Dėl lietuvių vietovardžių su šaknimis „juj-“/„jūj-“ kilmės

LAIMUTIS BILKIS Institute of the Lithuanian Language ORCID id: orcid.org/0000-0002-2902-4722 Research areas: toponymy, anthroponymy. DOI: doi.org/10.35321/all85-10 ON THE ORIGIN OF LITHUANIAN TOPONYMS WITH THE ROOTS JUJ-/JŪJ- On the Origin of Lithuanian Toponyms with the Roots juj-/jūj- ABSTRACT The article discusses for the first time the possible origins of Lithuanian toponyms with the roots juj-/jūj. In an attempt to clarify the origin of the oikonym Jujėnai, data from the living language and its records in historical documents are analyzed in detail—namely, in the seventeenth- and eighteenth-century sacramental registers of Vabalnink Church and in administrative sources. After numerous historical variants have been recorded, the reasons for their emergence are analyzed, and it is substantiated why the present form may be regarded as authentic. Having found the historical personal name *Jujnyčia containing the root juj, the hypothesis of an anthroponymic origin of the oikonym is proposed. It is argued that the hydronyms (variants) Jujà, Jūjos lėnkis, Jūjà recorded from the living language may indicate juj-/jūj apophony. The possibility that these toponyms may have originated from the personal names *Jujà, *Jūjà. is not excluded. KEYWORDS: historical toponymy, historical anthroponymy, development of oikonyms, origin of oikonyms, historical records of onyms. ANNOTATION The article provides the first discussion concerning the possibilities of the origin of Lithuanian toponyms with the roots juj-/jūj-. In the attempt to determine the origin of the oikonym Jujėnai, the article undertakes a thorough analysis of the data from the colloquial language and its records in historical documents, i.e. 17ᵗʰ–18ᵗʰ century parish registers of Vabalninkas Church and the sources of administrative type. After collecting a number of historical variants, the reasons of their occurrence are analysed in the study. Arguments as to why the present form can be considered authentic are provided. After the historical personal name *Jujnyčia with the root jujwas identified, the possibility of the oikonym’s anthroponymic origin was put forward. It is asserted that the hydronyms (variants) collected 184 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXV On the origin of Lithuanian toponyms with the roots juj-/jūj from the colloquial language Jujà, Jūjos linkis, Jūjà may show the apophony of juj-/jūj-. It is worth considering that the above toponyms can be traced to the personal name *Jūjà, *Jūjà. KEYWORDS: historical toponymy, historical anthroponymy, development of oikonyms, origin of oikonyms, historical records of onyms. Several place names containing the root juj-/jūj have been recorded from the living Lithuanian language: the oikonym Jujėnai, which denotes a village in the Karsakiškis Eldership of Panevėžys District, and the names (variants) Jujà, Jūjà, Jūjos linkis recorded in the village of Vėžionys in Kupiškis Eldership for a bend in a section of the Lėvuo River called a sietuva (see the figure). The Dictionary of Latvian Toponyms gives the name Jūjas of a solitary farmstead in the vicinity of Dundaga, which is tentatively associated with the Lithuanian village name Jujėnai (Endzelīns 1956: 402). The origin of these toponyms is unclear; common nouns and personal names with this root are not recorded in the lexicon of either Lithuanian or Latvian. Nothing has yet been written about Lithuanian toponyms with juj; the Latvian toponym, as already mentioned, has merely been tentatively associated with the Lithuanian oikonym, but its origin likewise remains uncommented upon. FIG. Distribution of toponyms with juj-/jūj: ○ Jujėnai, ◯ Jujà, Jūjà, Jūjos linkis (created using Google Maps) The article discusses possible origins of the Lithuanian oikonym and hydronyms with this root, drawing on data from studies of their usage and development. To this end, it seeks to document the circumstances in which the toponyms were recorded from the living language Straipsniai / Articles 185 LAIMUTIS BILKIS and their distinctive features, the forms used in historical sources1, their chronological sequence, explain the reasons for the emergence of graphic and phonetic variants, determine the most probable original form, and clarify its possible connection with the anthroponymy and oikonymy of the sources. Therefore, to accomplish the tasks set, the study first employs historical research and comparative analysis of the data; in explaining the emergence of historical oikonym variants, the method of analogy is often used. As mentioned, the village name Júenai has not been discussed in any work of toponymy from the perspective of its formation or origin2. In sources based on living usage, its form does not vary: Júenų km.3 1925 (LAV 53), Júenai k. (1)4 (VB I), Júenų km.5 1959 (LATS 531), Júenai (1), k.6 1976 (LATSŽ II 108). The oikonym Júenai was first recorded from local inhabitants in the card file of Kazimieras Būga, dating from the beginning of the twentieth century7 (BgK). It was subsequently recorded in 1974, 19848 and 1990 (VK). These data show that only one form is now used in the living language and that it had certainly become established by the first half of the twentieth century. Historically, Júenai belonged to Vabalnink Parish and County. This village was neither large nor an administratively or socially important settlement. It is mentioned only rarely in the detailed study devoted to the history of Vabalnink and its surroundings: it is stated that in 1849 it was assigned to the Stum­briškiai estate, while on the map of Vabalnink Eldership in 1780 compiled by the author it is depicted as a village belonging to the Vabalnink estate (Šakenis 1935: 165; map). The settlement’s belonging to the aforementioned estate is also mentioned in local-history works (Juknevičius 2020: 45). A detailed analysis of historical sources, chiefly the sacramental registers of Vabalnink Parish, makes it possible to assert that the village began to be mentioned at least in the first half of the seventeenth century. Its first record was found in the 1624–1741 register of baptisms and marriages of Vabalnink Parish: the 1634 entry 1 The historical records of the oikonym are meant here, since no history of the names of the river section has been found in historical sources. 2 It is not discussed in the extensive article devoted to analyzing the formation of oikonyms derived from personal names with patronymic suffixes—see Raz­mukaitė 1993: 133–165. In a general work devoted to the study of Lithuanian personal names, in which hypothetical anthroponyms are often reconstructed from oikonyms, no personal name *Júenas is reconstructed from the village name Júenai—see Zinkevičius 2008. Apparently, this name was regarded as an oikonym of unclear formation and origin. 3 It belonged to Vabalnink County of Biržai–Pasvalys District. 4 In Vabalnink County of Biržai District. 5 It belonged to the Sodeliai local district of Vabalnink District. 6 In the Karsakiškis local district of Panevėžys District. 7 Judging from the initials of the person who recorded the toponym, A. V., it may be assumed that this was the interwar linguist, educator, and public figure Antanas Vireliūnas, born in the village of Vėžionys in Kupiškis County and having graduated from the Panevėžys Teachers’ Seminary in 1910. 8 Recorded by the linguist Artūras Judžentis. 186 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXV On the origin of Lithuanian toponyms with the roots jū-/jūj which indicates that a son named Mykolas was baptized (Mikolay); his parents are given as Jonulis Juozūnas and Kotryna, living in the village of Deikiškiai⁹ (oyca Janula Jozounda¹⁰ Č dėykiszek Zmatki katriny), and his godparents as Mečulis and Agnė¹¹ from the village of Jujėnai (Jaujėnai) (kūm mecžulis de iaiunis kūma Aagna) (VbKr)n 13). The village is next mentioned in this source in 1698: the inhabitants of Jujėnai, the parents of the baptized Steponas (Stephanus), Adomas Žilė¹² and Zofija (Adami Zilė et Sophiæ de Iuywieny), are recorded, as is Zofija Jurg yčia¹³, a godmother living in this village (Sophia Jurgicia ibidem de Iuieny) (VbKr)n 83). In 1699, Zofija Junynčia (Juinyčia), a resident of Jujėnai, is mentioned as a godmother (Sophia Juynicia de Junieny) (VbKr)n 87). The following variants of the oikonym and personal names of the village inhabitants are given later in the aforementioned register: son Petrus, parents Vladijilai Zeyzgeni⁴ C’ Anna de Iuwieny in 1700 (fol. 105); godmother Anna Zadzienie de Iuwieny in 1700 (fol. 108); daughter Catharinam, parents Vladislai Zeyd elenas et Anna de Iuieny and godmother Sophia Baltrienie [...] de Iuieny in 1701 (fol. 114); husband and wife Georgium Baltren...¹⁵ de Mazuchny cum Sophia Stasiucia de Iuwieny, witness Step...nus¹⁶ Baltrenas de Iuieny in 1702 (fol. 274); godmother Sophia Staf iucia de Iuieny in 1703 (fol. 141); son Jacobum, parents Vladilai Zydele et Anna de Iuieny, godmother Crif tina Staf ziucia de Iuwieny in 1704 (fol. 159); godfather Georgius Zeidel enas de Iuieny; godmother Anna Władienie de Iuwieny in 1705 (fol. 164); husband and wife Petrum Staniutanis de Natyſki¹⁷ cum A...na Martynaycia de Iunieny in 1705 (fol. 278); witness Georgius Baltrenas de Mazuchni alias Iunieny in 1705 (fol. 280); godmother Anna Jakštaycia de Iuieny; daughter Mariannam, parents Georgy Zeyd elenas et Agatha, godparents Georgius Zeydele cum Barbara Rasiucia Omnes de Iuieny in 1708 (fol. 202); daughter Catharinam, parents Georgy Baltrenas et Sophia de Iuieny in 1708 (fol. 203); godmother Anna Władysławowa de Iuieny in 1708 (fol. 204); godmother Dorothea Blekaycia de Iuieny in 1708 (fol. 211); godfather Georgius Baltrenas de Iuniany¹⁸ ⁹ Deikiškiai—a village in Vabalnink Eldership, Biržai District. ¹⁰ The father’s second personal name is rather difficult to read, so the reconstructed form is somewhat uncertain. ¹¹ The godparents, like the mother, are recorded only by their given names. ¹² For the possibility of such a form, cf. Lithuanian zilė ‘grayness, a gray-haired person; gray hair, a gray head’ (LKŽe); cf. also the personal name Žilinskas, Žiliñskas of Vabalnink County (LPDB). ¹³ When restoring the Lithuanian forms of personal names of unmarried women, the suffixes characteristic of the dialect are retained. ¹⁴ The personal name is difficult to read; the most probable variant is given. ¹⁵ The final letters of the personal name have faded. ¹⁶ The anthroponym was carried over to the next line in the register, so one letter is not visible in its middle. ¹⁷ Natiškiai—a village in Vabalnink Eldership, Biržai District. ¹⁸ The authenticity of this oikonym is doubtful; it may also be read as Iuwianý. Straipsniai / Articles 187 LAIMUTIS BILKIS 1710 (fol. 219); witness georgius baltrenas de iuianÿ in 1710 (fol. 288); son Simon, tėvai Ioannes Narwidas, Christina [...] de Iuiany in 1714 (fol. 239); godmother Agnes Wijzomirska de Iuiany, Agnes Wiszomirska de Iuiany, Agnė’s Wijzomierska de Iuiany in 1720 (fols. 259, 263, 264). The village of Jujėnai is also mentioned several times in the 1678–1689 baptismal register of Vabalnink Parish: daughter Maryannam, tėvai Cafimirum Randananij et Nastazya de Iugenÿ, krikšto motina Jophia Ionaycze de Iuieny in 1680 (VbKr₁ 56); daughter Reinam, tėvai Martini Waycwizonis et Helenᶻ de Iuienny, krikštamotė Anastasia Iuzuycia de Iuienÿ in 1682 (fol. 74). The 1721–1742 baptismal register of Vabalnink Parish, covering the first half of the eighteenth century, contains the following references to the village and its inhabitants: daughter Marianam, tėvai Joannis Wiłzomirski et Agnetis de Iuiany in 1721 (VbKrII 2); son Nicolaum, tėvai Ioannis Sadowski et Zofia de Iuiany in 1721 (fol. 5); godmother Agnes Wiszomirska de Iuiany in 1722 (fol. 6); daughter Magdalena, tėvai Joannis Sadauckas et Zofia Sadauckienią de Iuiany, kr. motina Agnete Wyłzamerką de Iuiany in 1722 (fol. 7); daughter Elisabetha, tėvai Ioaneƒ Wijzomierƒki, Agneta Mazuchnowna De Iuiany in 1724 (fol. 13); godmother Elisabetha Putiowa Mozuchnowa de Iuiany in 1727 (fol. 25); son Antonius, tėvai Ioannis Sadowski et Zophia Durelicia de Iuiany in 1727 (fol. 26); daughter Tereƒa, tėvai Iacobi Weytekunas, Catharina Smiłaycia de Iuiany in 1728 (fol. 28); daughter Hedwig..., tėvai Jōrij Oƒtrowski, Agnetha Mazoch nowna de Iuiany in 1731 (fol. 42); son mathia, tėvai Ioanȷ Sadowski, Sophia Durelicia d Iuiani in 1732 (fol. 47); godmother Sophia Sadowska de villa Ieuny in 1736 (fol. 67); godmother Sophia SAdowskienia de villa Ia iuny in 1736 (fol. 73); son Iosephus, tėvai Casimiri Markunas et Sophia de Villa Iuieny in 1740 (fol. 118); daughter Barbara, tėvai Ioannes Sadowski et Sophia de Villa Iuiany in 1740 (fol. 122); godmother Helifabeth Burbulenienie de Iuiany in 1741 (fol. 132). The village of Jujėnai and the people living there are also mentioned several times in the 1743–1761 baptismal register of Vabalnink Parish: son Laurentius, tėvai Petri Burbulis et Elisabeth [...] de villa Iuieny in 1745 (VbKrIII 26); daughter Agatha, tėvai Simoni Gieygus et Apollonia ex villa Iuienÿ, krikšto motina Elifabet Burbulien ia ex villa Iuieny in 1747 (fol. 36); son Iacobus, tėvai Petri Burbulis et Elisabeth de villa Iuieny in 1747 (fol. 45); son Antonius, tėvai Simoni Gieygus et Apolonia de villa Iuieny in 1750 (fol. 63); son Bartholomey, tėvai Petri Burbulis et Elisabeth de villa Iuiany in 1751 (fol. 70). The village is also mentioned in administrative historical sources. The 1698 inventory of Vabalnink Eldership records the solitary farmstead of Jujėnai (Zascianek Iuiany) and its inhabitants, Marcinie Woydzie, Władysław Žayždela, Stanisław Geyzunas (VbI₁ 14). The 1705 inventory of the town and eldership of Vabalnink again lists the solitary farmstead (Zascianek Iuiany) and the persons living there, Władysław 188 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXV On the origin of Lithuanian toponyms with the roots ju-/jū Zeyzdela, Stanisław Miedziunas, Marcin Czeponis (VbII 19). In the nineteenth century, the settlement’s status changed—the Jūjėnai village: Деревня Юльны (first half of the nineteenth century) (VbE 7), Jujany in 1854 (Hołowiński 1854), Юяны, деревня in 1892 (KGGS 243), Jujany in 1905 (SG XV (2) 29). A detailed analysis of several seventeenth- and eighteenth-century sources shows that the present oikonym form Jujėnai has a very large number of historical recorded variants in the registers: de iauianis 1634, de Iugenу, de Iuieny (the same entry) 1680, de Iuienny, de Iuieny 1682, de Iuywieny, de Iuieny 1698, de Iunieny 1699, de Iuwieny 2x 1700; de Iuieny 1701; de Iuwieny, de Iuieny 1702, de Iwieny 1703, de Iuwieny, de Iuwieny 1704, de Iuwieny, de Iuwieny, de Iunieny 1705, de Mazuchni alias Iunieny 1705, de Iuieny 4x 1708, de Iunianÿ (Iuwiany?), de yuianÿ 1710, de Iuiany 1714, de Iuiany 3x 1720, de Iuiany 2x 1721, de Iuiany, de Iuiany 2x 1722, De Iuiany 1724, de Iuiany 1727, de Iuiany 1728, de Iuiany 1731, d Iuiani 1732, de villa Ięuny, de villa Iaųny 1736, de Villa Iųieny, Iųany 1740, de Iųeny 1741, de villa Iųeny 1745, ex villa Iųeny, ex villa Iųeny, de villa Iųeny 1747, de villa Iųeny 1750, de villa Iųany 1751. On the basis of these records, the forms *Jaujėnai, *Juvǫenai (*Juvǫenai), Jujėnai, *Junėnai, *Juvėnai, *Jugenai, *Jęūnai. can formally be reconstructed. That these are names of the same village is beyond doubt for several reasons. First, no oikonyms of such forms have been recorded in the nearby area (or anywhere in Lithuania). Second, their identity is attested by anthroponymic data, since the same persons are often given alongside these oikonym variants: in 1702, Jurgis Baltrėnas was recorded from Mažuknai (Georgium Baltren... de Mazuchny); in 1705—from Mažuknai¹⁹, otherwise *Junėnai (Georgius Baltrenas de Mazuchni alias Iunieny); in 1708—from Jujėnai (Georgÿ Baltrenas de Iuieny); and in 1710—from Jujėnai and *Jūnėnai (Georgÿ Baltrenas de Iuieny, georgius baltrenas de yuianÿ, Georgius Baltrenas de Iunianÿ); Jurgis Baltrėnas’s wife Zofija Baltrienė, née Stasiūčia, is mentioned in 1701 and 1708 as being from Jujėnai (Sophia Baltrienie... de Iuieny, Georgÿ Baltrenas et Sophia de Iuieny), and in 1702 and 1703 as a resident of *Juvėnai (Sophia Stasiucia de Iuwieny, Sophia Staljucia de Iuwieny); Jurgis Žeidelėnas’s place of residence in 1705 is given as the village of *Juvėnai (Georgius Zeidelenas de Iuwieny), and in 1708 as the village of Jujėnai (Georgÿ Zeydelenas de Iuieny); Ona Vladienė is described once as a resident of Juvėnai (Anna Władienie de Iuwieny in 1705), and another time as a godmother living in Juvėnai (Anna Władysławowa de Iuieny in 1708); John’s, mentioned several times ¹⁹ On the basis of this record, it may be assumed that Mažuknai and Jujėnai (*Junėnai) were names for the same settlement; however, this is the only such case in the registers examined. In many entries, the separate villages of Mažuknai and Jujėnai are mentioned. In 1925, the oikonym Mažuknai (or Mažuknos) is given as a variant of the village name Ratelių in Vabalnink County (LAV 55). Straipsniai / Articles 189 LAIMUTIS BILKIS Sadauskas and his wife Zofija Sadauskienė, née Durel yčia, are given as residing in the village of Jujėnai (Ioannis Sadowski et Zofia de Iuiany 1721, Joannis Sadauckas et Zofia Sadauckienia de Juiany 1722, Ioannis Sadowski et Zophia Durelicia de Iuiany 1727, Ioanj Sadowski, Sophia Durelicia d Iujani 1732, Ioannes Sadowski et Sophia de Villa Iujany 1740.); however, in two cases the same Zofija Sadauskienė, a godmother, is recorded as living in the village of *Jėjūnai (Sophia Sadowska de villa Ieiuny 1736, Sophia SAdowskienía de villa Iaiuny 1736.). Third, the variation of the forms is also confirmed by cases in which they are used in the same entry: de Iugeny and de Iuieny in 1680, de Iuywieny and ibidem²⁰ de Iuieny in 1698, de Iuwieny and de Iuieny in 1702. Explaining why there are so many variants of the Jujėnai village name in historical documents is not easy. In seeking the original form, it can be stated with greater confidence only that nearly all the variants attest the suffix -ėnai, rendered with the Latinized ending -ianis²¹ (de iaŭianis) and with Slavicized (Polonized) endings -eny, -en-ny, -ieny (-ienÿ), -iany (-ianÿ), -any, -ani: de Iugeny, de Iuieny, de Iuienny, de Iuienÿ, de Iuywieny, de Junieny, de Iuwieny, de Iuieny, de Iunieny, de Iuniany, de Iunianÿ, de vuianÿ, de Iuiany, Iuiany, De Iuiany, d Iujani, de Villa Iujieny, Iujany, de villa Iuieny, ex villa Iuienÿ, de villa Iuieny. This rendering of the suffix -ėnai in historical oikonyms is attested by numerous researchers; cf. the historical records de Czulany 1688 (= Čiulėnai), de Drusiany 1687, de Drujiany 1688 (= Drāsernai), de Grybeny 1691 (= Grybėnai), de Iodani 1686 (= Juodėnai) (Garliauskas 2004: 157, 158, 159, 160), Kojrany 1588 (= Kairėnai), Rasteniany 1795, Rostyniany 1834 (= Rastinėnai) (Jurkštas 1985: 11, 12), Olxnieny 1682, Olxniany 1682, 1683 (= Alksnėnai), Iodupeny 1632, 1634, 1644, Iodupenÿ 1640, Iodupianÿ 1643, 1682, 1686, 1689 (= Juodupėnai) (Maciejauskienė 2009: 169, 172), de Dubiany 1733, 1758 (= Dubėnai), Miklusany 1743 (= Miklusėnai), de Puyszany 1733, 1746, 1757, de Puysz anis 1738 (= Puišėnai) (Palionis 2008: 262, 265, 267). From this perspective, only two forms given in the same 1736 entry stand out: de villa Ieiuny, de villa Iaiuny, formally presupposing a variant of the suffix -ūnai, *Jėjūnai or the like. However, these two records are unique, and the village resident mentioned in this entry, Zofija Sadauskienė, is in all other cases mentioned as living in Jujėnai. It can therefore be stated that these are merely sporadic graphic forms, resulting from the recorder transposing the syllables ju-jė: Jujėnai → *Jėjūnai. Thus, the variants Ieiuny and Iaiuny most likely arose when the recorder ²⁰ That is, from the same Jujėnai settlement. ²¹ See in more detail Garliauskas 1998: 165; Palionis 2008: 28; Bilkis 2020: 183; 2020a: 280. 190 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXV On the origin of Lithuanian toponyms with the roots ju- / jū having heard or written it incorrectly²². Similar transpositions can also be observed in historical oikonymy and anthroponymy; cf. the village name Alkamantis in 1684 (= Antūmalkėstė), de Downiuciu in 1683 (= *Daučiūnai) (Garliauskas 2005: 156, 158), personal name *Kar-but-as ← Korbutowicz in 1753, 1757, 1760, 1762, 1763, 1764, 1763, 1764, 1765, 1767, 1768, 1772 and Korbutowicza in 1760, 1762, 1763, 1764, 1765, 1767, 1768, 1772, and Kurbatowicza in 1749, Kurbatowicz in 1748 (Sinkevičiūtė, Račickaja 2014: 301–302). Moreover, it cannot be excluded that variation in oikonymic suffixes may also have influenced the variation between the surname suffixes -ėnai and -ūnai observed in historical anthroponymy, cf. personal names Ian Iasiunas in 1763 and Ian Iasienas in 1771, Michal Mickienas in 1779 and Michal Mickunas in 1783, Marcin Stasiunas Bracia Mateusz, Stefan, Antoni in 1795 and Mateusz Stasienas, Bracia Stefan, Antoni in 1799 (Maciejauskienė 1991: 129–130). Chronologically, the earliest form, recorded in the first half of the seventeenth century, de jaūanis, should be considered first; it presupposes Lithuanian *Jaūienai. On the basis of this record, it would be attractive to associate the origin of the oikonym with Lithuanian jáuja ‘a heated part of a threshing barn where flax or grain is dried; a dryer; a threshing barn with such a dryer; a separate building where flax is dried and broken; a bathhouse; an amount of grain or flax that fits in one jauja (dryer); a building for storing and threshing grain; a threshing barn’ (LKŽe), or with the personal name *Jaujenas; as for the personal-name root jau, cf. Latvian surname Jauja (Staltmane 1981: 115). However, considering the context of all the historical records of the village name, such a hypothesis can hardly be advanced. Although the entry with the root jau in the registers examined is early, it is unique. All variants recorded subsequently attest a root not with the diphthong [au̯], but with the vowel [u]. If the form with the diphthong were primary, it should have been rendered more often, since Lithuanian [au̯] is generally preserved in historical oikonyms, represented by the letters au, eu (after a soft consonant), aw, ou, ow; cf. de auxzta Duaris (= *Aukštadvaris), Siola jauneikiu (= Jauneikiai), de Antakiawnia (= *Antak iaunis), de Kreuieliu (= Kraujėliai), isz Toukielu (= Taukėliai), de Dowiociu (= Daujočiai) (Garliauskas 1998: 185–189), Porowswie 1617–1618, 1632–1634, 1643, porawswie 1619, 1621, Poraūie 1649, Poroūle 1681, 1684 (= Parausiai), Sawsuniki 1617, Saūyniki 1634, Soūiniki 1634 (= Sausininkai) (Maciejauskienė 2009: 178–179, 180). Therefore, it may be assumed that the form iaūanis (*Jaūienai) is rather the result of the alternation of u with au, which is indeed encountered, though rarely, in records of historical oikonyms; cf. the records Wies Raukscie in 1669, Zaščianek Rauksčie in 1731, Wies Rukszt eliszki in 1804, Miejsce Raukštyszki in 1804, Rukjztaliszki ²² The fact that the emergence of graphic forms of historical oikonyms is often determined by scribes’ incompetence, errors, and carelessness has been noted by more than one researcher of historical onomastics; cf. Zinkevičius 1977: 97; Maciejauskienė 1991: 119; 2009: 165; Garliauskas 1998: 194; Ragauskaitė 2005: 58; Palionis 2008: 27–28. Straipsniai / Articles 191 LAIMUTIS BILKIS 1814, Rukštališkio I versus 1925 (= Rūgšteliškis) (Garliauskas 2005: 1056–1057)23. Other examples of rendering vowels as diphthongs have also been recorded; cf. de Leylucių in 1688 (= Lolūčiai) (Garliauskas 2004: 162), de Mayzunų in 1714 (= Mažiūnai) (Palionis 2008: 196). The greatest diversity of graphic forms of the oikonym is reflected in records from the second half of the seventeenth century and the beginning of the eighteenth century, when alongside the form Jūjenai (de Iuieny, de Iuienny, de Iuienÿ, de yuianÿ) there also occur *Jūvenai (de Iuwieny, de Iuwienny de Juwieny, eight records in total), *Junėnai (de Junieny, de Junieny, de Iuniānÿ, four records), *Jugėnai (de Iugen̄y), and *Juvėnai or *Juvėnai (de Iuywieny). From 1714 onward, the variant Jūjenai is used consistently, except for the already discussed de villa Iēuny, de villa Iāuny of 1736. When assessing historical forms of the oikonym from the perspective of authenticity, it should first be noted that de Iugen̄y, recorded in the second half of the seventeenth century, which was written only once and moreover next to de Iuieny occurring in the same entry, may be a graphic variant of Iuieny, reflecting the tradition, observable up to the seventeenth century, of rendering intervocalic [j] with the letters g, gh (see Šinkūnas 2015: 197–244 for more detail). On the other hand, such an orthographic tradition was characteristic only of Evangelical Reformed writings (ibid.: 220, 221, 225), so de Iugen̄y may be a scribe’s error, since examples of consistently writing g instead of j are not recorded in historical toponymy24. The emergence of the forms de Iunieny, de Iunieny, de Iunianÿ can be explained by the fact that the [j] preceding [n] may have been heard and written by the scribe as [n]: Jūjenai (Iuieny, Iuianÿ) → *Junėnai (Iunieny, Iunianÿ). Similar cases, in which, apparently because of the influence of the following n, j is replaced by the preceding letter, occur in historical sources; cf. the oikonyms de Jewanszany, de Jowenszany in 1707 (= Jovaišōnys), de Eygindancy in 1738 (= Ēigirdonys) (Palionis 2008: 194), and the personal names Casimiry Augucianis and Casimirus Angucianis (Maciejauskienė 1991: 147). Variants with root v (de Iuwieny, de Iuwieny, de Juwieny) were used in the registers for a fairly short period—1699–1705. Their emergence cannot be justified by any phonetic regularities. The historical name inventory contains examples in which v (w) is written instead of one letter or another; cf. the oikonym Balwierzyvski in 1744 (= Balbieriškis) (Palionis 2008: 261), and the surname Symon Burba in 1769, his son Jakub Burwa in 1785 (Maciejauskienė 1991: 124). The hapax form de Iuywieny should be regarded as a combination, created by a scribe, of the variants de Iuieny and Iuwieny. Thus, the short-lived or unique use of the variants discussed, the presence of similar cases of distortion in historical oikonymy and anthroponymy, and the consistent 23 This alternation of u and au is also reflected in historical anthroponymy; cf. variants of the same surname: Walenty Gniuzis in 1718, Walenty Gnia wzys in 1720, Walenty Gniauzys in 1728, Walenty Gniawzus in 1728 (Maciejauskienė 1991: 120). 24 There are cases in which g is written instead of k; cf. de Villa Lenki in 1802, Wies Linki in 1805, and Wieś Lingi in 1804 (= *Linkai) (Garliauskas 2005: 1052). 192 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXV On the origin of Lithuanian place names with the roots jù–/jū̃– The use of one form in historical administrative sources allows us to claim that the spellings of the oikonym Jū́enai with the roots jau–, jug–, jun–, juv–, juvo– (jujo–) are most likely the work of the authors (scribes) of the register entries and are not connected with the natural development of the name in the spoken language. Forms reflecting the present-day oikonym were used most often in historical sources; they are abundant in all the register books examined, frequently occurring alongside other root variants. It may therefore be assumed that the root juj– is the genuine, etymological one. When discussing the origin of the village name Jū́enai, attention should first be drawn to the fact that no historical personal names have been recorded in the village whose roots or stems would entirely coincide with the corresponding part of the oikonym. However, one personal name recorded in the registers may attest to the personal-name origin of this place name. This is the previously mentioned 1699 entry Sophia Juynicia de Junieny (VbKrJn 87). The second personal name Juynicia (Juinyčia) of the godmother from the village of Juenai, so named, may be a sporadically shortened form of *Juynęyčia, i.e. ‘[daughter of Jueno]25’. No examples illustrating this specific case have been observed in the study of women’s naming, but instances of shortening other patronymic suffixes have been recorded; cf. the woman’s personal name Chriftina Giedrociowna alongside her husband’s personal name Giedroyc (Giedroic), personal names Heduis Giedrociowna, Anna Giedrociowa, Dorothea Ciulacia (Maciejauskienė 1991: 263, 265, 270). In any case, the entry Sophia Juynicia de Junieny allows us to conclude that people whose second personal name contained the root juj– lived in Juiniai, and it is therefore highly likely that the oikonym Jū́enai arose from the personal name *Jū́enas. The root origin of the personal name *Jū́enas ‘son of Jū́os, Jū́o, or the like’ is unclear. In Lithuania, one more place name has the root juj–, so it is useful to examine the circumstances of its recording from the spoken language and the possibilities of determining its origin. As already mentioned, the names of a channel and backwater of the Lėvuo recorded in the environs of Kupiškis are Jū́a, Jū́ja, Jū́jos líṅkis. The place names were recorded long ago. The name of the river channel Jū́ja, –õs is given in Būga’s card file from the beginning of the twentieth century²⁶, while in the questionnaire of the land-name inventory of the village of Vežionys, Kupiškis district, compiled in 1935, the name of a part of the river²⁷ is given as Jū́jos líṅkis, with the note that it is sometimes simply called Jū́ja. On the basis of such records, it is difficult to determine the actual vocalism of the place-name root. Since the toponym lies in an area of conditional stress retraction, in which stress is retracted only from a short ending to any long penultimate syllable, the variant Jū́ja, –õs might seem to attest the genuine form Jū́ja (Jū́jos), but this is contradicted by the variant ²⁵ For women’s maiden surnames with the dialectal suffix -yčia, see LKA II 121–122, map no. 112. ²⁶ The recorder’s initials are the same as those of the person who recorded the village name Jū́enai—A. V. Apparently, this is the same Antanas Vireliūnas. ²⁷ It was described as a backwater into a meadow overgrown with reeds. The informants for the questionnaire were residents of Vežionys: Jonas Vireliūnas, Kazimieras Jonuška, Povilas Pėža, and Jonas Kriaučiukas. Straipsniai / Articles 193 LAIMUTIS BILKIS Jūjos lińkis (not Jūjos lińkis or Jūjos lińkis), while the notation Jūja, accented contrary to the law of stress retraction characteristic of the area²⁸, further complicates matters. This law is reflected in the accentuation of other place names in the same questionnaire: the accented form Luńka recorded from local inhabitants is corrected by the compiler to Lanką, and Valka to Valkà. Judging from the records taken from the spoken language, it can probably be surmised that all these variants may reflect a real vowel alternation in the root of the place name: juj–/jūj–²⁹. The origin of the hydronyms is unclear. Since a compound form has also been recorded, the possibility of a personal-name origin cannot be ruled out—from the personal name *Jujà, *Jūjà and Lithuanian lińkis ‘a depression or elevation of the surface; a hollow, valley, ravine; a bend, winding curve’. This etymological hypothesis would be supported by the possible origin of the aforementioned oikonym Jujėnai from the cognate-root personal name *Jujėnas. On the other hand, the simplex names Jūjà or Jujà would partly contradict this, since toponyms of similar structure are rarely derived from personal names. If the hypothesis of the personal-name origin of the place names is maintained, the anthroprolexeme juj– may be associated with the Lithuanian interjection jui = ùi, uĩ ‘to express feelings and sensations (of fear, pain, cold, astonishment, admiration, etc.)’ (LKŽe). It is interesting that ùi has also been recorded from the environs of Kupiškis and Miežiškiai (Panevėžys district). That the connection of nickname-derived personal names with interjections or ideophones is possible is shown by the nicknames Ajãgi, Ùfa, Ujùjui (Butkus 1995: 141, 429) and others. Nor can a connection of the personal names with the fairly common Polish surnames Jujka, Jujeczka ← Polish dialectal jojczeć ‘to reproach; complain; moan; be slightly ill’ (ISNP), Juja, Jujaniec, Jujanka, Jujeczko, Jujko (SNP IV 395–396) be ruled out. CONCLUSIONS 1. On the basis of data from the spoken language and historical sources, it can be stated that the present form of the village name Jujėnai is the genuine, etymological form, since it is attested by all records from local inhabitants and by most entries in historical sources. ²⁸ The simplex variant with a short penultimate syllable should be accented *Jūjà; cf. the place name Salà recorded from the spoken language in the same questionnaire, which is accented identically in both the dialectal and standard-language form columns. ²⁹ As already mentioned, the oikonym Jujėnai and the hydronym Jūja were recorded in Būga’s card file by the same person—most likely the linguist Antanas Vireliūnas—so this may be an additional extralinguistic argument supporting root apophony. ³⁰ Several dozen hydronyms may have originated from singular forms of personal names, for example, river names Gėdyudas, Jánka, Jonėlis, Vaidótas, Adomáitis, Býgaudas, Bijõtas, Višágin­as (Vanagas 1981: 35, 63, 110, 134, 137, 358, 388) and others; see Vanagas 1970: 47–49 for more detail. 194 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXV On the origin of Lithuanian place names with the roots juj-/jūj- 2. On the basis of the historical records, the forms of the oikonym *Jau̇enai, *Juvėnai (*Juivėnai), Juvėnai, *Junėnai, *Juvėnai, *Jugėnai, *Jējūnai, can formally be reconstructed. Their identity is attested by the absence of villages with such names in the nearby area, the indication of the same persons (personal names) alongside these variants, and the use of several forms in the same entry. 3. The historical (church-register) variants of the oikonym with jau-, jug-, jun-, juv-, juju- (juiv-) are most likely the work of scribes, their emergence having been determined by phonetic features of the name, orthographic tradition, or errors dictated by incompetence. 4. Juvėnai is most likely an oikonym of personal-name origin, derived from the personal name *Jujenas; this possibility is suggested by the historical woman’s personal name Sophia Jujnicia from 1699, with the root juj, = dialectal *Jujnyčia ← *Jujėnyčia ‘daughter of Jujėnas’, identifying an inhabitant of this village. 5. It cannot be ruled out that the hydronyms Jujà, Jūjà, Jūjos lūnkis reflect the juj-/jūj apophony; because a compound form is attested, they may be presumed to derive from the personal names *Jujà, *Jūjà. ABBREVIATIONS avd. – personal name; dial. – dialectal; interj. – interjection or ideophone; lenk. – Polish; liet. – Lithuanian; prvd. – nickname; pvd. – surname; r. – district; vv. – place name REFERENCES AND SOURCES BgK – Kazimiero Būgos nomina propria card file. Kept in the archive of the Centre for Baltic Languages and Onomastic Research of the Institute of the Lithuanian Language. Bilkis Laimutis 2020: On the origin of the village name Ẏuoliai. – Acta Linguistica Lithuanica 83, 178–192. Bilkis Laimutis 2020a: On the development and origin of the village name Jędžiotai. – Lituanistica 66, 4(122), 275–287. Butkus Alvydas 1995: Lithuanian Nicknames, Kaunas: Æsti. Straipsniai / Articles 195 LAIMUTIS BILKIS Endzelīns Jānis 1956: Latvian Place Names 1(1), Riga: Publishing House of the Academy of Sciences of the Latvian SSR. Gar­liauskas Vidas 1998: Lithuanian oikonym forms in non-Lithuanian sources of the sixteenth–nineteenth centuries. – Questions of Lithuanian Linguistics 40, 123–204. Gar­liauskas Vidas 2004: The seventeenth-century baptismal and marriage register of the Molėtai church, Vilnius: Institute of Science and Encyclopaedia Publishing. Gar­liauskas Vidas 2005: Village names of Tauragnas district in historical sources, Tauragnai, Vilnius: Versmė, 1041–1063. Hołowiński Ignacy 1854: [The manuscript list of the place names of the Telšiai and Samogitia bishoprics by Ignacy Hołowiński]. Kept in the archive of the Centre for Baltic Languages and Onomastic Research of the Institute of the Lithuanian Language. ISNP – Internet Dictionary of Surnames in Poland, authors B. Czopek-Kopciuch, H. Górny, M. Magda-Czekaj, E. Palinciuc-Dudek, K. Skowronek, E. Supranowicz. Institute of the Polish Language of the Polish Academy of Sciences. Available online: https://nazwiska.ijp.pan.pl/. Jonas Jurkštas 1985: Place Names of Vilnius, Vilnius: Mokslas. Juknevičius Petras 2020: Residential Places of Karsakiškis Eldership, Panevėžys: Reklamos agentūra „25 kadras“. KGGS – List of Inhabited Places of the Kovno Governorate, Kovno: At the Printing House of the Provincial Administration, 1892. LATS – Administrative-Territorial Division of the Lithuanian SSR, ed. P. Bikelis, Vilnius: State Publishing House of Political and Scientific Literature, 1959. LATSŽ – Reference Book of the Administrative-Territorial Division of the Lithuanian SSR 2, eds. Z. Noreika, V. Stravinskas, Vilnius: Mintis, 1976. LAV – Inhabited Places of Lithuania, Kaunas: A. Bakas Printing House, 1925. LKA III – Atlas of the Lithuanian Language 3. Morphology, text authors S. Ambrazas, G. Belickienė, E. Grinaveckienė, A. Jonaitytė, J. Lipskienė, K. Morkūnas, B. Vanagienė, A. Vidugiris, executive editor K. Morkūnas, Vilnius: Mokslas, 1991. LKŽe – Dictionary of the Lithuanian Language 1–20 (1941–2002), editorial board G. Naktinienė, J. Paulauskas, R. Petrokienė, V. Vitkauskas, J. Zabarskaitė, editor-in-chief G. Naktinienė, electronic version, Vilnius: Institute of the Lithuanian Language, 2008 (updated version, 2017). Available online: https://ekalba.lt/lietuviu-kalbos-zodynas. LPDB – Database of Lithuanian Surnames. Available online: https://ekalba.lt/pavardziu-duomenu-baze/. Maciejauskienė Vitalija 1991: The Formation of Lithuanian Surnames, Vilnius: Mokslas. 196 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXV On the origin of Lithuanian place names with the roots juj–/jūj– Maciejauskienė Vitalija 2009: Oikonyms in the seventeenth-century church book of Lankeliškiai parish. – Archium Lithuanicum 11, 159–188. Palionis Jonas 2008: Personal names and place names of Punia parish from the end of the seventeenth to the first half of the eighteenth century, Vilnius: Vilnius University. Ragauskaitė Alma 2005: Personal names of Kaunas residents in the sixteenth–eighteenth centuries, Vilnius: Institute of the Lithuanian Language. Razmukaitė Marija 1993: Distribution in Lithuania of oikonyms derived from personal names with patronymic suffixes. – Questions of Lithuanian Linguistics 32, 133–165. SG XV (2) – Geographical Dictionary of the Kingdom of Poland and Other Slavonic Countries 15(2), edited under the direction of B. Chlebowski, Warsaw: Druk „Wielku“ Nowy–Świat Nr. 61, 1902. Sinkevičiūtė Daiva, Račickaja Veslava 2014: Personal names underlying Lithuanian compound names and the features of recording their stems in the 1661–1795 list of new citizens and guarantors of Vilnius. – Archium Lithuanicum 16, 295–322. SNP IV – Dictionary of Surnames Currently Used in Poland 4, compiled by K. Rymut, Kraków: Polish Academy of Sciences, Institute of the Polish Language, 1993. Staltmane Velta E. 1981: Сталтмане Велта Э. Latvian Anthroponymy. Surnames, Moscow: Nauka. Šakenis Konstantinas 1935: Vabalninkas and Its Environs in the Past. Up to the Restoration of Lithuania’s Independence, Kaunas: Lithuanian Historical Society, (Library of the Past 2). Šinkūnas Mindaugas 2015: Orthographic differences between Catholic and Evangelical Reformed Lithuanian writings (sixteenth–seventeenth centuries): the spelling of the consonant /j/ and the diphthongs /ai/, /ei/. – Baltistica 50(2), 197–244. Vanagas Aleksandras 1970: Formation of Lithuanian Hydronyms, Vilnius: Mintis. Vanagas Aleksandras 1981: Etymological Dictionary of Lithuanian Hydronyms, Vilnius: Mokslas. VB I – Lists (files) of inhabited places in the Alytus, Biržai, and Kaunas counties compiled by the Interwar Commission for Surnames and Place Names 1. Kept in the archive of the Centre for Baltic Languages and Onomastic Research of the Institute of the Lithuanian Language. VbE – [Explanation of the land plan of Vabalninkas eldership from the first half of the nineteenth century], LVIA F. 525, Apr. 8, B. 1304. VbI – [1698 inventory of the estates of Vabalninkas eldership belonging to the Reformed], LVIA F. 525, Apr. 8, B. 135. VbII – [1705 inventory of the town and villages of Vabalninkas eldership], LVIA F. 525, Apr. 8, B. 136. Straipsniai / Articles 197 LAIMUTIS BILKIS VbKr₁ₙ – [Vabalninkas parish register of baptisms and marriages. 1624–1741]. Available online: http://www.genmetrika.eu/galerija_metr/Vabalninko_kriksto_1624–1741. VbKr₁ – [Vabalninkas parish register of baptisms. 1678–1689]. Available online: http://www.genmetrika.eu/pdf/vabalninko_1678–1689_gimimo.pdf. VbKr₁₁ – [Vabalninkas parish register of baptisms. 1721–1742]. Available online: http://www.genmetrika.eu/galerija_metr/Vabalninko_kriksto_1721–1742. VbKr₁₁₁ – Liber Regenerationis seu Ad Parochialem Ecclesiam Vobolnicensem Sem Baptizatorum per me Stephanum Thaddaeum Kudrycki Decanum Kupiscensem Parochũ Vobolnicensem Comparatus atque Anno Dñi 1742. Ætatis 51mo Presbyteratũs 25to Regimis 12mo Publico Usuj Applicatus Ad M. D. G. B. V. M. H. [Vabalninkas parish register of baptisms. 1743–1761]. Available online: http://www.genmetrika.eu/pdf/1743–1761_gimimo.pdf. VK – Alphabetical card file of place names collected from the spoken language. Kept at the Centre for Baltic Languages and Onomastic Research of the Institute of the Lithuanian Language. Zinkevičius Zigmas 1977: Lithuanian Anthroponymy. Personal Names of Lithuanians in Vilnius at the Beginning of the Seventeenth Century, Vilnius: Mokslas. Zinkevičius Zigmas 2008: Lithuanian Personal Names, Vilnius: Institute of the Lithuanian Language. On the Origin of Lithuanian Toponyms with the Roots juj-/jūj- SUMMARY Several toponyms with the roots juj-/jūjwere recorded from the Lithuanian colloquial language: the oikonym Jujėnai, which designates a village in Panevėžys district, and the names (variants) of the stretch of the Levuo River known as ‘sietuvà’ or ‘užsūkis’ (Eng. stream pool or bend), Jujà, Jūjà, Jūjos linkis, which were recorded in Vėžionys village, Kupiškis district. The Dictionary of Latvian Toponyms includes Jujas, a name of a single-homestead settlement in the area of Dundaga, which presumably originated from the Lithuanian village name Jujėnai. Nothing has so far been written about Lithuanian toponyms with juj-, jūj-; only a possibility of establishing an etymological link between the Latvian toponym and the Lithuanian oikonym has so far been proposed. The village name Jujėnai was first recorded from the speech of local residents at the start of the 20ᵗʰ century and later around 1935; it was also recorded several times after the war. In the administrative sources based on the spoken language, the form of the oikonym does 198 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica LXXXV On the origin of Lithuanian place names with the roots juj-/jūj- not vary as well. It can thus be stated that only one form, which had already been settled in the first half of the 20th century, was and still is used in the spoken language. An in-depth analysis of several sources of the 17th and 18th centuries shows that the current oikonym Jū̄nėnai has a vast array of recorded variants in parish registers: de Iaū̄ianis, de Iugený, de Iuieny, de Iuienny, de Iuwįeny, de Junieny, de Iuwieny, de Iunianý, de Iuiany, de Iuajany, de villa Iē̄uny, de villa Iā̄iuny, etc. This leads to the formal restoration of the forms *Jaū̄jėnai, Jū̄jėnai, *Jujvėnai, *Jūnėnai, *Juvėnai, *Jugėnai, *Jė̄ūnai. The records from historical administrative sources Iuiany, Юняи, Iujany imply the only oikonym Jū̄jėnai. Short-term or one-time usage of most of the variants of the village name, the occurrence of similar cases of distortion in historical oikonymy and anthroponymy, the consistent usage of a single form in historical administrative sources allow us to point out that the records of the oikonym Jū̄jėnai with the roots *jau-, *jug-, *jun-, *juo-, *jujoare most likely the outcomes that were created by the authors (scribes) of the entries in parish registers, which should not be associated with the natural development of the name in the colloquial language. The forms reflecting the present-day oikonym were used most frequently in historical sources; they are abundant in all the parish registers under study, and they often occur next to other root variants. Hence, we may assume that the root jujis the true, etymological, one. There is a personal name recorded in the parish register, which may attest to the anthroponymic origin of this toponym. It is the record Sophia Juynicia de Junieny dated to 1699. This is the second personal name of the godmother from Jujėnai village – Juynicia (Juinyčia) – which may be a sporadically shortened form from *Jujėnyčia, i.e. ‘the daughter of Jujėnas’. The etymology of the hydronyms Jujā, Jujà, Jūjos lį̄kis is unclear. The records from the colloquial language suggest that all the above variants possibly show the actual root vowel change of the toponym juj-/jūj-. Whereas a composite form was recorded as well, the possibility of anthroponymic origin from the personal name *Jujā, *Jujà and Lith. lį̄kis ‘a surface bend or rise; ravine, valley; curve, meander’ is worthy of consideration. On the other hand, it would not in part be supported by the one-word hydronyms Jūjā, Jujà, because the toponyms of a similar structure rarely stem from personal names. Submitted on 28 October 2021 LAIMUTIS BILKIS Institute of the Lithuanian Language 5 Petro Vileišio St., LT–10308 Vilnius, Lithuania [email protected] Straipsniai / Articles 199