog, Prn: Lithuanian kryžius ‘a figure formed by intersecting lines’ (DŽe); Kuk-ia-balė bog, Prn: Lithuanian kūjis ‘a hook, a curved hook’. The motivating feature of one bog name is expressed by an adjective: Kūm-balė (< *Kūmp-balė) bog, Lbv: Lithuanian kūmpas, -à ‘crooked, bent’ (KzRŠŽ II 405), ‘bent, curved, crooked’28. 1.1.5. Several other objects received their names because of the color of the surface / bottom / water. Since no informant testimony supporting the origin of the bog name Raudón-plynė KzR has been recorded, an attempt is made to understand its motivation on the basis of the motivation for the suffixed bog name Raudõnė Krsn, recorded in the study area: the soil beside the bog is reddish and rust forms in the bog. From this one may infer that raudõnu, -à (rausvù, -à) most likely refers to marshy places containing dissolved iron ore and resulting from poor marshland soil mixed with peat. As in the case described, because of the surface—which was probably the color of bluish-gray clay—the topographic feature was named Palš-a-raistis marsh, Brb: Lithuanian pálšas, -à, pãlšas ‘grayish’ Mrj (cf. Šlýnarais­tis marsh, Brb: Lithuanian šlýnas ‘grayish-blue or whitish sticky clay with organic matter admixtures <...>’). This group was augmented by place names with the first constituent juod-: Júod-balė bog, KzR; Júod-a-raistis marsh, Brb; Júod-a-raistis pond, Igl; Juod-raistis marsh, Vv; marsh, Šil. The comments accompanying the latter two place names were recorded on questionnaires: overgrown with alders, but wet—the questionnaire from Skriaudžiai village (Vv) says; according to the questionnaire from another village (Šil), the marsh soil is black—peat. As is known, peat is dark brown in color, and Lithuanian júodas, -à means ‘coal-colored, dark’ (LKŽe). The juxtaposition of the marsh name Júodraistis with Rūd­raistis, recorded on the questionnaire from Mauručiai village as Júod-raistis || Rūd-raistis Vv, probably provides the strongest support for this explanation of the motivation. This recorded pair of helonyms shows that the lexeme júodas means not only ‘coal-colored, dark’, but also various shades of dark colors (in our case, dark brown). Thus, names may have been given to both types of objects with the determinative constituent juod- because of the dark color of the water or soil29. 28 On the other hand, perhaps an explanation of the motivation of the place names is possible based on another meaning of Lithuanian kūmpas, -à—‘with a rise, mound, or unevenness’. This latter conjecture had to be abandoned, since no illustrative sentences attesting to the use of the adjective in this meaning were recorded from the spoken language in the study area. Nor was any informant testimony recorded on the questionnaire. 29 I. S. Prosvinnina, who studied the distinctive features of Russian compound place names, notes that the hydronym Juoda upelė (Черная речка) has become a term. The toponymic term juoda upelė (черная речка) denotes rivers with black water that collect bog water, rivers flowing through remote areas, as well as spring-fed, unfrozen rivers and rivers whose mouths are springs. Here the researcher draws on the opinion of another scholar of Russian toponymy, E. M. Murzaev: there are many black streams, but not a single large river (see also Просвирнина 2001: 47). Straipsniai / Articles 251 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ Balovardis Rūd-balė KzR: Lithuanian rùdas, –à ‘dark yellow’ was probably named after the brown color of the water / bottom of the site spalvos30. 1.1.6. Helonyms motivated by demonology. Wet places are assessed according to a certain standard view: where there is a bog, there will be no shortage of imps. Representatives of this group include: Vaidyk-raistis rst. Vv: Lith. vaidýklė ‘an imaginary being seen as a ghost, apparition, bogey’ (for the semantics, cf. the hydronym Vaidenýčia recorded in a questionnaire from the Šatins kų dialect, locality Klvr – it was said to have been haunted in the old days); Vėln-ia-balė bog, KzR31; Mrj32; Vėln-ia-balė 2 bogs, Krsn; KzR33; Vėln-ia-plynė boggy clearing, KzR34: Lith. vėlñias ‘a deity of the earth and underworld, an imp, a devil; in religions, an evil spirit, the evil one’35. The bog name Vėln-ia-bliūdis Prn is also recorded here. This name is formed not from one but from two features: one component is based on the name of a mythical being, the other on a vessel36. The second component is expressed metaphorically (bliūdas ‘a bowl; the quantity it holds’) and gives the place name emotional and connotative weight. The marsh name Pėkl-ia-raistis Šil has the etymon peklà, meaning ‘hell’37, which suggests an abyss, chasm, or the like, thereby influencing the name’s imagery. Un- 30 As the analysis of the motivation of other helonyms has shown, the bottom and water may have been brown because of rust forming in the marsh. 31 The place name was recorded in a questionnaire from the Runkių forestry district. 32 According to the Šunskų forestry district questionnaire, overgrown with trees. 33 The place name was recorded in a questionnaire from the Velniakalnis forestry district. 34 It is said that this place was haunted, according to a questionnaire from the Jūrė forestry district. 35 Jelena L. Berezovich, who studied a part of the toponymy of northern Russia associated with the lexeme velnias (чёрт), notes that another “demonological” and “sacral” topolexeme is more frequent than this one. These toponyms were studied to identify patterns regarding what objects receive these names and what motivates them. Supplementing the available material with data collected during fieldwork in 1999–2015, motivational descriptions showed that the devil is perceived primarily as a water spirit. The emergence of “devilish” toponyms is also associated with forest-clearing work. This work could have been hellishly difficult, and was therefore associated with the devil. Finally, after areas had been turned into arable land, “reclaimed” from marshes and forests, agricultural lands remained surrounded by “evil spirits of place,” because the soil quickly dried out and became infertile, and was therefore associated with devils. The researcher suggests here that the meanings ‘agricultural’ and ‘demonic’ may have arisen successively or as a result of recoding, but that the name initially had an apotropaic meaning. J. L. Berezovich draws attention to another linguistic fact defining the motivation of “devilish” names in Russian toponymy: associative links between the words devil ↔ black (чёрт ↔ чёрный), evident in the fact that “devilish” toponyms designate dark places (corners) in forests, bottomless lakes, and rivers with muddy water. Places named with “devilish” names are characterized by uneven, usually wet terrain; agricultural activity there is impossible or requires great—indeed, hellish—effort (see also Березович 2010: 47–57; 2015: 187–206). 36 Dėl struktūrinio modelio panašumo lietuvių frazeologijoje žr. Jasiūnaitė 2007: 112. 37 Further compare a sentence recorded from spoken language: Ištrauk iš vandens agurk ą – tuo kai peklà (black) becomes Jrb; from folklore: Tamsu kai pėkloj (very dark) [emphasis mine – D. S.]; as well as another 252 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXV Sudurtinių Marijampolės apskrities helonimų motyvacija it is difficult not to notice that metaphorical naming is more expressive and effective: this name has a greater impact, and the information “conveyed” by the place name is perceived not only intellectually but also emotionally38. The first component of the compound pekl- makes the place name more vivid, because it has a stronger colloquial flavor. The connection of the latter name with colloquial speech is also shown by the phraseological expression gyvà peklà. The meaning of this fixed expression is ‘(of something) very, exceedingly much’. Thus, peklà is a place where there are many devils, a kind of “dwelling place” for devils. Moreover, the possibility that the determinative component pekl- is used for euphemistic purposes should not be overlooked39. 1.1.7. Helonyms motivated by water quality are diverse. Many of them denote some characteristic of water (1), expressed by an adjective (a) or a noun (b): a) Klamp-ā-balis b. KzR: Lith. klampùs, -i ‘flowing with difficulty, viscous (of liquids)’; Skýst-a-balė Mrj: Lith. skýstas, -à ‘having the property of flowing, running; fluid; containing much water, watery, waterlogged’; b) Pūsl-ia-raistis b. Gdl: Lith. pūslẽ̇ ‘a sphere filled with air, formed in a liquid (or on its surface) or in a fluid mass’ (the wetland feature was named for its waterlogged soil, with air bubbles rising through it40); Tūrl-a-balė b. Igl: Lith. tūrlẽ ‘liquid mud’ (DKŽ 154)41. Because of the transparency of its water, the topographic feature was named metaphorically Cidabr-a-balė b. Brb: Lith. cidãbras ‘silver’. Other representatives of this semantic subgroup characterize the water not by a property of the water itself, but by the names of materials and objects that are abundant in / found in the water42 (2): Rūd-balė b. Ss: Lith. rūdys ‘iron ore dissolved in bogs’; Žagar-balė dialect. Klvr: Lith. žãgaras ‘a leafless twig (usually dry), brushwood’. 1.1.8. In the helonymy of this area formed through compounding, there were cases in which topographic features were named according to their position in space. The meaning of Balovardis Aukšt-a-raistis Krsn is ‘situated high up’. Two other representatives of the subgroup LKŽė gives the meanings of the word peklà as ‘a very remote, distant place; a poor, difficult road, a quagmire’. 38 Dėl panašių metaforų kūrimo tikslų dar žr. Gudavičius 2009: 115. 39 These observations are supported by Birutė Jasiūnaitė’s study of Samogitian formulaic curses (see Jasiūnaitė 2007a: 257–262). According to the scholar, in hell, the traditional place of posthumous punishment, the devils dwell and live [emphasis mine – D. S.]—the tormentors of sinners. This is known to every member of peasant culture, so this kind of “topographical” substitution is entirely understandable. To some extent, the speaker also does this for euphemistic reasons, avoiding the wrath of a dangerous character by mentioning him (see also ibid., 260). 40 According to Leonas Jarašius (an employee of the Nature Research Centre’s Institute of Botany), the large amount of water in the soil displaces air, thereby impairing aeration and causing harmful products of anaerobic respiration to accumulate (see also Jarašius 2012: 61). 41 For the semantics, compare the lake name Purvinis Lbv recorded in the study area (LUEV 130), which A. Vanagas discusses in the subsection on hydronyms denoting water quality (see Vanagas 1981: 102). 42 According to A. Vanagas, these characteristics do not arise from the nature of water; they are later, secondary features (see also Vanagas 1981: 103). Straipsniai / Articles 253 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ Púodž-ia-plynė marsh in KzR and Púodž-ia-raistis bog in KzR mean ‘located low down’. Here, the semantic component of verticality, distance, and moving upwards and downwards from the surface, present in the meanings of the underlying words, is activated. This conjecture is also confirmed by the testimony of an informant in the Papilvys forestry district questionnaire: Púodžiaplynė is a marshy clearing surrounded by hills, Púodžiaraisтис is a deep bog. The motivational feature here is expressed metaphorically. 1.1.9. Motivations describing the physical state of water The bog name Sklydž-ia-raistis in Gdl is associated with Lithuanian sklydėti, sklydi, -ėjo ‘to be overflowed, to ripple, to spread out’, cf. Vanduo sklydi lankose DŽ¹ (for the source abbreviation, see LKŽė). 1.2. According to the relationship with other objects 1.2.1. Helonyms motivated by possession and location⁴³: Bùkt-a-raistis bog in Igl district: Lithuanian buktà, bùktas ‘an inlet of a river, lake, or pond; a backwater; a deep place scoured by water’; Darž-a-balė marsh in Klvr district: Lithuanian daržas ‘garden’; Degim-balė marsh in Ss district: Lithuanian degìmas, dẽgimas ‘burnt area (meadow, marsh, forest), burnt remains’; Degìn-balė marsh in Mrj district—the compound element degìn- being regarded as deriving from *degìm-, the place name is most likely associated with Lithuanian degìmas⁴⁴; Dúá-raistis (< *Dváŕ-raistis) bog in Prn district: Lithuanian dvãras ‘<...> estate of a landowner, homestead; farmyard; homestead’; Eglyn-balė marsh in Ldvn district: Lithuanian eglýnas, eglýnė ‘spruce forest’; Ežer-balė marsh in Klvr district: Lithuanian ẽžeras ‘lake’; Lank-a-balė marsh in Prn district: Lithuanian lankà ‘a large, level meadow, usually by a river, inundated during floods’; Lyg-plynė marsh in KzR district: Lithuanian lygė, lỹgė ‘a glade or clearing in a forest’⁴⁵; Naujien-balė bog in KzR district: Lithuanian naujìena, naujienà ‘newly ploughed land; newly reclaimed land’; Plyn-balė marsh in Brb district: Lithuanian plýnė ‘marsh, bog’⁴⁶; Prūd-balė bog in Igl district: Lithuanian prūdàs ‘pond’; Rubež-balė marsh in Ss district: Lithuanian rubẽžius ‘territorial boundary, border’; Šaltin-balė marsh in Ss district: Lithuanian šaltìnis ‘a spring of water flowing from the ground’; Trāk-balė marsh in Mrj district: Lithuanian trãkas ‘a high, dry meadow overgrown with sparse shrubs and trees, ⁴³ A. Vanagas analyzes these water names in the section on meanings denoting the location of a hydro-object in hydronyms. He argues that the original meanings of water names were related not only—and not even primarily—to the characteristics of the water bodies themselves, but rather to appellative meanings describing the surroundings of rivers and lakes (Vanagas 1981: 104). Most of them were formed from appellatives with physiographic or related meanings (ibid., 105). Since helonyms, like other hydronyms, may have either a locative or possessive meaning (for example, they may refer to the property of an entire manor, village, or the like), but it is difficult to distinguish and determine this, we have given the section a somewhat different title. ⁴⁴ For another interpretation of the marsh name, see also LVŽ II 182. ⁴⁵ The helonym Balovardis is recorded in the questionnaire from the Agurkiškė forestry district. ⁴⁶ The explanation of the place name’s motivation is confirmed by data from the Balbieriškis forestry district questionnaire a marsh that never dries out and supported by a sentence recorded from spoken language in the study area: Ajerai auga plý nėse, kur jau niekad neišdžiūsta Jrb. 254 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXV Sudurtinių Marijampolės apskrities helonimų motyvacija a forest clearing; a meadow where there are birch trees’ (according to the Šunskai forestry district questionnaire, the marsh is overgrown with trees). 1.2.2. Motivations describing the surroundings The etymons of the first components of compound helonyms are names of buildings (1), places alongside buildings (2), and names denoting other features of the surroundings of topographical objects (3). 1) Būd-baliai marsh, Klvr; Būd-baliai marsh, Klvr: Lithuanian būdà, būdė ‘tent, shelter, small hut (for a guard, shepherd, etc.); Tilt-a-balė marsh, Krsn: Lithuanian tiltas ‘bridge’; 2) Pakluon-raistis marsh, Gdl: Lithuanian pakluonė ‘place alongside a threshing barn’. 3) Helonyms with attributive meaning that describe a feature of a place according to what it contains: Kiaušin-raistis marsh, Vv: Lithuanian kiaušinis ‘egg’ (according to the Būdelė village questionnaire, wild ducks used to lay eggs on the hummocks); Lāuž-a-plynė marsh, Mrj: Lithuanian lãužas ‘heap of rods, brushwood, branches, pieces of wood47; Spal-iā-kampis marsh, KzR: Lithuanian spãliai ‘mass of such small splinters’, cf. Lithuanian spãlis, spalỹs ‘a small woody splinter of the stem of flax or hemp that separates when it is scutched’. 1.3. According to the relationship with humans Helonyms arising from relations of ownership and cultural-historical relations. The first constituents of the helonyms discussed below differ in origin. Some derive from appellatives (1), others from proper names (2). 1) The representatives of this group also differ: (a) place names derived from appellative names for people: Čypl-ia-balė marsh, Lbv – probably related to Lithuanian čyplė ‘one who talks too much’48; Duidž-ia-balė marsh, Prn: Lithuanian duidė ‘rather silly, dazed woman, fool’49; Kerždž-ia-balė marsh, Mrj: Lithuanian kerždžius ‘head shepherd’; (b) derived from ethnonyms: Cigōn-raistis marsh, Vv, Lithuanian cigōnas, -ė; Maskōl-raistis marsh, Vv: Lithuanian maskõlis, maskõlius ‘a soldier in the tsarist army; a Russian’. Traces of the French period, that is, the campaign through Lithuania in the early 19th century by the French army led by Napoleon, are attested by the marsh name Prancūz-bales KzR, recorded in the Runkių forestry district questionnaire with the note: it is said that there was a camp. This place name should be regarded as a witness to ethnocultural memory. 47 According to the Šunskai forestry district questionnaire, the marsh is overgrown with trees. 48 This conjecture also seems to be supported by the living-language variant Čipliabalė of the marsh name Čypliabalė Lbv, recorded in LVŽ and based on VK data (see LVŽ II 70). The derivative of anthroponymic origin, with the possessive meaning ‘belonging to Čiplis’, occurs alongside the equivalent form Čypliabalė. As already noted, the first constituent čypl- of the determinative formation is related to the appellative name for a person čyplė ‘one who talks too much’. It is easy to see that the base word of one place name is lexically neutral, whereas that of the other has a negative emotional connotation. 49 Cf. sentences recorded from living speech in the study area: What are you asking that duidė for! Vv; There’s no point talking to a duidė like that Vv. Straipsniai / Articles 255 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ 2) Iš asmenvardžių: Agot-plynis pln. Vv: v. Agôtė, Agotà; Bãkš-a-balė b. Ldvn⁵⁰: Bakšà; Baniōn-balė b. Prn: avd. Baniōnis⁵¹; Bãrtk-a-balė b. Lbv: pvd. Bãrtkus; Bruzɡ-a-raistis rst. Šil: pvd. Brùzgas; Čekausk-a-balė (t. Čekauckabalė) b. Lbv: pvd. Čekãuskas, Čekãuskas; Čiùkn-a-raistis b. Šil: pvd. Čiùknà; Daniēl-plynė b. KzR⁵²: avd. Daniēlius; Gerùl-raistis rst. Vv: pvd. Gerùlis; Gìb-a-balė b. Lbv: pvd. Gìbas; Grìg-a-raistis rst. Gdl: pvd. Grìgas; Grìšk-a-raistis b. Brb: pvd. Grìškà; Grùm-balė b. KzR: pvd. Grùmas; Jōn-balė plk. Mrj: v. Jōnas; Kačērg-ia-rais-tis rst. Gdl: pvd. Kačērgis; Kajãck-a-raistis b. KzR: pvd. Kajãckas; Kaũn-a-balė b. Klvr: pvd. Kaũnas; Kazl-ã-plynė b. KzR: pvd. Kãzlas; Kirvãl-balė rst. Ss – greičiausiai asmenvardinės kilmės vv., sietinas su pvd. Kirvėlis⁵³; Klim-a-balė b. KzR: pvd. Klìmas; Kliùč-balė b. Mrj: pvd. Kliùčius; Kundok-raistis rst. Vv: pvd. Kuñdoka, Kundõkas; Lañdž-ia-balė plk. Klvr⁵⁴: avd. *Landys, plg. pvd. Lañdžius; Luck-a-balė b. Klvr: pvd. Lùckus; Mauš-ia-raistis rst. Vv: avd. *Maušius ar pan., plg. avd. Woiciech Mauszas 1662 m. (IAK); Micùt-raistis plk. Gdl: pvd. Mìcu-ta, Micutà; Nãik-a-raistis rst. Brb: avd. Naĩkus; Pataš-a-raistis rst. Krsn: pvd. Patašius, plg. le. pvd. Pat asz (SNP VII 224); Paũl-ia-balė b. Ldvn: avd. Paũlius; Pečk-a-balė b. Ss: avd. Pečkỹs ar pan.; Rač-balė b. Klvr: pvd. Rãčius; Ramõšk-a-balė b. Mrj: pvd. Ramõškà; Señk-a-balė b. Ldvn: pvd. Señkus; Šãb-a-balė b. Mrj: pvd. Šãbas; Šaln-a-plynė b. KzR: pvd. Šalnà; Vasiliáusk-a-raistis rst. Brb: pvd. Vasiliáuskas; Valent-raistis rst. Gdl: avd. Valentà ar pan. 1.4. Situational helonyms Toponyms reflecting a typified situation (which may be unreal, imagined, or a commonplace occurrence) associated with an object could be called situational55: “A girl had a child there” — is written in the questionnaire for Ąžuolynas village. Cf. Lithuanian apturėti, àpturi, -ėjo ‘to give birth’ [Merga apsiturėjo Mrj]. Also compare the structure of the first component of the marsh name with Lithuanian bakščioti, -iója, -iójo ‘to poke, prod, jab’. Birutė Kabãšinskaitė has described such phenomena in language. According to her, language users try to invent a semantic connection and substantiate it with special explanations (Kabãšinskaitė 2013: 73). The example we found shows that, based on the similarity in form of the water-body name Bãkšabalė, speakers in the study area find a semantic association with the verb mentioned above. 51 The source reference for each Lithuanian anthroponymic entry (LPŽ I, II; LVKŽ) is not provided. These references can be found at the end of the article, in the list of sources. 52 According to the questionnaire data from the Papilvys forestry district, Danielius lived there; the adjacent forest and clearing were named after him. 53 According to LPŽ, two families with this surname lived in the vicinity of Sasnava (see LPŽ I 1003). 54 “A farmer named Landys lived a hundred years ago” —the questionnaire says. 55 Dėl termino ir šių vv. dar žr. Березович 1998: 136–142. Čia rusų mokslininkė pastebi, kad toponimų vidinė forma neturi situacinių žymiklių, kurie yra akivaizdūs motyvuotėse, taigi 256 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXV Sudurtinių Marijampolės apskrities helonimų motyvacija Mėrg-a-raistis marsh. Vv: lie. mergà ‘an adult unmarried woman, a girl; a young woman worker hired by a farmer or wealthy peasant, a hired hand, a servant’. The girls were swimming; one drowned—the questionnaire records. Žyd-balė marsh. Šil – according to the questionnaire data from the village of Juodaraisčio, it is said that a Jew and a mare drowned. Thus a situation or event can mark an object that is little known or scarcely familiar56. 1.5. Toponymic complex (microsystem) Interwar questionnaires also record a microsystem of helonyms57. Whether because of a bad smell, an expanded shape58, or some other possible reason59, one element of this micro-complex was given the name Šikn-ã-balėmarsh, KzR. The same questionnaire from the Jūrė Forestry District records the marsh name Uodegėlė, KzR. The questionnaire states: this is the promontory of Šiknãbalė. Hence the name. Semantically related names most often arise as a result of how objects are imagined: in the course of nomination and the formation of a toponymic system, the contours of the landscape are first “drawn,” and only later, after becoming better acquainted with the topographical objects of a given area and assimilating them, does one begin to add detail (cf. Березович 1991: 77). This seems to have happened in this case as well. The naming process proceeded in a rather specific way. The nominator perceived the features of the topographical objects as related because of their configuration60 (the arrangement of objects in relation to one another); thus, the first element of the microsystem was initially given the name Šiknãbalė (for reasons, as already noted, that are now not precisely known), and only afterwards did the nearby marsh receive a name61—Uodegėlė: Lithuanian uodega ‘the narrowing part of a plot of land, meadow, field, or forest’. Thus, the microsystem recorded in the material under study—Šiknãbalė and Uodegėlė—is the result of the human urge to compare, connect, and make more concrete. The imbalance between naming and motivation characteristic of situational place names should be emphasized (ibid., 142). 56 Dėl šio teiginio dar žr. Березович 2008: 278. Čia minimos ir nekalbinės situacinių toponimų atsiradimo priežastys. Sėslus gyvenimo būdas, anot kalbininkės, lemia gana uždarą gyvenseną uždaroje erdvėje, kuri ir parodo žmogaus ir erdvinių realijų vienpusį ryšį. Be to, pasakojimai (mitai) formuojasi apie visus dalykus, apie kuriuos trūksta informacijos. 57 J. L. Berezovich (Yekaterinburg) calls semantically related place names semantic microsystems. For these in Russian toponymy, see Березович 1991: 75–90. 58 Cf. Lithuanian dialectal šiknà ‘the thick end or bottom of an object’, Mrj. 59 Further cf. kaĩp šiknojė dialectal ‘very, completely dark’, Šk. 60 Dėl šio nominacinio komplekso elementų semantinių ryšių dar žr. Sviderskienė 2015: 178–179. 61 J. L. Berezovich has observed that toponymic microsystems can consist of two or several toponyms related through various kinds of lexical-systemic relations (for more detail, see Березович 1991: 75–90). Straipsniai / Articles 257 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ 2. COMPOUND HELONYMS WITH NOT ENTIRELY CLEAR MOTIVATION Following the consistent analytical principles set out in the introduction to the article and applied to the representatives of the first group, an attempt is made to interpret the motivation of these helonyms. In some cases, owing to the lack of additional information supporting one or another version of the motivational explanation, the discussion is limited to establishing the possibility. 2.1. The lexical nature of the derivational base of the first component of compounds, and its belonging to the class of appellatives or anthroponyms, is not entirely clear: Barōn-plynė marsh. KzR: Lithuanian barōnas ‘ram, wether’ /62 surname Barōnas, Lithuanian plýnė ‘swamp, marsh’63; Mōrk-a-balė swamp. KzR: Lithuanian morkà, mōrkas / surname Mōrkus64; Ragaiš-balė marsh. Prn: Lithuanian ragaišis ‘bread made from coarse wheat or barley flour, karaišis’65 / surname Ragaišis; Rož-balė marsh. Mrj66: Lithuanian rožė ‘water lily (Nymphaea)’, cf. for the semantics hydronyms with Rožýnas marsh in Dg (VK), which apparently could be linked to Lithuanian rožė ‘the same’67 / surname Rōžas, cf. surname Rožēnas. 2.2. Another group of place names with potentially dual motivation is also small. Here the motivation of the helonyms can be explained on the basis of either meaning of the underlying word: Bais-raistis bog, Vv: Lithuanian baisùs, -ì ‘causing fear, frightening’—a helonym expressing emotional evaluation68 / Lithuanian baisùs, -ì ‘very large’—motivation based on the object’s parameters (size); Čyst-a-balė swamp, Lbv; Čyst-a-balė swamp, Igl: Lithuanian čýstas, -à ‘clean, unpolluted’—the place was named 62 Since both possible explanations of the motivation are plausible, they are presented side by side, separated by the conventional sign /, meaning ‘on the other hand, a possible motivation from’. This choice was made to avoid the very frequent use of this word combination in the article and unnecessarily increasing its length. 63 See also LVŽ I 379–380, where another possible etymology is proposed—from Lithuanian barōnas ‘a noble title below that of count; a person holding that title’. 64 According to LPŽ, the surname Morkūnas is attested in the area under study (see LPŽ II 271); Morkėlis is also attested near the localities of the toponyms under examination (see ibid., 270). 65 If derived from an appellative, the motivational feature, according to the Russian researcher N. V. Ovčiar (Sverdlovsk), is associated with the fish abundance of the body of water (for more detail, see Овчар 1991: 62, 71). On the other hand, it may also be possible to explain the motivation of the marsh name by the possibly rounded shape of the topographic feature. 66 According to the informant, a farmer named Rožēnas used to own it. The LPŽ data confirm this—the surname is attested near the localities of the toponyms under examination (see LPŽ II 625). 67 Alternatively, L. Bilkis associates it with Lithuanian rožýnas ‘a place where roses are grown’ (see Bilkis 2008: 282). 68 Dėl emocinio vertinimo reikšmės hidronimų dar žr. Vanagas 1981: 115–116. 258 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXV Sudurtinių Marijampolės apskrities helonimų motyvacija due to water quality69 / Lithuanian čỹstas, -à ‘empty’70– a name may be given to a place for another reason: a pond without fish71; Degùs-balė pond, Klvr: Lithuanian dẽgus or similar, cf. dẽgti ‘to be affected by fire, perish in fire, blaze’72 [Peat from Samaninė burns well, but gives little heat Gs; The ponds burn, whatever you want, so that the hills don’t burn Dkš] (a possible explanation of the motivation is a burned-out pond) / Lithuanian dẽgti ‘to glow, gleam, glitter, shine’, cf. The edges of the sunset sky are already glowing like embers V. Myk-Put. (a possible explanation of the motivation is the water’s properties). Tams-plynė bog, upland KzR: Lithuanian tamsùs, -ì ‘not light in colour, darkish’. On the basis of this meaning of the base word, it may be assumed that the helonyms were named for certain properties of the water, that is, its opacity. Since the pond’s name was recorded in a questionnaire from the Runkių forestry district, another interpretation of the motivation may also be possible—that it refers to the topo-object’s illumination or lack thereof. In this case, the place name could be linked to the meaning of Lithuanian tamsùs, -ì ‘poorly lit or unlit’. 2.3. Homonymous lexemes with different meanings (Lithuanian kulė, kūlė ‘wooden tool for threshing’ / Lithuanian kulė, kūlė ‘bag in the middle of a dragnet into which fish swim; a fisherman’s scoop’), which may function as the first component of the determinative compound Kùl-ia-raistis bog, permit two possible interpretations of its motivation. The different meanings of the lexemes lead to different interpretations of the motivation: based on shape (configuration) or based on depth. In the latter case, the basis for metaphorical spatial naming would be the component of verticality, distance, and movement downward from the surface; cf. Púodžiaplynė bog, KzR, and Púodžiarais­tis bog, KzR (see I. 1.1.8 for these). Unfortunately, without more precise data about the denotatum, the geographical features of the landscape, and the naming situation, it is impossible to determine exactly which of the aforementioned features prompted the creation of the place name Kùliarais­tis. 2.4. Two other pond names are distinctive in form: Lašin-balė pond, Mrj: Lithuanian lašiniai ‘subcutaneous layer of fat in a carcass (usually pork); jokingly, derogatorily: body fat’; Smeton-balė pond, Prn: Lithuanian smetonà ‘sour cream; cream’. For the semantics of these helonyms, cf. Sviestăkalnis hill, Klvr, and Sviestinė meadow, Lbv. The meaning of sviestas is ‘solid fat obtained from sour cream’; cf. the sentence recorded in folklore Žemė kai sviestas ‘the land is like butter’ (fertile, well cultivated). The meaning shows that butter, like bacon fat and sour cream, is a fat, while riebùs, -ì means ‘having plenty of fat73 69 Further cf. čỹstai. Čỹstai nusimazgoja rankas Kt. 70 Further cf. Nė gyvulio, nieko nėr – čysta žemė Prn; Oi sunku sunku dideliam medeliui vidur cysto laukelio Mrs. 71 Dėl tokio vandenvardžių motyvacijos aiškinimo rusų toponimijoje dar žr. Овчар 1991: 62, 71. 72 For the formation and origin of the place name, see also LVŽ II 191. 73 Entries (abbreviations) are as in LKŽe and are not explained separately. Straipsniai / Articles 259 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ ‘rich in nutrients for plants, fertile, manured’ (of soil); cf. Riebūs kai Šakių laukai (from written sources), ‘rich, fertile, luxuriant’, for which cf. also the meadow name Taukióji Mrj (Lith. taukióji, cf. taukùs, –i ‘luxuriant, fertile’). On the other hand, this interpretation seems semantically closer to field names (cf. also Lašinýnas, a field name in Klvr district). Associations with water quality74 or an abundance of fish75, and perhaps also the quality of the surface / bottom (as a layer), are probably more suitable for explaining the motivation of names for marshy places. Whichever version of the motivational explanation proves correct, one thing is clear: the expression of transferable features from the metaphor’s source domain (food-product names)76 was used in the derivational structure (their internal form) of the marsh names Lašinbalė, Smetonbalė to emphasize the quality of the surface / bottom / water. 2.5. A marsh name with an unclear motivation: Skálk-a-balė KzR is most likely associated with the ashen *skalka; cf. Lith. skalà ‘a split splinter burned for light or to kindle a fire, a piece of kindling’. For the semantics, cf. the name of a hill recorded in the same questionnaire from the Velniakalnis forestry district, Skalkakalnis KzR, whose motivation is ‘split down the middle’. Thus, according to the aforementioned informant’s testimony, the latter place name should be regarded as having been given on account of its shape and classified among toponyms with configurational meaning. Since the motivation of the marsh name was not recorded in the questionnaire, one can only conjecture that it may refer to a topographic feature with a branched shape, or consider other possible reasons for the emergence of this naming unit. In the structure, or internal form, of the bog name Smal-ia-raistis Šil, the lexeme smalà77 is recorded. A. Vanagas regards the names of water bodies whose derivational base is smalà as hydronyms denoting water quality (see Vanagas 1981: 102)78. One aspect of actualization—the quality of the water, namely its viscosity—determined this onomastician’s decision; cf. a sentence from the Lithuanian Folklore Manuscript Repository: ‘When riding, you will come upon a wide river flowing like tar’ Ls (for this sentence, see LKŽe); cf. also Lith. klampùs, –i ‘slow-flowing, viscous (of liquids)’. In our view, in naming the bog, it was probably possible to foreground both the consistency of tar and its… 74 Cf. the river name Riebgalỹs Dt (LUEV 135), recorded in another area, which Vanagas classifies as a hydronym denoting water quality (see Vanagas 1981: 102). 75 Cf. Mėsinė, a bog in Žž (VK). 76 “Ethnographic studies of food systems testify that the meanings of food extend into all areas of human life” (Mintz Du Bois, cited in Čepaitienė 2013: 255). In addition, according to the ethnologist, better food was eaten on festive occasions; in peasant understanding, this meant food that was fattier and more plentiful: more fat, sour cream, and butter (see also ibid., 266). 77 Lith. smalà ‘tar obtained by heating’, ‘resin’ (DKŽ 129). According to LKŽe, the appellative smãlis, smalỹs ‘devil, evil one (in curses)’ is used in another area of Lithuania: Well, where is that devil carrying you now? D1. 78 Cf. also water names with the derivational base dervà; this scholar likewise interprets them semantically as water names denoting water quality (see also Vanagas 1981: 101). 260 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXV Sudurtinių Marijampolės apskrities helonimų motyvacija i.e., both its viscosity and its color79, i.e., its darkness80. Thus, without the testimonies of informants recorded in the Pajiesys forestry questionnaire, it is difficult to say precisely which feature of the denotatum (or perhaps both) — physical properties or color — was taken into account in the naming process81. Another case that is not entirely clear from the perspective of naming is the name of the bog Vargõn-balė KzR: Lithuanian vargõnai ‘a wind-operated keyboard musical instrument’. Since no informants’ testimonies have been recorded, cf. a sentence noted from colloquial speech in LKŽe: Mūs klebonas kap vargõnas gieda Vlk82, but also cf. Lithuanian vargonadantis, -ė ‘someone with ugly, large teeth’ [Pažinom brolius vargonadančius Btr], Lithuanian vargonėliai figuratively ‘folds in a garment’ Sn83. Thus, it remains unclear whether the topographical feature was named Vargõnbale after the figuratively used name of a musical instrument because of the sounds made by the body of water, its shape, the uneven surface of its bottom, or some other (currently unknown) reason. 2.6. Informants’ testimonies would be needed to provide a well-founded explanation of the motivation of helonyms containing mešk-. Unfortunately, no comments were recorded in the questionnaires apart from the claim that bears used to lead their young around. Since, according to Lithuanian naturalist Tadas Ivanauskas, the last bear in Lithuania was shot in 1883, and bears only occasionally wander in from elsewhere (cf. the quotation from Papaurėlytė-Klovienė 2007: 91), the latter argument seems least convincing for associating the place names Mėšk-a-balė bog Mrj; Mešk-ã-balė bog Klvr; Mėšk-a-raistis marsh Gdl; 2 pools Krsn84; Mešk-a-raistis marsh Brb with places inhabited by this animal. In naming units with 79 When assigning helonyms to the semantic type by color, what is meant is color determined by the kind of ground surface or by the color of the water — cf. the representatives of I. 1.1.5. 80 Also cf. Lithuanian smalinis, -ė ‘figuratively, black, dark’. 81 The name of the bog Juodvandenis Šil was recorded in the same Pajiesys forestry questionnaire. Why the real-world feature was named this way is clearly indicated by its internal form: because of its black water. 82 A. Vanagas has recorded more than 85 hydronyms whose meanings involve water sounds (for these, see Vanagas 1981: 114–115). Alongside the localities of the place names under discussion, the “beauties” of Čepkeliai Bog are celebrated in the poetic work “Gudo šalis” by Mardasavas singer Petras Zalanskas, which mentions “balos burbeklės” [emphasis mine – D. S.] — for more, see Vaitekėvičienė 2012: 34, 35. The scholar prepared the article on the basis of the paper she had presented, “Hearing a Place and Being Heard.” 83 Konstantinas A. Heinas (Russia), who studied the toponyms of Vologda Oblast, notes that comparisons of topographical features with musical instruments may be inspired by the form of the feature itself or by the appearance of the land surface resulting from the way it is cultivated. For example, topographical features with hilly terrain and branching shores are named Armonika, Armonikos (Гармошки, Гармонь), while a plot of land in the shape of an irregular trapezoid may be called Guslėmis (Гусли) [gusli is a Russian plucked folk instrument, similar to the Lithuanian kanklės; it comes in rectangular, wing-shaped, and other forms – D. S.], and so on (for more, see Гейн 2014: 73). 84 According to the questionnaire data from Išlandžiai village, the place name meškos vaikus meant ‘they used to lead the bear’s young around’. Straipsniai / Articles 261 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ bear-; perhaps other characteristics of this animal may have been recorded, namely those related to unusually large dimensions of realia (in this case, helonyms)85. It is difficult to say today what other motivational features might have inspired the emergence of the place name86. The marsh name Mėšk-a-kampis KzR is likewise no exception, since no descriptions explaining its motivation have been recorded. According to Aleksandra J. Baranova, the place name Медвежий Угол (semantically “close” to our Meškakampis) is quite common in Russian toponymy as well. According to the researcher, Медвежий means ‘remote, secluded’ (глухой, отдалённый); here, corner (угол) is used figuratively, meaning ‘a remote place’ (местность, обычно глухая) (see also Баранова 2012). Another Russian linguist, I. S. Prosvirnina, notes that close semantic relations between the components of compound toponyms can lead to their becoming phraseologized (Просвирнина 2001: 44)87. In light of the foregoing, and bearing in mind that “equivalent words in different languages can evoke different associations,” while “the lexical background has national specificity” (Gudavičius 2009: 101), the place name Meškakampis must for now be regarded as unclear in terms of motivation. One thing is evident: the semantics of both the Lithuanian place name and its counterpart in Russian toponymy is complex. This group appears to be supplemented by place names with the first component žyd-. According to the questionnaire data from Trempiniai village, the pond Žyd-balė Lbv got its name because of the mown, boar-grazed [= poor – D. S.] grass. Names may have been given to other topo-objects recorded in interwar questionnaires for similar reasons. Since no data that would allow us to infer implicit evaluative motivation were recorded in the questionnaires, another possible explanation for the motivation remains: the helonyms Žyd-balė b. Lbv, Krsn, Mrj, Šil; rst. KzR; Žyd-balė b. Klvr; Žyd-a-raistis b. Krsn, recorded in the Land Names questionnaires, could be interpreted as possessive place names, whose first component derives from Lithuanian žydas, –ė ‘a person of Jewish ethnicity’. This interpretation is supported by demographic data relating to the area under study: during the interwar period, the ethnic region under study is described as a multiethnic environment; according to the 1923 census, Jews made up 6.42% of the population of Marijampolė County88. 85 Cf. place names in the study area: Kurapkelis lane Gdl: Lithuanian kurapkà ‘partridge’; Rupužkelis lane KzR: Lithuanian rupùžė ‘toad’. As these naming units show, the animals partridge and toad are small; perhaps for this reason their names in particular were used in the naming process to denote topo-objects (roads) smaller than usual (cf. Sviderskienė 2015: 182). 86 For the motivation of compound mushroom names with bear- in the Lithuanian system of myconym nominations, see Lubienė 2012: 111–112. 87 This seems to apply in this case as well. 88 Dėl šių ir kitų demografinių duomenų dar žr. Sabačius 2009: 228. 262 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXV Sudurtinių Marijampolės apskrities helonimų motyvacija The subgroup also includes the compounds Šùn-a-balė b. Klvr; Šùn-ia-balė b. Mrj; Lithuanian šuõ, šùns89; Vilk-a-balė 2 b. Brb: Lithuanian vìlkas90. Although no questionnaire records that would allow us to infer implicit evaluative motivation were found, the observed portion of the place names most likely has it91. The negative evaluation of the places was probably determined by poor soil quality—the land was wet, unsuitable for farming, its vegetation useless, or similar. 3. DISCUSSION OF RESULTS 3.1. The greatest diversity of naming is found among helonyms formed by compounding on the basis of object characteristics (192 / 64%). Animal names inspired the naming of 38 (20%) marshy places. The material analyzed showed that “animal” toponyms exhibit signs of implicit motivation—connotation and size. As is known, informants’ testimonies help identify these features. Given the scarcity of the latter, some features may have remained undisclosed. Thus, the number of representatives in this subgroup is probably not accurate. Twenty-five (13%) marshy places were named on the basis of dimensions (measurements) (length1292, size5, depth1, little water, i.e. dryness7). Length is recorded particularly often. Plant names inspired the naming of 14 (7%) marshy places. Ten (5%) objects were named on the basis of distinctive physiographic features (bottom / surface features5, shape / spatial arrangement5). The following representatives of the color category are recorded in compound topo-object names from the study area: black6, brown2, red1, dun1 (10 in total (5%)). The first three are polysemous. They describe the color of the surface / bottom / water of marshy places. 89 On the motivation of compound plant names with šun- in the Lithuanian phytonym naming system, see also Gritėnienė 2010: 163–181. According to Jūratė Lubienė, the zoonym šuo ‘dog’ is the most typical means of conveying particularly negative connotation in the Lithuanian myconym system (cf. Lubienė 2012: 111). 90 The river name Волчьи Воды (Russia) has a pejorative meaning, indicating that its water is unfit for drinking (see also Березович 1991: 86). According to Lubienė, “in Russian phytonyms and myconyms, negative emotional evaluation is expressed particularly clearly through the name of the wolf; poisonous plants or fungi are called ‘wolfish’” (Lubienė 2012: 111). 91 This decision is supported by Aloyzas Gudavičius’s claim that “animals are generally evaluated negatively in language” (Gudavičius 2007: 87), as well as by studies of the motivation of Lithuanian phytonyms and myconyms (for more, see Gritėnienė 2006; 2010: 163–181; Lubienė 2012: 99–122). 92 The number below indicates the number of representatives. Straipsniai / Articles 263 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ The 9 (4.5%) designations associated with the lexemes devil, hell, and apparition are most likely determined by the specific nature of the class (subclass) of names for marshy places93. Taking into account the quality of water in marshy places, 7 (4%) topographic objects were named on the basis of water’s viscosity (stickiness)1, liquidity1, transparency1, and so on (5 in all). Other designations arose from characterizing the water in marshy places by the names of substances and objects that are abundant in / found in the water2. Three (1.5%) helonyms indicating position in space were recorded. One means ‘located high up’1, while the others mean ‘located low down’2. One case indicates that a marshy place was named on the basis of the physical state of its water. 3.2. Marshy places are named much less frequently (23 / 13%) in relation to other objects. Among these, helonyms motivated by possession and location are attested more abundantly15. They are the dominant categories for this meaning (65%). Fewer are the helonyms motivated by descriptions of the surroundings4 and those describing a place’s characteristic according to what is found there4. 3.3. More frequent than the latter is the naming of the analyzed objects on the basis of ownership and cultural-historical relations (43 / 23%). The overwhelming majority are motivated by ownership. 3.4. The microsystem Šiknābalė and Uodegėlė, recorded in the material under study, stands out for its semantic distinctiveness. It arose from the spatial arrangement of interrelated objects. Also distinctive are the situational helonyms, which arose from limited familiarity with the objects. Discussion of the results showed that the study revealed the diversity of motivations behind helonyms formed by compounding, demonstrated the distinctive ways in which a fragment of reality is categorized in language, and highlighted the hierarchy of motives behind the emergence of names for marshy places. 93 “When cultural space is territorial in nature—one’s own, enclosed—human settlements are generally considered cultural and safe spaces, set in opposition to what lies beyond their borders (the forest, <...>)—a foreign, open, uncultivated space” (J. Lotman, quoted in Masiulionytė 2008: 77). Thus, on the basis of the analysis of the collected material, a cautious conclusion may be drawn: pools, marshes, bogs, and other wet places are probably perceived by members of the nation as an intermediary zone, opening onto otherness. Virginija Masiulionytė, seeking to establish whether one can speak of boundary symbols in Lithuanian culture that mark the transition from one space to another (the author’s terms this side and the other side denote not only the world of the living and the dead, but are also used to describe one’s own and foreign space), observes that in both folklore and phraseology, “people encounter beings from the other world beside watery landscape features: in forests, near pools, marshes, bogs, and the like,” and that “marshes are the vestibule of the other world” (for more, see Masiulionytė 2008: 77–91). Since the subject and stated aim of this article are not directly related to these points, we shall limit ourselves to observing that, in the future, a broader folkloric and ethnological context would support research into this kind of toponymy and help reveal its motivational features and patterns more precisely. 264 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXV Sudurtinių Marijampolės apskrities helonimų motyvacija 4. CONCLUSIONS The analysis of names for marshy places is conditioned by the interrelationships among the linguistic structure of this class (subclass) and the combined historical, ethnic, and social extralinguistic factors. Taking these into account is essential for substantiating explanations of place-name motivation. The analysis of the motivation of helonyms formed by compounding (see also 3. Discussion of Results) helped reveal tendencies in the naming of marshy places within a particular area. It was established that 64% of the features were named on the basis of their own characteristics, 23% on the basis of their relationship with humans, and 13% on the basis of the relationship of the features studied with other objects. The dominant features in each case attest to the attention paid by members of the linguistic community to one or another aspect of reality. The predominance of the naming principle associated with landscape features is related to the specific nature of the features themselves—marshy places. The selection of names for marshy places was determined by visual observations. The features that most distinguish these objects both from their surroundings and from the group of other topographic features are expressed directly and indirectly. Metaphorical naming is more persuasive and evokes additional associations. The basis for the transfer is the most typical “bearer” of a given characteristic (silver for transparency, tar for stickiness and darkness, etc.), readily understood by members of the linguistic community. In this way, a national worldview shaped over centuries is recorded, one associated with the material and spiritual culture of members of an ethnic community (nation). Nominative units Pėklaraistis, Vaidykraistis, Vėlniaplynė, etc. (4.5% in total) convey a stereotypical, emotionally colored image of the place and a negative evaluation, without regard for the distinctive specific features of the places being named. It was observed that most compounds with veln- as the first component were recorded in forestry district questionnaires. Apparently, linguistic units (in our case, place names) thus record the boundaries between “one’s own” and “foreign” spaces. According to their physical and functional characteristics, the topographic features analyzed are perceived by language users as having an interior space (Vėlniabliūdis: vėln̄ias, bliū̄das ‘bowl; the amount it can hold’, etc.) and as spaces themselves, relating to their surroundings: (a) other objects (Beržýnbalė, Daržabalė, Tiltabalė, etc.) and (b) humans (Duidžiabalė, Jõnbalė, Kerāžiabalė, Micùtraistis, etc.). The study observed a phenomenon in which the lexeme juodas, used as the defining component of a compound, means not only ‘coal-colored, dark’ but also shades of dark colors (in our case, dark brown); the lexeme rūdas means ‘black, dark’, etc. This may be interpreted as polymotivation. Analysis of the names of marshy places from the perspective of motivation helped reveal the namer’s position (that of a language user and member of the linguistic community of a particular ethnic area) in relation to marsh features: objective—according to their actual existential relations with marshy places (locative, possessive, etc.), and subjective—according to Straipsniai / Articles 265 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ an expression of one’s relationship (usually evaluative) with one or another landscape feature. The declaration of a representative of a linguistic community (nation) of their own self in nomination units encourages future adjustments to the classification of place names based on distinguishing the principles of naming topo-objects and the motives for their emergence—that is, additions that will help encompass the diversity of toponymy. This classification will make room for the situational place names and microsystems of place names, identified and discussed for the first time (to the best of our knowledge) in Lithuanian toponymics. OBJECT-REFERENCE AND OTHER ABBREVIATIONS avd. – personal name b. – pool drb. ž. – cultivated land k. – village kln. – hill plk. – marsh pv. – meadow pvd. – surname rst. – wooded marsh t. – denotes v. – name vv. – place name 266 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXV Sudurtinių Marijampolės apskrities helonimų motyvacija ABBREVIATIONS FOR LOCATION REFERENCES Brb – Balbieriškis (Prienai District) Brt – Bartninkai (Vilkaviškis District) Dg – Daugai (Alytus District) Dl – Deltuva (Ukmergė District) Dmk – Domeikava (Kaunas District) Ds – Dusetos (Zarasai District) Dt – Dotnuva (Kėdainiai District) Gdl – Gudėliai (territory of Marijampolė Municipality) Gir – Girininkai (Tauragė District) Grš – Griškabūdis (Šakiai District) Igl – Igliškėliai (territory of Marijampolė Municipality) Jrb – Jurbarkas Jrgž – Jurgežeriai (territory of Kalvarija Municipality) Klvr – Kalvarija (territory of Marijampolė Municipality) Krsn – Krosna (Lazdijai District) Kt – Keturvalakiai (Vilkaviškis District) KzR – Kazlų Rūda Lbv – Liubavas (territory of Kalvarija Municipality) Ldvn – Liudvinavas (territory of Marijampolė Municipality) Lp – Leipalingis (territory of Druskininkai Municipality) Mrj – Marijampolė Pdv – Padievytis (Šilalė District) Pdvn – Padovinys (territory of Marijampolė Municipality) Pkn – Pakūonis (Prienai District) Prn – Prienai Ss – Sasnavà (territory of Marijampolė Municipality) Šil – Šilavotas (Prienai District) Šn – Šunskai (territory of Marijampolė Municipality) Vlkv – Vilkaviškis Vv – Veiveriai (Prienai District) Žž – Žiežmariai (Kaišiadorys District) Straipsniai / Articles 267 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ ŠALTINIAI DKŽ – Labutis Vitas. 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Л. 2008: Русская топонимия в этнолингвистическом аспекте: Пространство и человек, под ред. А. К. Матвеева. Москва: Книжный дом ЛИБРОКОМ. Березович Е. Л. 2010: Русская топонимия в этнолингвистическом аспекте: Мифопоэтический образ пространства. Москва: КомКнига. Березович Е. Л. Макарова А. А., Муллонен И. И. 2015: „Демонологические“ названия в русской и субстратной топонимии Русского Севера и Карелии (на материале основ черт- и hiisi-). – Linguistica 55, 187–206. Гейн К. А. 2014: О некоторых проблемах идеографического описания топонимического материала. – Вопросы ономастики 2(17), 68–77. Просвирнина И. С. 2001: Особенности семантики русских составных топонимов. – Известия Уральского государственного университета 20, 35–48. Straipsniai / Articles 271 DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ Motivation of Compound Helonyms of Marijampolė County SUMMARY The motivational analysis of the helonyms formed through compounding enabled the distinction of the tendencies of naming swampy places in a certain area. It was determined that 64 per cent of the objects were nominated according to the peculiarities pertaining to specific realia (when the name is given according to dimensions with length (Lith. ilgīs) predominating in linguistic units); 23 per cent of the objects were nominated by their relationship to the human being (an absolute majority of them pertain to ownership); 13 per cent of the objects were nominated with reference to the relationship of the realia in question with other objects (helonyms of possessiveness and place motivation were mentioned most commonly). The dominants of each of them testify to the attention paid by linguistic community members to one or another sphere of reality. The domination of the principle of nomination associated with landscape peculiarities is most likely related to the specificity of the realia – swampy places – themselves. The selection of names for swampy places was determined by visual observations. The features of objects which best distinguish them from the environment and a group of other topobojects are expressed both directly and indirectly. Metaphorical nominations are more persuasive; they trigger additional associations. The most typical ‘expresser’ of one or another property easily understood by the linguistic community is selected as the basis of the transfer (transparency – silver; viscosity, darkness – tar). In this way, the nation’s worldview developed through ages and concerned with the material and spiritual culture of its representatives is recorded. Nominative units such as Pėkliaraistis, Vaidykraistis, Vėlniaplynė and others (a total of 4.5 per cent) reflect a stereotypical, emotionally shaded perception of the place and its negative evaluation without regard to the distinctive properties of the places being nominated. It was observed that the majority of compounds including veln- in the first component were recorded in the questionnaires completed by forestry officers. It seems to be a way to record the boundaries of “familiar” and “unfamiliar” spaces in place names. By their physical and functional characteristics the topobojects under analysis are perceived by language users as having an internal space (Vėlniabliūdīs: vēlnias, bliūdas ‘bowl; the quantity it can contain’) and as being spaces themselves interacting with the environment: (a) other objects (Daržabalė, Tiltabalė) and (b) the human being (Jōnbalė, Micūtraistis). The phenomenon identified during the study according to which the lexeme júodas used as a defining component in a compound does not only mean ‘of coal colour, dark’ but also the shades of dark colours (dark brown) and the lexeme rùdas also implies ‘black, dark’, etc. should be interpreted as polymotivation. 272 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXV Sudurtinių Marijampolės apskrities helonimų motyvacija A microsystem recorded in the material under analysis, which resulted from naming the interrelated objects arranged in space, as well as situational helonyms resulting from the lack of knowledge on the objects stand out by their peculiar semantics. The analysis of swampy place names from the perspective of motivation helped to reveal the position of the name-giver (language user, member of a linguistic community from a certain ethnic region) in relation to topoobjects: objective – based on the actual relationship of his/her existence with the places (locative, possessive, etc.) and subjective – based on the expression of the personal relationship (usually evaluative) with one or another landscape element. The analysis of helonymy is determined by the relationships between the linguistic composition (structure) of the system of this class (subclass) as well as the entirety of extralinguistic factors of historical, ethnic and social nature. Their consideration is a prerequisite for validating the interpretations of the motivation of place names. Įteikta 2016 m. spalio 14 d. DALIA SVIDERSKIENĖ Lietuvių kalbos institutas Petro Vileišio g. 5, Vilnius LT-10308, Lietuva [email protected], [email protected] Straipsniai / Articles 273