scieee AI-readable full text Open interactive document viewer

Footprints of Language Contacts in the Present-day Vilnius County Hydronyms and Oikonyms: the Impact of Slavic Languages on Lithuanian Toponymy

Pavel Skorupa

Full text

PAVEL SKORUPA Lietuvių kalbos institutas ORCID id: orcid.org/0000-0003-3903-7006 Fields of research: Toponymy, Cognitive Onomastics, Cognitive Semantics. DOI: doi.org/10.35321/all85-12 FOOTPRINTS OF LANGUAGE CONTACTS IN THE PRESENTDAY VILNIUS COUNTY HYDRONYMS AND OIKONYMS: THE IMPACT OF SLAVIC LANGUAGES ON LITHUANIAN TOPONYMY Kalbų kontaktų pėdsakai dabartinės Vilniaus apskrities hidronimuose ir oikonimuose: slavų kalbų įtaka lietuvių toponimijai A N N O T A T I O N The current research presents an attempt to identify the influence of Slavic languages (Russian, Belarusian, Polish) on Vilnius County toponymy at the name formation level. The following toponym formation features were identified: Slavic suffixes derivatives from Lithuanian origin proper names and appellatives; Lithuanian suffixes and inflections derivatives from Slavic proper names and appellatives; Toponyms of Slavic origin, i.e., Slavic affixes derived toponyms from Slavic proper names and appellatives. Language contacts are also reflected in Slavic toponyms transliterated into the Lithuanian language, i.e., toponyms that originated from Slavic appellatives or onyms through onimization or transonymisation. In a number of cases, it is difficult to identify whether a toponym is of Slavic or Lithuanian origin. Also, the distribution of these derivatives by toponym classes and Vilnius County districts is presented. Straipsniai / Articles 219 PAVEL SKORUPA KEYWORDS: Vilnius County toponyms, hydronyms, oikonyms, Slavic origin toponyms, affixes-derived toponyms, transliterated toponyms, language contacts. ANOTACIJA Straipsnyje siekiama nustatyti slavų kalbų (rusų, baltarusių, lenkų) įtaką Vilniaus apskrities toponimijai vardų darybos lygmenyje. Tyrimo metu buvo identifikuoti šie toponimų darybos ypatumai: slavų priesagų vediniai iš lietuvių kilmės tikrinių žodžių ir apeliatyvų; lietuvių kalbos priesagų ir galūnių vediniai iš slavų kilmės tikrinių žodžių ir apeliatyvų; slavų kilmės toponimai, t. y. slaviškų afiksų vediniai iš slavų tikrinių žodžių ir apeliatyvų. Kalbų kontaktus atspindi ir į lietuvių kalbą transliteruoti slaviški toponimai, t. y. toponimai kilę iš slavų apeliatyvų arba tikrinių žodžių onimizacijos ar transonimizacijos būdu. Kai kuriais atvejais sunku atskirti, ar toponimas yra slavų ar lietuvių kilmės. Taip pat pateikiamas kontaminuotų vietovardžių pasiskirstymas pagal Vilniaus apskrities rajonus ir vietovardžių klases. ESMINIAI ŽODŽIAI: Vilniaus apskrities toponimai, slavų kilmės toponimai, hidronimai, oikonimai, toponiminiai afiksų vediniai, transliteruoti toponimai, kalbų kontaktai. 0. INTRODUCTION Today, it is unlikely one will find a nation that in terms of language and culture has not experienced any influence from neighbouring nations due to linguistic, cultural, economic, etc. communication and the historical-political development of the state. For a long time, Lithuania was surrounded by its immediate neighbors: Slavs (Belarussians, Poles, Russians), Germans, Finno-Ugrians, and other Baltic peoples (Būga 1961: 493ff.). Moreover, Lithuania’s historic lands as well as its present territory have long been home to representatives of various ethnicities, who have left their footprint in the Lithuanian language, culture and other spheres of life, including Lithuanian proper names. The greatest influence on the Lithuanian onomasticon has been made by the Slavs. To have a clear understanding of how and why Slavic languages made an impact on Lithuanian onomasticon, a concise knowledge of the geopolitical and cultural situation of the region from the historical perspective is required. With the introduction of Christianity (1251–1387) (cf. Muldoon 1997: 137; Vitkus 2001: 42–43; Zinkevičius 2011: 193ff.) and later the establishment of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth (after the Union of Lublin in 1569), 220 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXV Footprints of Language Contacts in the Present-day Vilnius County Hydronyms and Oikonyms: the Impact of Slavic Languages on Lithuanian Toponymy names of foreign origin entered the Lithuanian anthroponymy and toponymy. Many of Lithuanian proper names were impinged by Slavic languages, esp. Polish (Jurkštas 1985: 25–26; Zinkevičius 2011: 237ff.). During that period, the Lithuanian nobility often focused on Poland and other countries and often gave their residence places names brought from abroad. The Polonization of the Lithuanian onomasticon continued for several centuries and was especially pronounced in Vilnius Region in the first half of the 20th c. when the region was annexed by Poland and was known as Wilno Voivodeship. After the dissolution of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, Lithuania fell under the Russian Empire rule (1795–1918) and the process of Russification started and continued during the Soviet period (1944–1990)¹ From the historical perspective, Vilnius Region, i.e., lands in Lithuania and Belarus – territories well to the east and south-east of present-day Lithuania, was originally inhabited by ethnic Baltic tribes. This is evidenced in works of Kazimieras Būga², Zigmas Zinkevičius (2011) as well as other onomasticians and linguists, and is verified by the archaeological research, cf. works of Eugenijus Jova iša (2012, 2014, 2016, 2020, 2020a, etc.) and other scholars. Currently, Vilnius County, which covers a big part (about one-third) of the interwar Western Vilnius Region, marks the cultural and linguistic periphery inhabited by Lithuanians and rather big Slavic ethnic groups. In 2011, 23 % of Vilnius County’s population were Poles, 10 % were Russians, 3 % were Belarussians (LSD2013: 2). Throughout history, the numbers of the representatives of the mentioned ethnicities fluctuated significantly. The result of the centuries-long contacts and a long-term multilingualism of the local population as well as a long, magnificent and often turbulent history of this land is a number of still ¹ It is believed that during the period when Lithuania was fully under the Russian Empire, later, partially under the Polish influences (the annexation of Vilnius lands), and, eventually, for a half of the century was occupied by the Soviet regime, toponyms of clear, explicit semantics suffered most as they were translated into Polish and later into Russian. Lithuanian place names of other regions were also Slavicized, Germanized, but remained healthier because they had the basis of the functioning Lithuanian language (cf. Jurkštas 1985: 5–7, 37–38; Zinkevičius 2011: 247ff.). Currently the aspect of language and cultural contacts in Lithuanian onomasticon is addressed in works of Laimutis Bilkis (2020, 2020a), Grasilda Blažienė (2011, 2013, 2018, 2020, 2020, etc.) [Note: also see Bilkis et al. 2019], Kazimieras Garšva (1993, 1999, 2019, 2020, 2020a, etc.), Darius Ivoška (2016, 2018, 2019, 2019a, 2020, 2020a), Dalia Kiseliūnaitė (2020) and others. ² In the territory of the present-day Belarus, there is a significant layer of Baltic toponyms, esp. hydronyms; also, certain aspects of the material culture, language, certain customs and beliefs can be traced. By far, the biggest trace of the Balts in Belarus are toponyms as there are more Baltic (Lithuanian) names on the Belarusian border than those of Belarusian origins (Būga 1961: 493–550). Straipsniai / Articles 221 PAVEL SKORUPA functioning toponyms of Slavic origin. This also leads to the complexity and novelty of the current research, as: 1) toponyms of Slavic origin are the atypical object of research among Lithuanian onomasticians and are often considered a non-autochthonous legacy and are being ignored, 2) the identification of toponyms of Slavic origin is aggravated by the absence of a clear approach to Slavicisms in the general Lithuanian language³; 3) the influence of contradictory historical processes (various political regimes and migration of nations, esp. in the borderland) on toponymy is difficult to evaluate. In many cases, we believe that without any extralinguistic knowledge and an in-depth study of historical sources, it is merely impossible to tell whether a toponym is of Baltic origin and at one point in history was Slavicized (translated) or it is a Slavic toponym. The aim. The current research presents an attempt to identify the influence of Slavic languages (Russian, Belarusian, Polish) on Vilnius County toponymy at the name formation level, with the key focus on toponym derivation models and identification of base words (etymons), as well as the distribution of toponyms exhibiting the language contacts among Vilnius County municipalities. Research material and sources. The main body of the research comprises 158 place names (13 potamonyms, 8 limnonyms, 137 oikonyms) that reflect language contacts. The toponyms were selected from the corpus of 5126 Vilnius County officially functioning toponyms⁴ and the actual data collected by the author from various modern electronic, printed and manuscript archival sources (see Toponym Sources and References). Research methodology. With reference to the traditional onomastic research models (cf. Buga 1958, 1959, 1961; Vanagas 1970, 1981, 1996, etc.; Jurkštas 1985; Razmukaitė 1998, 2002, 2003, 2009, etc.; Sviderskienė 2006, 2006a, 2007, etc., and others), the linguistic research of Vilnius County toponyms is based on the etymological, derivational analyses, as well as various lexicographic sources (Lithuanian, Russian, Polish, etc. dictionaries). Each toponym is accompanied by references to the named objects (in subscript) and location, followed by the explanation of its origin: a hypothetical ³ According to our observations, in Lithuanian onomastic research, there is no general agreement when a toponym derived from a Slavicism is considered to be the toponym of Slavic or Lithuanian origin, i.e., a toponym that is derived from a Slavicism in the general Lithuanian language is typically considered to be of Lithuanian origin. According to the general definition, Slavicisms are borrowings from the Slavic languages, which due to the constant close contacts between the Baltic and Slavic languages entered the Lithuanian language and make up about 1,5 % of its general vocabulary and even more in dialects. Often, it is difficult to tell the origin of a Slavicism due to the commonality of Slavic languages (VLEe). ⁴ 3900 settlement (city, town, village, railway stations with a settlement) names, 718 lake names, 362 river and stream names, and 146 pond names. 222 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXV Footprints of Language Contacts in the Present-day Vilnius County Hydronyms and Oikonyms: the Impact of Slavic Languages on Lithuanian Toponymy base word (etymon) and its meaning. Current forms of analyzed toponyms are italicized, bolded, and, where possible, stressed. In case it is not possible to decide to which Slavic language (Belarussian, Polish, Russian) the place name “genetically” belongs to, as it may be derived from the stem that is used in the mentioned Slavic languages, all the etymological possibilities are indicated. The e-versions of Lithuanian, Polish, Russian, and Belarusian dictionaries were used for the identification of the etymons to which the analyzed hydronyms and oikonyms relate and are derived from, as well as for the indication of the appellatives’ meanings (see Lexicographical Sources). In the sections below, toponyms are grouped according to the most typical features of toponym formation. 1. SLAVIC SUFFIXES DERIVATIVES FROM LITHUANIAN PROPER NAMES AND APPELLATIVES The first category of place names that reflect the Lithuanian–Slavic languages contacts is what may be called “contaminated” toponyms. Under the label of “contaminated” toponyms, place names derived by Slavic affixes⁵ from Lithuanian appellatives or proper names are meant. Place names that “genetically” belong to one language and exhibit elements of other languages are typical in the borderlands where different ethnic groups live together and where the language influences take place. In such areas, place names that genetically belong to a particular language are often adapted by other nationalities living there, whereas, the origin of such names is usually determined by the origin of their root (IGC 1993: 7–8). Such influence of Slavic languages on Lithuanian toponymy is observed in the classes of hydronyms and oikonyms. 1.1. Toponyms derived from proper names 1.1.1. Pol. Suf -anka / Rus. Suf -анка (–янка) derivatived potamonym Kubanka (Šlčn D) from the settlement name Kubōnysᵥ (Šlčn D); ⁵ For Slavic affixes, see Ambrazas (2000: 111ff.), Biryla, Shuba (1985: 210ff.), Bąk (1984: 211ff.), Shvedova et al. (1980: 183ff.). Straipsniai / Articles 223 PAVEL SKORUPA 1.1.2. Bel. / Pol. / Rus. Suf -ka /-ka derivatived potamonym Girdžiūnka (V D) from the settlement name Girdžiūnaiᵥ (V D) (cf. LVŽ I 194)⁶, and oikonym Gelvā́nka (Šr D) from the limnonym GelvānęL (Šr D) (cf. LVŽ I 136); 1.1.3. Pol. Suf -ówka derivatived oikonyms from Lith. anthroponyms: Bugeluwkaₛₜₑₐd (Trak D) ← Bugėlis (cf. LVŽ I 599); Petruoktaₛₜₑₐd (Šr D) ← PN Pėtras (a common Christian name in Lithuania); Sakaluwkaᵥ (Ukm D) ← Sākalas (PDB)⁷; 1.1.4. Pol. Suf -szczyzna (-yzna) / Bel. -шчына (-шчызна) derivatived oikonyms from Lith. anthroponyms Adamaŭčiznaᵥ (Ukm D) ← Adamaŭskas (Razmukaitė 1998: 82), or Christian name Adõmas : Adam- (Zinkevičius 2011a: 71), also cf. PNs Pol. Adam, Bel. / Rus. Aдaм (Biryla 1966: 22ff.; 1982: 18ff.); Baikoščiznaₛₜₑₐd (Švčn D) ← Baikoŭskas (Razmukaitė 1998: 94); Baraučiznaᵥ, Baraučiznaᵥ (Ukm D) ← Baraŭskas, Baraŭskas, Baraŭskis, Baraŭskis (Razmukaitė 1998: 94, cf. LVŽ I 365)⁸; Bartkelevičiznaᵥ (Ukm D) ← Bartkelēvičius (Razmukaitė 1998: 48, cf. LVŽ I 390; Zinkevičius 2011a: 72); Grebliaŭčiznaᵥ (Šr D) ← Grebliaŭskas, Grebliaŭskas (PDB, cf. Razmukaitė 1998: 94, LVŽ III 272); Miliaŭčiznaᵥ (Ukm D) ← Miliaŭskas, Miliaŭskas (PDB); Rakaučiznaᵥ (Ukm D) ← Rakaŭskas, Rakaŭskas (PDB); Rinkaŭčiznaᵥ (El) ← Rinkāŭskas (Razmukaitė 1998: 95); Rutovčiznaₛₜₑₐd (Švčn D) ← *Rutovas, cf. Rutāvičius (Razmukaitė 1998: 48); Stakaŭčiznaₛₜₑₐd (Šr D) ← Stakaŭskas (Razmukaitė 1998: 82). These toponyms derived from Lithuanian proper names make a bigger group in the category of contaminated toponyms. As can be seen from the examples above, the biggest number of contaminated toponyms are in the class of oikonyms: 11 oikonyms are derived with Slav. Suf -(š)čizna and 3 oikonyms are derived by means of Slav. Suf -uvka from Lithuanian anthroponyms, 1 oikonym is Slav. Suf -ka derivative from the limnonym of Lithuanian origin. In the ⁶ Hereinafter, Vilnius County officially functioning toponyms (oikonyms and hydronyms) that reflect language contacts are presented in their entirety at the moment of writing this paper, including both place names of Lithuanian origin influenced by Slavic languages and place names of Slavic origin. Some of the place names have already been analyzed in the works of Lithuanian onomasticians and in three published volumes of the Dictionary of Lithuanian Place Names (LVŽ – Lietuvos vietovardžių žodynas). To the best of his ability and with due respect, the author of the current paper makes references to scholars who have analyzed such place names and their respective works. Any missing toponyms or uncredited works are solely the author’s own error. ⁷ According to Zinkevičius (2011a: 94), the oikonym is related to a zoolexeme Lith. sākalas ‘bird of prey (Falco)’. ⁸ On the other hand, Zinkevičius (2011: 120) relates both oikonyms to Slavic physiographic term bor (Pol. bór, Rus. бор) ‘large, dense, old coniferous forest’. 224 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXV Footprints of Language Contacts in the Present-day Vilnius County Hydronyms and Oikonyms: the Impact of Slavic Languages on Lithuanian Toponymy class of potamonyms, 1 name is Slav. Suf –anka and 1 name is Slav Suf. -ka derivative from the oikonyms of Lithuanian origin. 1.2. Toponyms derived from appellatives The appellatival derivatives make a smaller part in the contaminated toponyms category and include 2 potamonyms and 2 oikonyms, cf.: 1.2.1. Pol. Suf -anka / Rus. Suf –anka (–янка) / Bel. Suf –янка derivative potamonyms Akliánka (Šlčn D) ← Lith. åklas ‘overgrown swamp, closed, blind’; Koplyč ianka (V D) ← Lith. koplyčia ‘chapel, small church’; and the oikonym Smĕliánkastead (Šr D) ← Lith. smĕlis ‘sand’ (cf. Razmukaitė 1998: 14); 1.2.2. Rus. Suf –овка derivatived oikonym Plentovkаstead (Švčn D) ← Lith. pléntas ‘(high)road, highway’. 2. LITHUANIAN SUFFIXES AND INFLECTIONS DERIVATIVES FROM SLAVIC PROPER NAMES AND APPELLATIVES 2.1. Toponyms derived from proper names Toponyms derived from proper names (in all cases – from Slavic anthroponyms) include 8 cases in the classes of hydronyms (1 potamonym and 1 limnonym) and oikonyms (5 names) with the following derivational patterns⁹: 2.1.1. Lith. f sg inflection –ē derivatived potamonym Nezdīlė (Šlčn D) ← PN Bel. / Rus. Незды́ло (Vanagas 1981: 230); 2.1.2. Lith. Gen. case derivatived limnonym Privalskio ežeras (Trak D) ← PN Rus. Прива́льский / Пржевальский, cf. Pol. Pszewalski / Przewalski (Wójtowicz 2013: 255); 2.1.3. Lithuanian pl inflections derivatived oikonyms Andreìkosᵥ (Švčn D) ← PN Pol. Andrejko (SSNO I 36), Ukr. Андре́йко (Редько 1969: 73)¹⁰; Krupàviesaiᵥ (Šlčn D) ← PN Bel. Крупавец (Biryla 1969: 220); Stasŷlosᵥ (Šlčn D) ← PN Pol. Stasil, Stasło (Gała 1985: 262), but most likely from Stasilo (surname currently functioning in Šalčininkai district). ⁹ For Lith. derivational affixes, cf. DLKG 88ff.; Skardžius 1996; Ambrazas 2000. ¹⁰ The oikonym might be related however to PN Lith. Andreikà, Andreìkus (cf. LVŽ I 93). Straipsniai / Articles 225 PAVEL SKORUPA 2.1.4. Lith. Suf -iškės derivatived oikonyms Gornostajiškės (Šlčn D) ← PN Pol. Ulianna Hornostajowa 1731 (LVŽ III 243), Bel. Гарнастай (Biryla 1969: 104)¹¹; Zatiškėsᵥ (Švčn D) ← PN Pol. Zata (LVGDB); 2.1.5. Lith. Suf -avas, -ава of Slavic origin derivatived oikonym Ivanavàᵥ (Šr D) ← PN Bel., Rus. Иван (Biryla 1966: 83ff.; 1982: 64ff.), cf. Razmukaitė (1998: 80) relates this settlement to the Christian name Ivānas. According to Razmukaitė (1998: 14), in Lithuanian toponymy, the Suf –ava, –avas are typical place names derivational suffixes, esp. in the border lands¹². 2.2. Toponyms derived from appellatives Toponyms derived from Slavic appellatives make the biggest group (29 cases) in this category – 24 toponyms are Lithuanian inflections derivatives (2 potamonyms, 1 limnonym, 21 oikonym), also 5 place names are Lithuanian suffixes derivatives (4 oikonym and 1 limnonym), cf.: 2.2.1. Lith. f sg inflection –ė derivatived potamonyms Bezdonė (V D) ← Bel. бяздонне: бездань ‘abyss, deep place’, cf. Rus. бездонный, –ая ‘bottomless; (figurative) extremely deep (← Rus. бездна)’, or Pol. bezdenny ‘deep, bottomless’¹³; Petruškė (Švčn D) ← Pol. pietruszka ‘parsley’; limnonym Tapelnė (El) ← Rus. топель ‘mud, swamp’, Pol. topiel, topielisko ‘a deep place in a river, pond or lake; a boggy swamp’, Bel. тапелец (тапельник, тапельніца) ‘drowned person’, ? (dial.) *тапельня ‘place where sth/sb sinks’; oikonym Roskošněstead (Šr D) ← Bel. раскошны / Pol. rozkoszny / Rus. роскошный ‘luxurious, sumptuous’; 2.2.2. Lith. m sg inflection -is derivatived oikonym Poliešisᵥ (El) ← Bel. палесце, падлесце / Rus. полесье ‘a plot of land adjacent to a forest’; 2.2.3. Lith. m sg inflection –(i)us derivatived oikonyms Zatišiusstead, Zatišiusᵥ (V D) ← Bel. зацішша / Pol. zacisze / Rus. затишь, затишье ‘quiet, sheltered from the wind; secluded, desolate, remote place, wilderness’; 2.2.4. Lith. pl inflections derivatived oikonyms Grabniokaiᵥ (Trak D) ← Bel. грабнік, грабняк / Pol. grabnik / Rus. грабинник ‘hornbeam thickets’ (cf. LVŽ III 248); Kaniūkaiᵥ, Kaniūkaiᵥ (V D), Kaniūkaiᵥ (Šlčn D) ← Rus. конюх / Bel. конюх ‘stable worker; horse breeder’ (cf. LVGDB); Kalesniūkaiᵥ (V D), ¹¹ Razmukaitė (1998: 31) proposes the oikonym is related to the potamonym *Gornostaja, cf. the Gornost aika stream name (Šlčn D). ¹² For these suffixes, also see Skardžius 1996: 379–381. ¹³ For other etymological versions of this potamonym, cf. LVŽ I 466, also Jurkštas (1985: 19). 226 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXV Footprints of Language Contacts in the Present-day Vilnius County Hydronyms and Oikonyms: the Impact of Slavic Languages on Lithuanian Toponymy Kalesniškaiᵥ (Šlčn D) ← Bel. калеснік / Pol. koleśnik ‘wheelwright, wheeler’ (for the possible anthroponymic origin of these oikonyms, cf. LVGDB); Navasiòlkaiv, Navasiòlkaiv (El), Navasiòlkaiv, Navasiòlkai Iv, Navasiòlkai IIv, Navasiòlkai IIIv (Šr D), Navasiòlkosv, Navasiòlkosstead (Švčn D) ← Bel. навасéлка (f pl навасёлкі, m pl навасёлы, m sg навасёл, навасельцу) / Rus. новосёлка, новосёл (f pl новосёлки) ‘someone who recently settled somewhere’, cf. Pol. nowy ‘new’ + Pol. sioło ‘village; rural settlement’: Pol. nowe ‘new’ + siołko ‘small village, settlement in the rural area’ (also, cf. LVGDB); Novosãdaiᵥ (V D) ← Bel. новы / Rus. новый / Pol. nowy ‘new; one that appeared recently’ + Bel. / Rus. сад / Pol. sad ‘garden’; Piõrkosᵥ (Švčn D) ← Bel. пёрка (pl пёрки) ‘feather(s)’; Popiẽlaiᵥ (V D) ← Bel. попел ‘ash’; 2.2.5. Lith. Suf –iškė derivatived oikonym Slabadiškėᵥ (Švčn D) ← Bel. слабадá / Rus. слободá ‘a large village with a free population (until the abolition of serfdom in Russia)’, or ‘a village near the city, a suburb’; 2.2.6. Lith. Suf –okas derivatived limnonym Glušõkas (Šr D) ← Bel. глу̌шак / Rus. глухой ‘remote’¹⁴. 2.2.7. Lith. Suf –auka of Slavic origin derivatived oikonyms Malináuka Iv, Malináuka IIv, Malináukaᵥstead (El) ← Rus. малина / Bel. маліна / Pol. malina ‘raspberry’. In Lithuanian toponymy, suffix –auka (cf. Rus. Suf –овка, Pol. Suf –ówka) is typical place names derivational suffix in the border lands (Razmukaitė 1998: 14). 2.3. Toponyms derived from appellatives or proper names In some cases, it is difficult to tell whether place names are derived from an appellative or a proper name due to the unclear nature of a lexical basis. Such toponyms make the smallest group in the category of Slavic origin place names, cf. the following 4 oikonyms: 2.3.1. Dzekceriškėsᵥ (El) may be related to either Bel. дзяцяр ‘producer or seller of tar’, or PN Bel. Дзядзяр, Дзяхцяр (Biryla 1969: 132) and is derived by means of Lith. Suf –iškės¹⁵; ¹⁴ Also see Vanagas (1970: 186). ¹⁵ Cf. LVŽ III 442, where the oikonym is also related to PN Pol. Dzięgciar, Dziekciarz; or, Razmukaitė (1998: 58), who relates the settlement name to PN Lith. *Dzekceris. Straipsniai / Articles 227 PAVEL SKORUPA 2.3.2. Dembniākaistead (Trak D) most probably is Lith. m pl inflection –ai derivative from Pol. dėbniak ‘oak grove’, or could be related to PN Pol. Dėbniak (SMPRL 214, also, cf. LVŽ II 201). 2.3.3. Jalōvėv (Trak D) is possibly derived from Pol. jałowiec ‘juniper (Juniperus)’, or PN Bel. Яловы (Biryla 1966: 281) by means of Lith. inflection -ė; 2.3.4. Sarōkpolis (Švčn D) could be related to either Bel. сарока / Rus. сорока ‘magpie’ + Rus. поль: поле ‘field’. On the other hand the first component of the name may be related to PN Bel. Сарока, Сарокін / Ukr. Сорока / Rus. Сорока, Сорокин (Biryla 1969: 366). The second component is marked by Lith. m sg inflection –is. 3. TOPONYMS OF SLAVIC ORIGIN 3.1. Toponyms derived from proper names During the research, a group of “genetically” Slavic place names was identified. The analysis has shown that toponyms originated from Slavic proper names are derived by means of Slavic affixes from anthroponyms, observed in the class of oikonyms (17 cases). In most cases, it is merely impossible to decide on the anthroponym from which of the three Slavic languages currently spoken in Vilnius County served the basis for the oikonym, cf.: 3.1.1. Pol. Suf –ówka derivatived oikonyms Januwkàv (V D), Januwkàstead (Šr D) ← Pol. Jan (Rospond 1973: 180–181; SSNO II 403) / Bel. Ян (Biryla 1966: 84); Kijuwkàv (Trak D) ← Bel. Кіÿ (Biryla 1969: 220) / Pol. Kij (SNNP 68); Leonuwkàv (Švčn D) ← Bel. / Rus. Леон (Biryla 1966: 108ff.; 1982: 85ff.); Michaluwkàstead (Šr D) ← Pol. Michał, cf. Bel. / Rus. Михаил, Михал (Biryla 1966: 121); Stanislawuwkàstead (Šr D), Stanislawuwkàv (Ukm D) ← Bel. Станіслаў / Rus. Станислав / Pol. Stanisław (Biryla 1966: 155; 1982: 110ff.)16; 3.1.2. Rus. Suf –овка derivatived oikonyms Agurjānouvkastead (Švčn D) ← Rus. Агурьянов (Agurjanov) (the surname currently registered in Švčn D)17; Kochanovkà Iv, Kochanovkà IIv, Kochanovkà IIIv (Švčn D) ← Pol. Kochan, 16 According to Zinkevičius (2011a: 88), the oikonym may be the Pol. Suf -uwka derivative from the Christian name Lith. Stanislovas. 17 The anthroponymic origin of this oikonym is also proposed in LVŽ I 25. 228 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXV Footprints of Language Contacts in the Present-day Vilnius County Hydronyms and Oikonyms: the Impact of Slavic Languages on Lithuanian Toponymy Kochanowski (Rymut 1999: 420), or Bel. / Rus. Кохан (Biryla 1969: 216) (cf. LVGDB); 3.1.3. Bel. / Rus. Suf -ka derivatived oikonyms Kazareškàv (Šr D), Kazareškàv (Ukm D) ← Bel. Казарэз, Козорез, Козарез (Biryla 1969: 169); 3.1.4. Bel. Suf -iha derivatived oikonyms Kazerežina v (El) ← Bel. Казарэз, Козорез, Козарез (Biryla 1969: 169); Marusinàstead (Ščn D) ← Bel. DIM Марусь : Марцін (Biryla 1982: 86ff.); Lipinàv (Švčn D) ← Bel. Ліна, Ліпка, Ліпінскі / Rus. Липин, Липов (Biryla 1969: 252); 3.1.5. Pol. Pref pod- / Rus. Pref pod(ле)- derivatived oikonym Podhaliampōlisv (El) ← Pol. Pref pod- / Rus. Pref pod(ле)- ‘near/below’ + oikonym Haliampōlis18. The most productive suffixes in this group are Pol. Suf -ówka and Rus. Suf -овка was observed in 7 and 4 oikonyms respectively. The Bel. Suf -iha is observed in 3 cases, whereas the least productive suffix is Bel. / Rus. Suf -ka observed in 2 homogeneous oikonyms. In one case the oikonym is derived from another compound oikonym by means of Slav. Pref pod-. 3.2. Toponyms derived from appellatives 3.2.1. Pol. Suf -ówka derivatived oikonyms Astrukàv (Šr D), Ostrukàv (Trak D) ← Pol. ostrówek, ‘forest, thickets on the banks of the river’, ostrów ‘a field located between ditches’, but could be related to Bel. acmpoy ‘island’ (cf. LVŽ I 194); Boruvkàv, Boruvkàstead, Boruvkàstead (Švčn D), Baruvkàstead (Ukm D) ← Pol. bór, Bel. / Rus. бор ‘large, dense, old coniferous forest’19; Dambruvkàv (El), Dambuvkàv, Dembuvkàstead, Dembuvkàv (Šr D) ← Pol. dąbr (dąmrze), dąb ‘oak’, dębówka, debina, dąbrowa ‘oak grove’ (also, cf. LVŽ II 116–118); Gajuvkàstead (V D) ← Bel. гай, Pol. gaj ‘small forest’, or could be related to Pol. gajówka ‘forester’s hut’ (cf. LVŽ III 30); Lipuvkàstead (Šr D) ← Bel. липа / Pol. lipa / Rus. липа ‘the lime tree’; Osinuvkàv (Šr D) ← Pol. osina ‘aspen; scrub or thickets of aspen’; Saduvkàstead (Švčn D) ← Bel. / Rus. сад, or Pol. sad ‘garden’; Sasnukastead (Šr D) ← Bel. сосна ‘pine’, cf. Pol. sosna; 3.2.2. Rus. Suf -овка derivatived oikonyms Beregovkàstead (Švčn D) ← Rus. берег ‘bank, shore’, береговой ‘located on the bank’ (cf. LVŽ I 437); Borovkàstead (Švčn D) ← Bel. / Rus. бор ‘large, dense, old coniferous forest’ 18 The compound oikonym Haliampōlis is obviously of anthroponymic origin and may be related to PN Pol. Halian, Haliana (LVŽ III 379). The second component is Lith. inflection -is derivative from Rus. поль: поле ‘field’. 19 Alternatively, these oikonyms are related to Bel. бароўка ‘places where blueberries grow’, or Lith. bãras ‘coniferous forest’ (LVŽ I 392–393, 540; Zinkevičius 2011a: 120). Straipsniai / Articles 229 PAVEL SKORUPA (cf. LVŽ I 392–393, 540); Malinovŭkastead, Malinovŭkastead (Švčn D) ← Rus. малина / Bel. маліна ‘the raspberry’; 3.2.3. Bel. / Pol. / Rus. Suf –ka /–ka derivatived potamonym Nedzviadka (V D) ← Pol. niedźwiadek : niedźwiedź ‘(Ursus) bear cub’, and oikonyms Vigadka (Švčn D), Vigodkastead (El), Vigodkav (Trak D) ← Bel. выгода ‘convenience; vastitude; (figurative) freedom, will, independence’ / Pol. wygoda ‘convenience’. 3.2.4. Bel. Pref па–(за) derivatived oikonym Pazaliėšėstead (V D) ← Bel. Pref па–(за) ‘behind’ + залессе ‘the area behind the forest’. Toponyms derived from the Slavic appellatives by means of Slavic derivational affixes make the biggest group in the category of “genetically” Slavic names. Overall, 24 cases were identified: 1 potamonym and 23 oikonyms. The most productive suffix in this group is Pol. Suf –ówka, observed in 15 oikonyms derived from either phytolexemes referring to the thickets of certain plants, or from nomenclature terms. The least productive affix is Bel. Pref na–(за) used to derive oikonym from the nomenclature term. 3.3. Toponyms derived from proper names or appellatives The oikonyms in this group (3 cases) are obviously of Slavic origin and are derived by means of Bel. / Pol. / Rus. Suf –ka/–ka. However, the lexical nature of the etymon is not clear, cf.: Manastirkastead (Šr D) could be related to Bel. манастыр ‘monastery’, or PN Bel. Манастырэнка (Biryla 1966: 188); Saloménkastead (Švčn D) could originate from Bel. саломінка ‘straw’, саломяны ‘made of straw’, or may be related to PN Bel. Салома, Солома, Rus. Соломин (Biryla 1969: 363); Začerpkav (Trak D) may be the derivative from Bel. (dial.) зачэпка, зачэпка / Pol. zaczepka ‘hitch, hook’, or PN Bel. Зачэпна (Biryla 1969: 158) (also, cf. LVGDB). 4. TRANSLITERATION INTO THE LITHUANIAN LANGUAGE 4.1. Transliterated toponyms of appellatival origin The transliterated toponyms of appellatival origin make the biggest group in the category of transliterated toponyms. Such names can be observed in the 230 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXV Footprints of Language Contacts in the Present-day Vilnius County Hydronyms and Oikonyms: the Impact of Slavic Languages on Lithuanian Toponymy classes of potamonyms, limnonyms, and oikonyms with 3, 3, and 34 names respectively, cf.: 4.1.1. potamonyms Aliosà (El) ← Bel. (dial.) алёц, альца ‘peaty swamp; swampy meadow, sometimes with alders; alder grove’, cf. Pol. ols ‘forest in a swamp’ (also cf. LVŽ I 62, 64; Vanagas 1981: 39, 40); Kamenà (Šlčn D) ← Pol. kamienna, -y / Bel. каменны, -ая / Rus. каменный, -ая ‘stony’, cf. Bel. / Rus. камень, ‘stone’²⁰; Manièrka (V D, Švčn D) ← Pol. manierka, Rus. манерка ‘a bottle: a flat closure bottle for carrying drinking water or a drink, attached to a waist belt or shoulder strap or carried in a pocket’ (cf. Vanagas 1981: 204); 4.1.2. limnonyms Glušnià (Švčnč D) ← Rus. глушня : глушь / Bel. глушы ‘a remote, (forested), unpopulated place’ (also, cf. Vanagas 1981: 118–119); Zapolè (V D) ← Pol. zapole ‘forestless area; area covered with arable land’, cf. Rus. заполоть ‘a place behind arable fields’; Zatišè (V D) ← Pol. zacisze, cf. Bel. зацішша, Rus. затишье ‘quiet, sheltered from the wind; secluded, desolate place, wilderness’; 4.1.3. oikonyms Cegèlniestead, Cegèlnièv, Cegèlnièstead, Cegèlnièv, Cegèlniàstead, Dembinàv, Dembinàv, Koliòniјаv, Akoliòniјаv, Papierniàv, Paguliánkaₛₜₑₐd, Poguliánka Iᵥ, Poguliánka IIᵥ, Poguliánkaₛₜₑₐd, Poguliánkaₛₜₑₐd, Pyšnàₛₜₑₐd, Slabadàᵥ, Slabadàᵥ, Slabadàᵥ, Slabadkàᵥ, Slabadàᵥ, Slabadàₛₜₑₐd, Slabadàᵥ, Slabadàᵥ, Slabadàᵥ, Slabadàᵥ, Smoliárniėₛₜₑₐd, Šafárnėₛₜₑₐd, Šafárnėᵥ, Šafárnėᵥ, Ustrõnėᵥ, Zacišèₛₜₑₐd, Zabłòčėᵥ (Šr D), (Švčn D), (Trak D), (V D), ← Bel. цагельня, Pol. cegielnia ‘factory of bricks and other clay building materials’ (cf. LVŽ II 4–5); Dembinàv, (Trak D), Dembinàv (V D) ← Pol. dębina ‘oak grove’ (cf. LVŽ II 201); Koliòniјаv (Šr D), Akoliòniјаv (Švčn D) ← Pol. kolonia ‘a group of houses located away from the city center or away from the village’; Papierniàv (Šr D) ← Bel. паперня, Pol. papiernia ‘paper factory’; Paguliánkaₛₜₑₐd, Poguliánka Iᵥ, Poguliánka IIᵥ (Trak D), Poguliánkaₛₜₑₐd (Šr D), Poguliánkaₛₜₑₐd (Švčn D) ← Bel. пагулянка, Pol. pohulanka, Ukr. погулянка ‘country dance party, party, free time’ or ‘place for walking’, or ‘drinking, flattery, feast’; Pyšnàₛₜₑₐd (V D) ← Bel. пышна : пышны ‘rich, lush, magnificent’; Slabadàᵥ, Slabadàᵥ, Slabadàᵥ, Slabadkàᵥ (V D), Slabadàᵥ (Šlčn D), Slabadàₛₜₑₐd (Švčn D), Slabadàᵥ (Trak D), Slabadàᵥ, Slabadàᵥ, Slabadàᵥ, Slabadàᵥ (Ukm D) ← Bel. слабада́, cf. Rus. слобода́ ‘a large village with a free population (until the abolition of serfdom in Russia)’ or ‘a village near the city, a suburb (outdated)’²¹; Smoliárniėₛₜₑₐd (V D) ← Rus. смолярня / Pol. smolarnia / Bel. смалярня ‘tar factory’; Šafárnėₛₜₑₐd, Šafárnėᵥ (Šr D), Šafárnėᵥ (Trak D) ← Bel. (derogatory) шафарня ‘drivers’; Ustrõnėᵥ (Šr D) ← Pol. ustronie ‘neighborhood away from human settlements’, cf. Pol. ustroń ‘seclusion, shelter’; Zacišèₛₜₑₐd (El) ← Pol. zacisze / Rus. затишье ‘quiet, sheltered from the wind; secluded, desolate, remote place, wilderness’; Zabłòčėᵥ (Švčn D) ← Pol. zabłocie ‘place behind the swamp, wetland’. ²⁰ For another etymological version, see Vanagas (1981: 144). ²¹ Also, cf. Zinkevičius (2011a: 131). Straipsniai / Articles 231 PAVEL SKORUPA 4.2. Transliterated toponyms of proper names origin The transliterated toponyms include two names in the class of hydronyms (1 potamonym and 1 limnonym) that have originated from Slavic proper names without any derivational affixes. These names may be considered the result of transonymization, cf.: 4.2.1. the potamonym Vŏlga (V D) is most probably the transposition of the potamonym Volga (Rus. Волга), the longest European river; 4.2.2. the limnonym Òlga (El) is related to Slav. PN Ольга / Olga. 4.3. Toponyms of appellatival or proper names origin This category includes 3 names in the classes of potamonyms and oikonyms (1 stream name and 2 settlement names), cf.: 4.3.1. the potamonym Ščerba (Šlčn D) may be related to Pol. szczerba / Rus. щерба ‘a deficiency, loss; a crack; an empty place; a gap; unevenness, a pit, a knocked-out place’ (WS]Pe, SRYAe), or PN Pol. Szczerba, Bel. / Rus. Щерба, Щарба (Biryla 1966: 280) (Note: the surname is currently functioning in Šlčn D); 4.3.2. oikonyms Veseluchăstead (V D), Veseluškăstead (Ukm D)²² most probably the result of onymization from Rus. (dial.) веселуха, веселушка (веселье) ‘fun’ (SRYAe), or the result of transonymisation from PN Rus. Веселуха, Веселушка, Bel. Весялуха (Biryla 1969: 86). 5. GENETICALLY UNCLEAR TOPONYMS In a number of cases, it is hard to tell whether the toponym is of Slavic or Lithuanian origin. The following toponyms may be either the suffix derivatives from either Slavic or Lithuanian appellatives or proper names, or are the result of onymisation from Slavic or Lithuanian appellatives, or could be a translated name. Given the fact that rather big Slavic ethnic groups have been living in Vilnius County, there is a possibility that the following place names could be derived from languages spoken by these national minorities, cf.: 5.1. the limnonym Skarbėlis (V C) could be considered Lith. Suf. -elis derivative from Pol. skarb ‘treasure’, or Lith. Polonism skárbas ‘treasure’; ²² Cf. Zinkevičius (2011a: 109), who claims the oikonym is of unclear origin. 232 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXV Footprints of Language Contacts in the Present-day Vilnius County Hydronyms and Oikonyms: the Impact of Slavic Languages on Lithuanian Toponymy 5.2. oikonyms Būlbinėstead (V D) could be considered Lith. Suf -inė derivative from Bel. бу́лба, Pol. (dial.) bulba ‘potato’, or, alternatively, from Lith. Slavicism būlba / būlbė (cf. LVŽ I 610; Razmukaitė 1998: 17); 5.3. the oikonym Jadlurokàstead (Švčn D) that may be Pol. Suf -ówka derivative from the phytolexeme Pol. jodła ‘fir’, Bel. я́ловец ‘juniper (Juniperus); cade’, or PN Lith. *Jadla, cf. PNs Lith. Jadlaùskas (LVGDB). On the other hand, the oikonym may be related to Pol. Jadłowski (ibid.); 5.4. oikonyms Būdāv, Būdāv (El), Būdā (Šr D), Būdāv, Būdāv, Būdā Iv, Būdā IIIv (Trak D) could be either of Lithuanian origin, cf. Lith. būdà, būdė ‘tent, shelter, (guard’s, shepherd’s, etc.) cottage’ (LKŽe), or may be a Slavic toponym from Bel. būdа, Pol. buda ‘a simple structure made of perishable materials, used as a makeshift shelter for people’ (also, cf. LVŽ I 588–590); Majākasstead (Šlčn D) may be related to Lith. majākas ‘triangulation point’, ‘land parcel; homestead’, or Rus. маяк ‘triangulation point’; Ūtàv, Ūtàv, Ūtàv (Šlčn D) may be related either to Lith. Polonism utà ‘smelter, melting house’, or to Pol. huta; 5.5. the oikonym Vispàstead (Švčn D) that is possibly related to Pol. wyspa ‘island’, or ‘place that stands out from its surroundings’ may be a mere translation and might have been Lith. *Sala, *Šela, cf. Lith. sala ‘village’ ← Lith. *šėla ‘village’ and/or ‘island; elevation, a hill in the swamp; forest land, etc.’ (cf. Būga 1959: 554; Karaliūnas 2005: 308–310). *** The influence of Slavic languages (Russian, Belarusian, Polish) on Vilnius County toponymy at the name formation level is obvious in the analyzed classes of hydronyms and oikonyms. The analysis of the selected toponyms’ derivation models and identification of base words (etymons) has shown that language contacts are reflected in 158 place names, which make 3 % of all names currently officially functioning in Vilnius County. The distribution of these toponyms in the municipalities is presented in Table 1. As it can be seen from the table, the biggest number of toponyms exhibiting language contacts are in Švenčionys district municipality and comprises 35 cases, i.e., 33 oikonyms (including 2 Slavic affixes contaminated settlement), 1 potamonym, and 1 limnonym. This is followed by Širvintos district municipality with 32 cases, i.e., 31 oikonym (including 5 Slavic affixes contaminated settlement names) and 1 limnonym. The smallest number of such toponyms is observed in Vilnius city municipality – 1 case in the class of limnonyms. For the distribution of contaminated toponyms, i.e., Lithuanian place names derived by means of Slavic affixes, see Table 2. Straipsniai / Articles 233 PAVEL SKORUPA TABLE 1. Distribution of Toponyms Exhibiting the Language Contacts Municipality | Potamonyms | Limnonyms | Oikonyms | Total: Elektrėnai | 1 | 2 | 12 | 15 Šalčininkai District | 5 | | 11 | 16 Širvintos District | | 1 | 31 | 32 Švenčionys District | 1 | 1 | 33 | 35 Trakai District | | 1 | 17 | 18 Ukmergė District | | | 14 | 14 Vilnius City | | 1 | | 1 Vilnius District | 6 | 2 | 19 | 27 Total: | 13 | 8 | 137 | 158 TABLE 2. Distribution of Slavic Affixes Contaminated Toponyms Municipality | Potamonyms | Limnonyms | Oikonyms | Total: Elektrėnai | | | 1 | 1 Šalčininkai District | 2 | | | 2 Širvintos District | | | 5 | 5 Švenčionys District | | | 2 | 2 Trakai District | | | 1 | 1 Ukmergė District | | | 7 | 7 Vilnius City | | | | Vilnius District | 2 | | | 2 Total: | 4 | | 16 | 20 As it can be seen from Table 2, the contaminated toponyms make 20 cases, i.e., 12 % of all the analyzed toponyms. The biggest number of contaminated toponyms can be observed among oikonyms now functioning in Ukmergė district municipality, which is followed by Širvintos district municipality with 5 contaminated toponyms in the same class. The smallest numbers of such toponyms are observed in Elektrėnai municipality and Trakai district municipality with only 1 case in the class of oikonyms, whereas Vilnius City municipality has none of the contaminated toponyms. 234 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXV Footprints of Language Contacts in the Present-day Vilnius County Hydronyms and Oikonyms: the Impact of Slavic Languages on Lithuanian Toponymy 6. CONCLUSIONS 1. Language contacts are reflected in 158 place names (13 potamonyms, 8 limnonyms, 137 oikonyms), i.e., 3 % of 5126 currently officially functioning Vilnius County place names. These include 20 (4 potamonyms, 16 oikonyms) contaminated toponyms, i.e., 12 % of the analyzed place names. 2. Language contacts are observed at various toponym formation levels and include: a) Contaminated toponyms – Slavic suffixes derivatives from Lithuanian proper names and appellatives. Toponyms derived from proper names of Lithuanian origin comprise 15 oikonyms (11 Suf –(š)čizna and 3 Suf –uwka derivatives from Lithuanian PNs, 1 Suf –ka from the Lithuanian limnonym), 2 potamonyms (1 Suf –anka and 1 Suf –ka derivative from Lithuanian oikonyms). The appellatival derivatives include Suf –anka derivatives (2 potamonyms, 1 oikonym) and Suf –ouka derivative (1 oikonym). b) Lithuanian suffixes and inflections derivatives from Slavic proper names and appellatives. Toponyms derived from proper names resp. anthroponyms include 8 hydronyms (1 potamonym, 1 limnonym) and 5 oikonyms. Toponyms derived from Slavic appellatives include 29 cases – 24 inflection derivatives (2 potamonyms, 1 limnonym, 21 oikonym) and 5 suffix derivatives (4 oikonym, 1 limnonym). 4 oikonyms are inflections and suffixes derivatives from appellatives or proper names. c) Toponyms of Slavic origin, i.e., toponyms derived from Slavic proper names and appellatives by means of Slavic affixes. Toponyms of anthroponymic origin include 17 oikonyms (7 Suf –uwka, 4 Suf –ouka, 3 Suf –ina, 2 Suf –ka, and Pref pod– derivatives). Toponyms derived from Slavic appellatives include 24 cases (15 Suf –uvka, 4 Suf –ovka, 3 Suf –ka, 1 Pref pa– derivatived oikonyms; 1 Suf –ka derivatived potamonym). 3 oikonyms are derived with Suf –ka from either appellatives or anthroponyms. d) Among toponyms of Slavic origin there are hydronyms and oikonyms that may be considered a mere transliteration into the Lithuanian language. This category includes 45 toponyms that originated from Slavic appellatives or onyms by means of onimization or transonymisation. e) In a number of cases it is hard to tell whether a toponym is of Slavic or Lithuanian origin, mostly due to the fact that there are many Slavicisms in the general Lithuanian language. Such toponyms may be either suffix Straipsniai / Articles 235 PAVEL SKORUPA derivatives from either Slavic or Lithuanian appellatives or proper names, or are the result of ony­misation from Slavic or Lithuanian appellatives, or could be translated names. 3. The influence of contradictory historical processes (various political regimes and migration of nations, esp. in the borderland) on toponymy as well as ony­my, in general, is difficult to evaluate. In some cases, it is hard to tell whether a toponym is of Lithuanian origin and at one point in history was Slavicized (translated) or it is a Slavic toponym. A deeper study of historical data could help interpret toponyms more clearly. ABBREVIATIONS Bel. – Belarussian; C – city; cf. – compare; D – district; dial. – dialectal; DIM – diminutive; El– Elektrėnai; eld – eldership; et al. – and others; f – feminine; Gen. – Genitive case; l – lake; Lith. – Lithuanian; m – masculine; PN – personal name; Pol. – Polish; pl – plural; Pref – prefix; Rus. – Russian; sg – singular; stead – steading/homestead; Suf – suffix; Šlčn – Šalčininkai; Šr – Širvintos; Švčn – Švenčionys; tn – town; Trak – Trakai; trib. – tributary; Ukm – Ukmergė; Ukr. – Ukrainian; V – Vilnius; v – village. TOPONYM SOURCES GP – Geoportal.lt – Lietuvos erdvinės informacijos portalas. Available at: https://www.geoportal.lt/geoportal/. LKIVK – The Catalogue of Lithuanian Place Names Written from the Living Language. LVGDB – Geoinformational Database of Lithuania’s Place Names. Available at: https://ekalba.lt/lietuvos-vietovardziu-geoinformacine-duomenu-baze. UETK – The Rivers, Lakes and Ponds Cadaster of the Republic of Lithuania. Available at: https://uetk.am.lt. Vilnius County Municipalities’ web sites: Elektrėnai Municipality web site at https://www.elektrenai.lt/; Šalčininkai District Municipality web site at http://www.salcininkai.lt/; Širvintos District Municipality web site at https://www.sirvintos.lt/lt; Švenčionys District Municipality web site at https://www.svencionys.lt/lt/ I_pradzia; Trakai District Municipality web site at https://www.trakai.lt/; http://old.trakai.lt/; 236 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXV Footprints of Language Contacts in the Present-day Vilnius County Hydronyms and Oikonyms: the Impact of Slavic Languages on Lithuanian Toponymy Ukmergė District Municipality web site at https://www.ukmerge.lt/; Vilnius City Municipality web site at https://vilnius.lt/lt/; Vilnius District Municipality web site at https://www.vrsa.lt/. LEXICOGRAPHIC SOURCES LKŽe – Lietuvių kalbos žodynas 1–20 (1941–2002), red. kolegija G. Naktinienė, J. Paulauskas, R. Petrokienė, V. Vitkauskas, J. Zabarskaitė, vyr. red. G. Naktinienė, e. variantas, Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas, 2005 (atnaujinta versija, 2008 ir 2018). Available at: https://ekalba.lt/lietuviu-kalbos-zodynas. PWN – Słownik języka polskiego (na podstawie Słownik języka polskiego pod red. W. Doroszewskiego 1997; Słownika 100 tysięcy potrzebnych słów pod red. J. Bralczyka 2005; Wielkiego słownika ortograficznego PWN z zasadami pisowni i interpunkcji pod red. E. Polańskiego 2017), on-line version, Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN 1997–2021. Available at: https://sjp.pwn.pl/. Skarnik.by – Мазок Алег, Літ Серж, comp. 2015: Белорусско-русский словарь (на основе академического словаря под редакцией Я. Коласа, К. Крапивы и П. Глебки 1953: Русka-беларускі Слоўнік 1–3, Мінск: Інстытут Мовазнаўства АН БССР), e-version. Available at: https://www.skarnik.by/. SRYA – Yevgenyeva Anastasiya (ed.) 1999: Словарь русского языка: в 4-х т., ред. А. П. Евгеньева, Москва: Полиграфресурсы. Available at: http://feb-web.ru/feb/mas/mas-abc/default.asp. SUMe – Словника української мови. Академічний тлумачний словник (1970–1980), онлайн-версія на базі Словника української мови в 11 томах за ред. І. К. Білоїда, Київ: Наукова думка, 1970–1980. Available at: http://sum.in.ua/. WSJPe – Wielki słownik języka polskiego, red. P. Żmigrodski, e. wersja, Kraków: Instytut języka polskiego PAN. Available at: https://wsjp.pl/. REFERENCES Ambrazas Saulius 2000: Daiktavardžių darybos raida II. Lietuvių kalbos vardažodiniai vediniai, Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidybos institutas. Bąk Piotr 1984: Gramatyka języka polskiego, Warszawa: Wiedza Powszechna. Bilkis Laimutis, Kačinaitė-Vrubliauskienė Dalia, Ragauskaitė Alma, Skorupa Pavel, Sviderskienė Dalia, sud., 2019: Grasilda Blažienė: bibliografija, Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas. Straipsniai / Articles 237 PAVEL SKORUPA Bilkis Laimutis 2020: Dėl kaimo vardo Ūvoliai kilmės. – Acta Linguistica Lithuanica 83, 178–192. Available at: http://journals.lki.lt/actalinguisticallithuanica. Bilkis Laimutis 2020a: Dėl kaimo vardo Jedžiotai raidos ir kilmės. – Lituanistica 66, 4(122): 275–287. Biryla Mikalaj V. 1966: Бырыла Мікалай В. Беларуская антрапанімія. Уласныя імёны, імёны-мянушкі, імёны па бацьку, прозвішчы, Мінск: Навука і Тэхніка. Biryla Mikalaj V. 1969: Бырыла Мікалай В. Беларуская антрапанімія 2. Прозвішчы, утвораныя ад апелятыўнай лексікі, Мінск: Навука і Тэхніка. Biryla Mikalaj V. 1982: Бырыла Мікалай В. Беларуская антрапанімія 3. Структура ўласных мужчынскіх імён, Мінск: Навука і Тэхніка. Biryla Mikalaj V., Shuba Pavel P. 1985: Бырыла Мікалай В., Шуба Павел П. Беларуская граматыка 1, Мінск: Навука і Тэхніка. Blažienė Grasilda 2011: Блажене Г. О балтийских ойконимах Калининградской области. – Культурное наследие Восточной Пруссии: сборник статей, ч. 1, Калининград: Изд-во БФУ им. И. Канта, 78–95. Blažienė Grasilda 2013: Noch einmal zum Altpreußischen und zu den altpreußischen Eigennamen in den geschichtlichen Quellen des Deutschen Ordens. – Индоевропейское языкознание и классическая филология – XVII: материалы чтений, посвященных памяти профессора Иосифа Моисеевича Тронского 24–26 июня 2013 г., Санкт-Петербург: Наука, 66–78. Available at: http://iling.spb.ru/comparativ/mater/tronsky2013/tronsky2013.pdf. Blažienė Grasilda 2018: Zu den russischen Personnamen in den Folianten des Deutschen Ordens. – Индоевропейское языкознание и классическая филология – XXII (чтения памяти И. М. Тронского): материалы Международной конференции, проходившей 18–20 июня 2018 г., отв. ред. Н. Н. Казанский, 1–ый полутом, Санкт-Петербург: Наука, 109–75. Available at: https://tronsky.iling.spb.ru/static/tronsky2018_01.pdf. Blažienė Grasilda 2020: Блажене Г. Baltische Spuren in Ortsnamen Europas? – Индоевропейское языкознание и классическая филология – XXIV: материалы чтений, посвященных памяти профессора Иосифа Моисеевича Тронского 22–24 июня 2020 г., Санкт-Петербург: Институт лингвистических исследований, 443–465. Available at: https://tronsky.iling.spb.ru/static/tronsky2020_01.pdf. Būga Kazimieras 1961: Rinktiniai raštai 3, Vilnius: Valstybinė politinės ir mokslinės literatūros leidykla. DLKG – Dabartinės lietuvių kalbos gramatika, red. V. Ambrazas, Vilnius: Mintis, 1994. 238 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXV Footprints of Language Contacts in the Present-day Vilnius County Hydronyms and Oikonyms: the Impact of Slavic Languages on Lithuanian Toponymy Gala Sławomir 1985: Polskie nazwy osobowe z podstawowym –ł-, -łw części sufiksalnej. – Acta Univ. Lodzien­sis. Folia Linguistica 10, Łodź: Uniw. Łodzki. Garšva Kazimieras, Grumadienė Laima, red. ir sud., 1993: Lietuvos rytai, Vilnius: Valstybinis leidybos centras. Garšva Kazimieras, sud., 1999: Etninių žemių lietuviai dabartinėje Baltarusijoje, Vilnius: Tautinių mažumų ir išeivijos departamentas prie Lietuvos Respublikos Vyriausybės. Garšva Kazimieras 2019: Балтизмы (топонимы, фамилии) в Польше, Беларуси. – Droga ku wzajemnosci 20, 51–64. Garšva Kazimieras 2020: Vilniaus apskrities kalbų interpretacijos. – Voruta 2(868), 60–64. Garšva Kazimieras 2020a: Lietuvių kalba ir vardynas tarp Kernavės, Trakų ir Vilniaus. – Voruta 3(869), 77–83. IGC 1993 – Institute of Geodesy and Cartography, The Polish Toponymic Guidelines, Warsaw, Poland, 1993. Available at: http://ksng.gugik.gov.pl/pliki/the_polish_toponymic_guidelines.pdf. Ivoška Darius 2016: Bemerkungen zur Problematik der baltischen Ortsnamen westlich der Weichsel. – Acta Linguistica Lituanica 74, 208–225. Ivoška Darius 2018: Baltische Eigennamen in den Dokumenten des Deutschen Ordens: daktaro disertacija, Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas, Vytauto Didžiojo universitetas. Ivoška Darius 2019: Litauische historische Personennamen in dem „Marienburger Tresslerbuch der Jahre 1399–1409“. – Acta Linguistica Lituanica 81, 97–109. Ivoška Darius 2019a: Widerspiegelung der prussischen Kultur in den Grenzenbeschreibungen des Deutschen Ordens. – Jahrbuch der Historischen Kommission für ostund westpreußische Landesforschung und der Copernicus-Vereinigung für Geschichte und Landeskunde Westpreußens. Mitteilungen aus dem Geheimen Staatsarchiv Preußischer Kulturbesitz 10, 7–23. Ivoška Darius 2020: Trends of Naming Individuals of Different Origin in the Medieval Prussia. – Onoma 55, 133–147. Available at: https://doi.org/10.34158/ONOMA.55/2020/8. Ivoška Darius 2020a: Zur Frage der baltischen Eigennamen des Gebietes Ragnit und Tilsit in den Ordensdokumenten des 14–15 Jahrhunderts / Dėl baltiškų Ragainės ir Tilžės srities tikrinių vardų XIV–XV a. ordino dokumentuose. – Acta Linguistica Lituanica 83, 132–150. Available at: http://journals.lki.lt/actalinguisticalithuanica/article/view/2045. Straipsniai / Articles 239 PAVEL SKORUPA Jovaiša Eugenijus 2012: Aisčiai. I knyga. Kilmė, Vilnius: Edukologija. Jovaiša Eugenijus 2014: Aisčiai. II knyga. Raida, Vilnius: Lietuvos edukologijos universiteto leidykla. Jovaiša Eugenijus 2016: Aisčiai. III knyga. Lietuvių ir Lietuvos pradžia, Vilnius: Lietuvos edukologijos universiteto leidykla. Jovaiša Eugenijus 2020: The Aestii. The Western Balts, Kaunas: Vytauto Didžiojo universiteto leidykla. Jovaiša Eugenijus 2020a: Kapai ir žmonės, Vilnius: Unseen Pictures. Jurkštas Jonas 1985: Vilniaus vietovardžiai, Vilnius: Mokslas. Karaliūnas Simas 2005: Baltų praeitis istoriniuose šaltiniuose 2, Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas. Kiselīnaite Dalia 2020: Klaipėdos krašto toponimai. Istorinis ir etimologinis registras, Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas. Available at: https://doi.org/10.35321/e-pub.6.klaipedos-krasto-toponimai. LSD2013 – Lietuvos statistikos departamentas 2013: Gyventojai pagal tautybę, gimtąją kalbą ir tikybą. Lietuvos Respublikos 2011 metų visuotinio gyventojų ir būstų surašymo rezultatai, Vilnius. Available at: https://web.archive.org/web/20130923095014/http://web.stat.gov.lt/uploads/docs/gyv_kalba_tikyba.pdf. LVŽ I – Lietuvos vietovardžių žodynas 1 (A–B), red. kolegija L. Balode, V. Blažek, G. Blažienė, V. Kardelis, A. Ragauskaitė, S. Temčinas, J. Udolph, Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas, 2008. LVŽ II – Lietuvos vietovardžių žodynas 2 (C–F), autoriai L. Bilkis, G. Blažienė, M. Norkaitienė, A. Ragauskaitė, M. Razmukaitė, D. Sviderskienė, atsak. red. L. Bilkis, Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas, 2014. LVŽ III – Lietuvos vietovardžių žodynas 3 (G–H), autoriai V. Adamonytė, L. Bilkis, G. Blažienė, D. Kačinaitė-Vrubliauskienė, M. Norkaitienė, A. Ragauskaitė, M. Razmukaitė, D. Sviderskienė, atsak. red. L. Bilkis, Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas, 2018. Muldoon James 1997: Varieties of Religious Conversion in the Middle Ages, Florida: University Press of Florida. PDB – Lietuvių kalbos instituto lietuvių kalbos išteklių informacinė sistema „E. Kalba“: Pavardžių duomenų bazė (The Institute of the Lithuanian Language Informational System of the Lithuanian Language Resources: The Surnames Database). Available at: https://ekalba.lt/Pavardziu_zodynas. 240 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXV Footprints of Language Contacts in the Present-day Vilnius County Hydronyms and Oikonyms: the Impact of Slavic Languages on Lithuanian Toponymy Razmukaitė Marija 1998: Lietuvos priesaginiai oikonimai: daktaro disertacija, Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas, Vytauto Didžiojo universitetas. Razmukaitė Marija 2002: Lietuvos sudėtinių oikonimų darybos bruožai. – Acta Linguistica Lithuanica 46, 123–130. Razmukaitė Marija 2003: Sudėtiniai Lietuvos oikonimai. – Baltų filologija 12(2), 63–80. Razmukaitė Marija 2009: Apie kai kuriuos Vakarų Lietuvos priesaginius oikonimus. – Kalbos kultūra 82, 34–40. Red’ko Julian K. 1969: Редько Юлиан К. Довідник українських прізвищ, Київ: Радянська школа. Rymut Kazimierz 1999: Nazwiska Polaków 1 (A–K), Kraków: Wydawn. Inst. Języka Polskiego PAN. Rospond Stanisław 1973: Słownik nazwisk śląskich 2, Wrocław, Warszawa, Kraków, Gdańsk: Zakład Narodowy im. Ossolińskich – Wydawnictwo. Shvedova Natalija Y. 1980: Шведова Наталия Ю. Русская грамматика 1, Москва: издательство „Наука“. Skardžius Pranas 1996: Rinktiniai raštai 1. Lietuvių kalbos žodžių daryba, Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidykla. SMPRL – Spis miejscowości Polskiej Rzeczpospolitej Ludowej, Warszawa: Wydawnictwa Komunikacji i Łączności, 1967. SNNP – Kowalik-Kaleta Zofia, Dacewicz Leonarda, Raszewska-Żurek Beata 2007: Słownik najstarszych nazwisk polskich – pochodzenie językowe nazwisk omówionych w „Historii nazwisk polskich“, tom 1, Warszawa: Slawistyczny ośrodek wydawniczy. SSNO – Słownik staropolskich nazw osobowych 1–2, Wrocław, Warszawa, Kraków: Zakład Narodowy imienia Ossolińskich, Wydawnictwo Polskiej Akademii Nauk, 1965–1968; 3–5, Wrocław, Warszawa, Kraków, Gdańsk: Zakład Narodowy imienia Ossolińskich, Wydawnictwo Polskiej Akademii Nauk. 1971–1980; 6–7, Wrocław, Warszawa, Kraków, Gdańsk, Łódź: Zakład Narodowy imienia Ossolińskich, Wydawnictwo Polskiej Akademii Nauk, 1981–1985. Sviderskienė Dalia 2006: Marijampolės apskrities sudurtiniai oronimai. – Lituanistica 4(68), 47–59. Sviderskienė Dalia 2006a: Marijampolės apskrities drimonimų darybos ir kilmės polinkiai. – Acta linguistica lituanica / Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai 54, 49–62. Straipsniai / Articles 241 PAVEL SKORUPA Sviderskienė Dalia 2007: Marijampolės apskrities gyvenamųjų vietų vardai. – Acta linguistica lituanica / Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai 57, 99–122. Vanagas Aleksandras 1970: Lietuvos TSR hidronimų daryba, Vilnius: Mintis. Vanagas Aleksandras 1981: Lietuvių hidronimų etimologinis žodynas, Vilnius: Mintis. Vanagas Aleksandras 1996: Lietuvos miestų vardai, Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidykla. Vitkus Aleksandras 2001: Dualistinis lietuvių tautybės susidarymas ir trialistinis Lietuvos krikšto pobūdis; skiriama Mindaugo krikšto 750 metų sukakčiai. – Mokslas ir gyvenimas 7/8, 42–43. VLEe – Visuotinė lietuvių enciklopedija. Available at: https://www.vle.lt. Wójtowicz Marian 2013: Współczesne nazwiska rosyjskie pochodzenia polskiego. – Studia rossica Posnaniensia 38, 253–260. Zinkevičius Zigmas 2011: Lietuvos senosios valstybės 40 svarbiausių mįslių, Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidybos institutas. Zinkevičius Zigmas 2011a: Ukmergės rajono gyvenviečių vardynas. Pavadinimų kilmė, Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas. Kalbų kontaktų pėdsakai dabartinės Vilniaus apskrities hidronimuose ir oikonimuose: slavų kalbų įtaka lietuvių toponimijai SANTRAUKA Dėl istorinės Lietuvos raidos dabartinėje jos teritorijoje nuo seno gyveno įvairių tautų ir kultūrų atstovai, tarp jų ir slavai (baltarusiai, lenkai, rusai), palikę pėdsaką lietuvių kalboje, kultūroje ir kitose gyvenimo srityse, įskaitant vardyną, ypač rytinėse teritorijose, t. y. istoriniame Vilniaus krašte, kurio didesnė dalis dabar yra Vilniaus apskrities ribos, žyminčios kultūrinę ir kalbinę periferiją. Apie tai liudija ne tik ilgalaikė vietinių gyventojų daugiakalbystė, bet ir regiono toponimika (resp. hidronimija ir oikonimija). Kalbų kontaktus atspindi 158 vietovardžiai (13 potanоnimų, 8 limnonimai, 137 oikonimai), t. y. 3 proc. iš 5126 šiuo metu oficialiai funkcionuojančių Vilniaus apskrities vietovardžių tarp kurių yra ir 20 „užterštų“ toponimų (4 potanоnimai, 16 oikonimų), t. y. 12 proc. analizuotų vietovardžių. Kalbų kontaktai pastebimi įvairiuose toponimų darybos lygmenyse. Pirma, užfiksuota 242 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXV Footprints of Language Contacts in the Present-day Vilnius County Hydronyms and Oikonyms: the Impact of Slavic Languages on Lithuanian Toponymy „užterštų“ toponimų – slavų priesagų vedinių iš lietuvių tikrinių žodžių ir apelatyvų. Rasta vietovardžių, kilusių iš lietuviškos kilmės tikrinių žodžių – 15 oikonimų (11 priesagos –(š)čizna ir 3 priesagos –uvka vediniai iš lietuviškų asmenvardžių, 1 priesagos –ka vedinys iš lietuviško ėžerevardžio), 2 upėvardžiai (1 priesagos –anka ir 1 priesagos –ka vedinys iš lietuviškų oikonimų). Prie apelatyvinių vedinių priskiriami priesagos –anka vediniai (2 potamonimai ir 1 oikonimas) ir priesagos –ovka vedinys (1 oikonimas). Antra, užfiksuota lietuvių kalbos priesagų ir galūnių vedinių iš slavų tikrinių žodžių ir apelatyvų: 8 hidronimai (1 potamonimas ir 1 limnonimas) ir 5 oikonimai yra asmenvardinės kilmės; 29 vietovardžiai yra apelatyvinės kilmės, t. y. 24 lietuviškų galūnių vediniai (2 potamonimai, 1 limnonimas, 21 oikonimas) ir 5 lietuviškų priesagų vediniai (4 oikonimai ir 1 limnonimas); 4 oikonimai (lietuviškų galūnių ir priesagų vediniai) yra neaiškaus leksinio pagrindo. Trečia, buvo rasta slavų kilmės vietovardžių – slaviškų afiksų iš slavų tikrinių žodžių ir apelatyvų vedinių: 17 asmenvardinės kilmės oikonimų (7 priesagos –uvka, 4 priesagos –ovka, 3 priesagos –ina, 2 priesagos –ka ir 1 priešdėlio pod– vediniai); 24 apelatyvinės kilmės oikonimų (15 priesagos –uvka, 4 priesagos –ovka, 3 priesagos –ka, 1 priešdėlio pa– vediniai; 1 potamonimas – priesagos –ka vedinys); 3 oikonimai (priesagos –ka vediniai) yra neaiškaus leksinio pagrindo. Tarp slavų kilmės vietovardžių yra hidronimų ir oikonimų, kurie gali būti laikomi tiesiog transliteracija į lietuvių kalbą. Į šią kategoriją įeina toponimai, kilę iš slavų apelatyvų arba tikrinių vardų onimizacijos ar transonimizacijos būdu (iš viso – 45 atvejai). Be to, daugeliu atvejų sunku atskirti, ar toponimas yra slavų, ar lietuvių kilmės, dažniausiai dėl to, kad bendrinėje lietuvių kalboje yra daug slavizmų. Tokie toponimai gali būti arba slavų, arba lietuvių kalbos apelatyvų ar tikrinių žodžių priesaginiai vediniai, arba slavų ar lietuvių apelatyvų onimizacijos rezultatas, arba gali būti tiesiog išversti vardai. Prieštaringų istorinių procesų (įvairių politinių režimų ir tautų migracijos, ypač paribyje) įtaka toponimijai ir apskritai vardynui yra sunkiai įvertinama. Kai kuriais atvejais sunku atskirti, ar vietovardis yra lietuviškos kilmės ir tam tikru metu buvo suslavintas, t. y. išverstas, ar tai slaviškos kilmės vietovardis. Išsamesni istoriniai duomenų tyrimai galėtų padėti aiškiau interpretuoti tokius atvejus. Įteikta 2021 m. spalio 31 d. PAVEL SKORUPA Lietuvių kalbos institutas Petro Vileišio g. 5, LT-10308 Vilnius, Lietuva [email protected] Straipsniai / Articles 243