Baltiškų vardų davimo polinkiai emigracijoje 1991–2020 m. (Jungtinės Karalystės atvejis)

DAIVA SINKEVIČIŪTĖ Vilnius University ORCID id: orcid.org/0000–0001–9738–9443 Research area: onomastics. DOI: doi.org/10.35321/all90-08 TRENDS IN THE GIVING OF BALTIC NAMES IN EMIGRATION, 1991–2020 (THE CASE OF THE UNITED KINGDOM)¹ Tendencies of Baltic Names Giving among Emigrants in 1991–2020. The United Kingdom Case² ABSTRACT The article presents trends in the giving and formation of Baltic names given to children of emigrants from Lithuania in the United Kingdom in 1991–2020. It was established that emigrant parents often give their children names of natural features, pagan goddesses and gods, and famous and legendary figures of the past. Name endings vary most often; euphony is taken into account when names are given. KEYWORDS: personal name, Baltic name, identity, name fashions. ANNOTATION The article presents the tendencies of Baltic names giving to children of Lithuanian emigrants in the United Kingdom in 1991–2020. Emigrant parents often give their children names of natural phenomena, pagan deities, as well as renowned and legendary historical figures. Variations in name endings are common, euphony being often considered when giving names. KEYWORDS: given names, Baltic names, identity, naming trends. ¹ The article was prepared under the VLKĮ project “Names of Children of Lithuanian Emigrants, 1991–2020”, No. K–12/2022. ² The article was prepared under the State Commission of the Lithuanian Language project “Names of children of Lithuanian emigrants in 1991–2020”, no. K–12/2022. 204 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica XC Baltiškų vardų davimo polinkiai emigracijoje 1991–2020 m. (Jungtinės Karalystės atvejis) INTRODUCTION After Lithuania regained independence in 1990, another wave of emigration to foreign countries began. In the second decade of the 21st century alone, more than 482,000 citizens declared their departure from Lithuania, although some later returned (see 123.emn.lt). In 2010–2020, emigrants from Lithuania most often went to the United Kingdom (hereinafter – the UK), Ireland, Germany, and Norway3, where their children were born. A study of the names of Lithuanian citizens born in Norway in 1991–2020 showed that their personal names most often have standard Lithuanian endings and are written with customary letters and letter combinations. Some children of emigrants in Norway were given Baltic names derived from the lexicon of Lithuanian and other Baltic languages, which are more characteristic of girls: they account for 19% of girls’ names and 9.5% of boys’ names (Sinkevičiūtė 2022). Therefore, it was interesting to examine how Baltic names have spread in emigration and what their characteristics are, with personal names originating from the lexicon of Lithuanian and other Baltic languages considered Baltic. The study selected Baltic names of children born in 1991–2020 in the UK—the country receiving the largest number of emigrants from Lithuania after the restoration of independence—in order to discuss trends in their giving and formation. In pursuing this aim, the study sought to determine which groups of Baltic names are most frequent, how multi-element personal names are formed from them, what characterizes their structure, and which variants have been recorded. The UK has an old Lithuanian diaspora: Lithuanians began emigrating to the UK in the 19th century (Dapkutė 2009: 11) and continued active cultural activity into the 21st century (Gasperienė 2009: 77–88). Although the local Lithuanian community was not prepared for the new wave of emigrants, Lithuanians who arrived from the late 20th century revived organizations established by the earlier generation, invigorated the community and its cultural and educational life, and promoted sporting activities (Ilgūnaitė 2009: 173–183). As elsewhere, citizens emigrating from Lithuania to the UK encountered a multilingual environment: English dominates in the UK, and there are many emigrants from other EU countries, Africa, and India4 and elsewhere, who have their own languages and cultures and names characteristic of them. Although in Lithuania (see CK; Maciejauskienė 2007: 474–484), as in the UK (Finch 2008: 710; Insley 2007: 3 According to official data, in 2010–2020, 213986 Lithuanian citizens left Lithuania for Great Britain, 43814 for Ireland, 35462 for Germany, and 36419 for Norway (see 123.emn.lt). In 2001–2010 alone, 60726 Lithuanian citizens were registered in Great Britain; see https://webarchive.nationalarchives.gov.uk/ukgwa/20160105160709/http://www.ons.gov.uk/ons/rel/census/2011-census/key-statistics-for-local-authorities-in-england-and-wales/rft-table-qs203ew.xls. 4 For example, see the statistics for 2021 at https://www.ons.gov.uk/peoplepopulationandcommunity/populationandmigration/internationalmigration/articles/analysisofsocialcharacteristicsofinternationalmigrantslivinginenglandandwales/census2021#ethnic-group. Straipsniai / Articles 205 DAIVA SINKEVIČIŪTĖ 159–169), it is customary to have given names and surnames, but in spelling, grammar, and form, Lithuanian personal names differ considerably, while in the UK names characteristic of languages other than English are also widely given. Some women’s names, and fewer men’s names, characteristic of Lithuanian, coincide in form with names of other languages, because these names are distinctive owing to their endings. Lithuanian has many borrowed names whose stems do not differ from personal names in other European languages. Because of their endings, Lithuanian borrowed names have distinctive forms, although they belong to the same cultural stratum as names in other languages. Researchers of names in other languages, when discussing differences between the names of immigrants and those of inhabitants of the immigration country, appear not to have paid attention to this aspect, because the names they study most often differ in their stems, while other personal names belong to non-European cultures. Consequently, linguistic approaches applied to names in other languages are generally unsuitable for studying Lithuanian names. 1. REVIEW OF RESEARCH ON EMIGRANT NAMES Cases of giving, using, and changing the names of immigrants from other countries have been widely studied, especially by sociologists and psychologists, and their analyses and results depend on the research material, methods applied, the number of people who have immigrated to the country, the country’s policy toward immigrants, and traditions of giving names characteristic of their languages and cultures⁵. Trends in immigrants’ name choices are studied using qualitative and quantitative methods, because newcomers give their children names characteristic of the immigration country, retain names from their own culture, seek names shared by both cultures, or follow family traditions (Gerhards, Kämpfer 2017)⁶. Trends in name-giving may differ in immigrant and mixed families (where one parent is a citizen of the immigration country): for example, mixed families in Norway less often gave names from the countries left by the immigrants (Reistæter 2012). A study of Russian names in Finland showed that the greatest need to integrate into the local community is felt by parents living in areas with few residents who speak their language (Eskola, Hämäläinen 2019: 213). The reasons for immigrants’ giving and changing names are studied because names express an individual’s identity and belonging to a family and are the basis of social and legal ⁵ In sociological works, the relationship between name and identity is developed through the parameter of the “body” (English body), because “our individual, social, civic, and legal identity emerges from the intertwining of our given names and surnames with our bodies” (Pilcher 2016: 766, with references); the connection between name, identity, and gender is emphasized because given names and surnames embody gender (Pilcher 2017: 813, with references). ⁶ Names customary both in the country of immigration and in the country of origin, selected by parents for their children, are classified among names customary in the immigration country because they cannot be differentiated: they do not differ from other names in the immigration country (Gerhards, Tuppat 2018: 2). 206 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica XC Baltiškų vardų davimo polinkiai emigracijoje 1991–2020 m. (Jungtinės Karalystės atvejis) identity (Finch 2008: 712–714). Jürgen Gerhards and Julia Tuppat (2018) found that immigrants to Germany more often give names customary in that country when the cultural distance between the immigrant’s country and Germany is small, immigrants become German citizens, and have at least a secondary education; they also give girls names customary in Germany more often than boys. By contrast, linguistic integration, partnership with people born in Germany, emotional identification with the country of origin and the country of emigration, and structural and social integration are not very important when choosing a name for a child (Gerhards, Tuppat 2018). The influence of names on immigrants’ integration into the labor market is also considered. A study by Joshua R. Goldstein and Guy Stecklov (2016) showed that children of Irish, Italian, German, and Polish immigrants in the United States who were given “American-sounding” names achieved more professionally than those given ethnic names, although ethnic names positively affect the professional achievements of children of Russian and especially Jewish immigrants. Nevertheless, migrants, particularly women, with unusual names are often disadvantaged in the country of arrival (Gerhards, Tuppat 2018: 3; Pennesi 2016: 49–52 and elsewhere). Researchers also analyze the degree of immigrants’ integration into the receiving society, because names can be used to assess the influence of competing cultures. A study by Christina A. Sue and Edward E. Telles (2007) of Spanish-speaking parents’ attitudes toward assimilation in Los Angeles, conducted on the basis of names, confirmed the results of other studies: ethnic names are given to sons more often than to daughters because boys continue the family line, are regarded as carriers on of traditions, need less protection from discrimination, and this indicates a different process of assimilation by gender. On the other hand, Ellen S. Bramwell’s (2009; 2012: 377–379) study of the Pakistani Muslim community in Scotland showed that newcomers can integrate into the country while retaining their traditional naming system, as can immigrants from various countries in Norway (Reistæter 2012). The names given to children by immigrants in the UK, as in other countries, are highly diverse and depend on communities and their cultural and linguistic traditions. Not only close community social ties influence the continuity of a naming system, but also an individual’s involvement in the host country’s culture; over time, the influence of name fashions, globalization, and its impact on language and culture increases (Bramwell 2012: 377–385). The names of boys born in the UK more often convey ethnic information than those of girls: for example, the names of Muslim boys born in various English and Welsh communities in the UK are similar, whereas those of Muslim girls differ (Pilcher 2017: 815). In mixed UK families, parents choose names for their children that symbolize their hopes and aspirations for the future, although when naming children they consider belonging to a collective, which may cross the boundaries of race, ethnicity, and faith (Edwards, Caballero 2008). There is no extensive research on Lithuanian names given in emigration, but individual questions have been considered. It has been established that most emigrants from Lithuania born in Norway Straipsniai / Articles 207 DAIVA SINKEVIČIŪTĖ children’s names conform to Lithuanian grammar: more than 85% have standard endings and are written with customary letter combinations. Through registered names, parents express their children’s ethnic belonging to Lithuanians (Sinkevičiūtė 2022), although emigrants behave inconsistently toward the Lithuanian language: some parents seek to ensure that their children know and speak Lithuanian, while others do not concern themselves with this (Jakaıtė-Bulbukienė 2015: 91–126). Emigrants in the UK often give their children names customary among Lithuanians, most of which are borrowed (Sinkevičiūtė 2021a). Among names given in emigration there are also new Baltic names not previously given in Lithuania (Sinkevičiūtė 2023). Christianė Schiller (2024), who used a survey to study the motivations behind the naming of children by Lithuanians living in Germany or having formed mixed families, as well as by people of Lithuanian descent, observed that when parents name their children, the sound of names and their compatibility with Lithuanian and German are important; meaning, unproblematic pronunciation in both languages, and the desire to avoid negative associations also matter. Efforts to reconcile different languages and cultures are reflected in the names of Lithuanian citizens in Norway that have identical forms in Lithuanian and other languages (Sinkevičiūtė 2022). Márcia Sipavicius Seide (2020: 100–121) observed that the names of descendants in Brazil of emigrants from Lithuania at the beginning of the 20th century, with which they identified themselves in a closed “Facebook” group of the Lithuanian community, are generally uncharacteristic of Lithuanian, because parents identify primarily with the host country, although there were cases in which emigrants retained or restored their original identity. Thus, the personal names of later generations of emigrants from Lithuania changed to the detriment of the Lithuanian language, because people sought to adapt to the environment of the immigration country. Darius Daukšas (2019: 230–240; 2021: 230–243), who observed that names and surnames are indicators of otherness, studied second-generation emigrants in Norway who associate their future with Norway, identify with it, consider it home, and some accept citizenship; although they have a dual identity, Norwegians do not regard them as their own because their names and surnames reveal them. Social science researchers emphasize that Lithuanian names are distinctive because of their forms and spelling characteristics. Lithuanians in the United States appear exotic to others because of their given names and surnames (Čiubrinskas 2014: 15). In Northern Ireland, a naming strategy among citizens who had left Lithuania was observed: children are given names of various origins, but when parents give an English name, they choose one with a similar equivalent in the Lithuanian name inventory; when giving children a Lithuanian name, parents seek one that is easy to pronounce and does not contain the letters š, ž, č (Liubinienė 2011: 150). Daukšas (2013; 2016; 2018; 2019), who analyzed the behavior of emigrants from Lithuania in Norway, established that Lithuanian given names and surnames do not sound Norwegian and may therefore be taken for Finnish, although for Lithuanians themselves, retained surnames demonstrate their self-esteem and identity. 208 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica XC Baltiškų vardų davimo polinkiai emigracijoje 1991–2020 m. (Jungtinės Karalystės atvejis) Neringa Liubinienė (2011: 149–151), who studied emigrants from Lithuania in Northern Ireland, observed that Lithuanian names cause them problems because most names are difficult to pronounce and remember; consequently, some Lithuanians devise a name customary in their environment, although some later return to their old name. In many countries of emigration, a Lithuanian given name and surname indicate origin and ethnic belonging (Kuznecovienė 2011: 97; Liubinienė 2011: 148; Jakaitė-Bulbukienė 2015: 84). Personal names can be used to establish people’s identity (Alford 1988: 51; Aldrin 2018), and a name is considered a marker of the symbolic boundary between the majority society and the migrant minority (Gerhards, Tuppat 2018: 4). Thus, names originating from Baltic vocabulary, through their stems, indicate Lithuanians’ distinctiveness and attest to the parents’ decision to assign their children a Lithuanian identity. 2. RESEARCH DATA The names were collected from data obtained from the State Commission of the Lithuanian Language in 2006 and subsequently supplemented through 2020 by the Centre of Registers, where, under Lithuanian law, citizens born abroad are entered into the data records of the Republic of Lithuania. The study examined anonymized names of Lithuanian citizens selected by place of birth—the UK—while the children’s sex and year of birth were known, but information about the parents’ citizenship, place of birth, age, social ties, and languages used in the families was unavailable. Consequently, the names of children born in Lithuanian families in the UK who do not have Lithuanian citizenship were excluded. Nevertheless, the advantage of this study is clear: it covers a large data sample, yielding significant results that summarize trends in the giving of names in emigration. According to Centre of Registers data, 36934 Lithuanian citizens were born in the UK in 1991–2020: 17965 girls and 18969 boys. Diagram 1 shows that the number of Lithuanian citizens born in the UK varied by year and grew from the first decade of the 21st century; the largest number of Lithuanian citizens in the UK were born in 2014–2016. Therefore, it was not appropriate to study trends in emigrant name-giving by individual years or decades. Lithuanian citizens born in the UK were most often registered with one name: 89.4% of girls (16066 names), 89.5% of boys (16983 names)⁷; girls born in the UK registered with one name were given 1753 different forms of single-element names, and boys 1758, for example, the names Lėja and Lėja, Estela and Estella are considered separate onyms, because depending on the written form, a name may be customary in Lithuanian ⁷ In Norway, the percentage of Lithuanian citizens registered with one name is slightly higher—94% of girls (3727) and 94.9% of boys (3959) have one name—but the proportions are similar. Straipsniai / Articles 209 DAIVA SINKEVIČIŪTĖ language⁸. Thus, the number of names of both sexes is similar. The most frequent single-element names of children born in the UK are presented in Table 1. It shows that, as in Norway (see Sinkevičiūtė 2022), the most frequent are Emilija and Lukas, while the most popular boys’ names are more frequent than the girls’ names. Among the most frequent girls’ names in the UK name inventory are the Baltic names Gabija and Viltė, showing that in emigration, as in Lithuania, Baltic personal names are also among the most popular names⁹. ¹ DIAGRAM. Lithuanian citizens born in the UK, 1991–2020 Baltic names constituted part of the single-element names of children born in the UK. They were more frequent among girls’ names: they accounted for 16.4% of girls’ (2633 names) and 7.8% of boys’ (1333 names) single-element personal names given in the UK¹⁰. This trend is also visible in the single-element names of Lithuanian citizens in Norway, where Baltic girls’ names are likewise twice as frequent as boys’ names (Sinkevičiūtė 2022). Single-element Baltic names comprised 232 unique female and 214 unique male personal names in the UK; on average, approximately 11.3 girls and 6.2 boys were given each Baltic name. These figures indicate that Baltic girls’ names were somewhat less than twice as frequent as boys’ names. ⁸ Depending on the aims of the study, such practice is customary; researchers of names in other languages act similarly, cf. Eskola, Hämäläinen (2019: 203). ⁹ Among the most frequent girls’ names in 2011 were Gabija, Ugnė, Austėja, Goda, Rugilė, Viltė (Sinkevičiūtė 2012: 3–8). ¹⁰ Together with multi-element names, they accounted for 14.7% of girls’ names and 7.0% of boys’ names given to Lithuanian citizens in the UK during the period studied. 210 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica XC Baltiškų vardų davimo polinkiai emigracijoje 1991–2020 m. (Jungtinės Karalystės atvejis) TABLE 1. The most frequent single-element names given in the UK to Lithuanian citizens, 1991–2020 Rank | Girls’ names | Number of girls’ names given in the UK (n=16066) | Percentage of the names of girls who were Lithuanian citizens born in the UK (n=100%) | Boys’ names | Number of boys’ names given in the UK (n=16983) | Percentage of the names of boys who were Lithuanian citizens born in the UK (n=100%) 1. | Emilija | 441 | 2.45% | Lukas | 670 | 3.53% 2. | Kamilė | 336 | 1.87% | Matas | 653 | 3.44% 3. | Gabrielė | 311 | 1.73% | Kajus | 455 | 2.40% 4. | Gabija | 310 | 1.73% | Nojus | 420 | 2.21% 5. | Lėja | 304 | 1.69% | Dominykas | 383 | 2.02% 6. | Ema | 295 | 1.64% | Benas | 330 | 1.74% 7. | Amelia | 227 | 1.26% | Danielius | 310 | 1.63% 8. | Milana | 204 | 1.14% | Aronas | 286 | 1.51% 9. | Eva | 200 | 1.11% | Daniel | 276 | 1.46% 10. | Viltė | 200 | 1.11% | Domas | 271 | 1.43% Names of Lithuanian citizens born in the UK consisting of several personal names account for 10.6% of girls’ names (1899 combinations) and 10.5% of boys’ names (1986 combinations). Girls registered in the UK with multi-element names were given 1841 different combinations, and boys 1940, so name combinations were rarely repeated. Of these, the most frequent combination of girls’ names was Anna Maria 51, and of boys’ names Dominykas Jonas 4. 9.9% of girls (1780 combinations) and 9.8% of boys (1852 combinations) were registered with two names. Rare three-element and even rarer four-element combinations of names of Lithuanian citizens born in the UK account for 0.7% of girls’ names (119 combinations) and 0.7% of boys’ names (134 combinations). Some multi-element names consisted of personal names in which both or one name was Baltic. They accounted for 9.9% of girls’ names (261 combinations) and 14.9% of boys’ multi-element names (198 combinations)¹². Among multi-element names in which both or one name was Baltic, 97 unique female and 83 unique male personal names were recorded; on average, a name recurred in approximately 2.7 girls’ and 2.4 boys’ combinations, indicating low name frequency and relatively high diversity. ¹¹ The number indicates how many times a name or name combination recurred in the UK name inventory. When a name was given only once, the number is not indicated. ¹² They accounted for 1.6% of girls’ names and 1.2% of boys’ names given to Lithuanian citizens in the UK during the period studied. Straipsniai / Articles 211 DAIVA SINKEVIČIŪTĖ 3. DIVERSITY OF THE BASES OF SINGLE-ELEMENT BALTIC NAMES According to their base, Baltic names are divided into two-stem personal names, names of abbreviated origin, appellative names, and toponymic names (Sinkevičiūtė 2011: 216–218). The single-element names of these groups given to Lithuanian citizens born in the UK show that, in 1991–2020, trends in the naming of emigrants in the UK were similar to those in Lithuania as a whole (Sinkevičiūtė 2011). They can be seen in Table 2, which presents the number of distinct and repeated single-element Baltic personal names of Lithuanian citizens born in the UK, with the percentage they comprise given in parentheses. TABLE 2. Single-element names of Lithuanian citizens born in the UK by group Table 2 shows that appellative girls’ names stand out in diversity and especially in frequency, accounting for 46.1% of distinct names and 78.2% of repeated names. They are most often nature names derived from trees, for example, Eglė 1813, Liepa 154, small plants, for example, Bruknė 2, Luknė 70, Mėta 39, Ramunė 2, Rugilė 79, or natural objects, for example, Akmėja 2, Dangė 2, Saulė 94, Saulėja 4, Smiltė 111, Upė 3, Upėja 2, natural phenomena, for example, Aida 9, Aušra 4, Miglė 88, Rasa 3, Ugnė 149, Vėja 2, Vėjūnė 4, Vėtra 2, and precious metals and stones, for example, Auksė 47, Deimantė 68, Rubina 3, as names. Personal names associated with Lithuanian goddesses and mythical beings are widespread, for example, Austėja 191, Gabija 310, Medeina 11, Milda 33, Vaiva 5, Žemyna 11. Other names indicate positive qualities—beauty, 13 The origins of the names are indicated on the website vardai.vlkk.lt. 212 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica XC Baltiškų vardų davimo polinkiai emigracijoje 1991–2020 m. (Jungtinės Karalystės atvejis) clarity, calmness, for example, Skaidra 2, Skaistė 40, Ramina 2, Raminta 12, spiritual matters—consolation, love, dream, hope, for example, Guoda 7, Guosnė 2, Meilė 3, Meilita 3, Svajonė 3, Viltė 200, Baltic identity, for example, Aistė 36, Aistėja 2, the past, for example, Airinė 4. Some names considered appellative also have another explanation of their origin: for example, Deimantė 68 may also be a two-stem name, while Dangė 2 and Viltė 200 may also be names of abbreviated origin. Girls born in the UK were given various two-stem names, which are not frequent: they account for 31.5% of distinct names and 5.4% of repeated names. More frequent are names associated with historical Lithuanian dynasties and grand dukes: Jogailė 4, Mingailė 9, Radvilė 11, Vytautė 11. Because of the popularity of individual personal names, names of abbreviated origin are frequent: they account for 14.2% of distinct and 11.8% of repeated girls’ names. The frequency of names of this origin, for example, Deima 3, Gytė 4, Mantė 25, Vytė 9, may have been influenced by widespread two-stem names containing their stems and abbreviations of men’s names. Some personal names regarded as names of abbreviated origin can also be associated with appellatives, for example, Goda 182 and Lithuanian goda, or considered borrowed names, for example, Eiva 31. Toponymic names accounted for 8.2% of distinct and 4.6% of repeated girls’ names; the objects serving as the bases of some of them are near the Baltic Sea. Names derived from rivers are more widespread, for example, Deimena 3, Rusnė 45, Ūla 17, Vilija 4. The spread of Iglė 15, derived from the name of a lake, was influenced by a Lithuanian singer with this name. Other names are based on the names of settlements, for example, Nida 11, Neringa 5, or the Curonian Spit peninsula, for example, Nerija 5. Boys born in the UK also most often have appellative names, but their diversity is smaller: they account for 27.1% of individual and 44% of repeated names (see Table 2). The most common are nature names, derived from trees and smaller plants, e.g., Ąžuolas 37, Linas 16, Uosis 2; birds and animals, e.g., Aras 16, Kovas 2, Tauras 40; natural objects, e.g., Dangis 2, Gintaras 4; or phenomena, e.g., Aidas 22, Audrius 3, Ugnius 48, Vėjas 13; and names of precious stones, e.g., Deimantas 62. Other names can be associated with times of day, e.g., Rytas 2, Rytis 16, Vakaris 75; with the spring festival, e.g., Joris 93¹⁴. The basis of names was vocabulary denoting courage, joy, youth, and happiness, e.g., Drąsius 2, Džiugas 24, Jaunius 4, Laimis 3; valued things, e.g., Dainius 3, Svajūnas 3; Baltic identity, e.g., Aistis 24, Jotvingis; or the past, e.g., Ainis 4, Ainius 3. Boys were given the names of mythical dukes, e.g., Kernius 8, Margiris, Šarūnas 10; a fairy-tale hero, e.g., Žilvinas 3; a Lithuanian god, e.g., Perkūnas 3; or names formed from the name of the goddess of fire, e.g., Gabijus 5. The origin of some of these names can also be explained in other ways, 14 The loanword jorė and other words with jor– were incorporated by Kazimieras Kuzavinis and Bronys Savukynas (2009: 179) into the Dictionary of the Origin of Lithuanian Names from Simonas Daukantas, who also mentioned a theonym with this root. In this way, the name became assimilated to other mythological personal names, although its Baltic origin is doubtful (Klimavičius 2013). Straipsniai / Articles 213 DAIVA SINKEVIČIŪTĖ e.g., the name Gintaras 4 can be regarded as dithematic, Aras 16 and Dangis 2 as of abbreviation origin, and Linas 16 as a borrowed name. Dithematic names are also widespread and diverse: they account for 45.8% of individual and 35.8% of repeated boys’ names. Some are names of Lithuanian dukes and a king, e.g., Algirdas 8, Daumantas 2, Gediminas 9, Jogaila 4, Mindaugas 13, Radvilas 6, Vytautas 12, Žygimantas 4. Names of abbreviation origin account for 22% of individual and 16.7% of repeated boys’ names. The basis of some names, e.g., Gedas 4, Mantas 102, Vytas 3, Vytis 8, Žygis 3, is frequent dithematic names. Some personal names considered to be of abbreviation origin can also be explained differently—by associating them with Lithuanian appellatives, e.g., Vytis 8, or with names of other origin, e.g., Darius 10. The rarest are toponymic names, accounting for 5.1% of individual and 3.5% of repeated boys’ names; among these, Naglis 31, known from a legend and associated with the name of a coastal hill, stands out in frequency. Thus, Baltic mononymous UK names show that children, especially girls, are given names derived from designations of Lithuania’s animate and inanimate nature, most often names of places on or near the coast, positive qualities, valued things, and precious metals and stones. Lithuania’s past—mythology and history—is important in naming children: parents give names of pagan goddesses and gods, legendary figures, dukes, a king, and famous families; the Baltic past is valued, as children are given Baltic ethnonyms and appellatives describing the past. Some names reflect the 21st-century tendency to give children names with several possible etymological explanations (Sinkevičiūtė 2021: 241–245). 4. FEATURES OF THE FORMATION OF MULTI-MEMBER NAMES Many multi-member names of UK-born children, in which both or one member is Baltic, are two-member personal names, while names with more members are a minority (see Table 3). There are more multi-member girls’ names in which both or one member is Baltic, but the difference in the UK name inventory is not pronounced, as they account for 1.6% of girls’ and 1.2% of boys’ names (see footnote 12). Table 3 shows that the most common multi-member UK children’s names are two-member names whose second member is a Baltic name; the combinations Emilija Saulė 2 and Herkus Mantas 2 were repeated, while the combinations Aurora Aušrinė, Sky Skaistė, and Danielius Angelas are “more interesting” in terms of name combination. Personal names whose second member is a Baltic name are more characteristic of boys: they account for 55.6% of names, while in the girls’ name inventory they make up 46% of the two-member names under discussion. 214 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica XC Baltiškų vardų davimo polinkiai emigracijoje 1991–2020 m. (Jungtinės Karalystės atvejis) TABLE 3. Multi-member UK children’s names according to their members, of which both or one member is Baltic Type of combination | Both members of the two-member name are Baltic | The first member of the two-member name is Baltic | The second member of the two-member name is Baltic | Three-member and four-member names | Total Number and% of multi-member girls’ names¹⁵ | 11 (4.2%) | 113 (43.3%) | 120 (46%) | 17 (6.5%) | 261 (100%) Number and% of multi-member boys’ names | 8 (4%) | 71 (35.9%) | 110 (55.6%) | 9 (4.5%) | 198 (100%) The girls’ name inventory has a greater diversity of Baltic names occurring as the second member: 120 combinations are recorded for 70 girls’ names (approximately 1.7 per combination), and 110 combinations for 56 boys’ names (approximately 2 per combination). The second members are popular names recorded during the period under study, e.g., Austėja, Gabija, Liepa, Saulė, Ąžuolas, Tauras, Vėjas, Vytis, Indrė, Laima, Nijolė, Rasa, Gintautas, Laimis, Svajūnas, Žilvinas 3; the latter are distinguished by their diversity. This diversity is supplemented by personal names occupying the second-member position that were not recorded among the names of mononymous UK-born children, some of which were more common in 20th-century Lithuania, e.g., Audra, Birutė, Gintė, Alvydas, Gintautas, Rimantas, Rimgaudas, Vidimantas, Žymantas, Aidė, Medeinė, Miglė, Angelas, Merkys, Lizdeika, Vanagas; so far, these are one-off names. The most characteristic second names for girls are appellative (members of 100 combinations)¹⁶, most often derived from animate nature—trees and plants, e.g., Liepa, Luknė, Mėta, Rožė, Rugilė, Aida, Aušra, Miglė, Rasa, Saulė, Smiltė, Upė, Austėja, Gabija, Laima, Milda, Nijolė, Žemyna, Auksė, Deimantė, Perla, Laisvė, Meilė, Viltė, Skaistė, Tyra, Eimantė, Gintė, Ūla, Birutė, Raduilė, Neringa, Nida, Rusnė 2, names that arose from designations. Other personal names are associated with goddesses and deities, e.g.,... ¹⁵ Since multi-member name combinations are characterized by limited diversity, the separate number of non-repeated names is not provided. ¹⁶ The name Daiva, created by Vydūnas, is also conditionally assigned. Straipsniai / Articles 215 DAIVA SINKEVIČIŪTĖ the basis of names of abbreviation origin, e.g., Gintė, Mantė, Vytė, consists of popular dithematic names. Appellative second names are also common in the boys’ name inventory (members of 43 combinations); the most frequent are those associated with animate nature—trees and plants, e.g., Ąžuolas 7, Linas; birds and animals, e.g., Aras, Tauras 6, Vanagas; natural objects and phenomena, e.g., Aidas, Audrius 2, Vėjas 4; changes in time, e.g., Rytas, Rytis, Vakaras 2. Names indicate valued qualities, e.g., Giedrius, Jaunius, and spiritual matters, e.g., Laimis, Svajūnas. Other names are associated with names of mythical figures, e.g., Kernius, Lizdeika, Žilvinas 2, and deities, e.g., Angelas 2, Joris 3¹⁷. Rarer are dithematic names (members of 39 combinations), the most frequent being personal names of Lithuanian dukes and a king, e.g., Algirdas 4, Gediminas 2, Jogaila 2, Mindaugas 3, Vytautas 10, Žygimantas. Abbreviations are rarer (members of 26 combinations); many of them, e.g., Algis 3, Gintas 2, Mantas 4, Rimas 2, Vytas 2, Vytis 5, arose from popular dithematic names. Toponymic names are rare (one member of two combinations), e.g., Nidas. Table 3 shows that less common but more characteristic of girls are two-member names whose first member is a Baltic name. These personal names account for 43.3% of girls’ and 35.9% of boys’ multi-member names. Girls’ name combinations whose second name is Marija occur more frequently, e.g., Liepa Marija 2, Saulė Marija 2 (5 combinations). In the boys’ name inventory, Joris Jokūbas 2, Domantas Jonas 2 were repeated; “more interesting” combinations are Ąžuolas Achille, Žygimantas Augustas. The girls’ name inventory has a greater diversity of Baltic names occupying the first-member position: 113 combinations are recorded for 50 girls’ names (approximately 2.3 per combination), and 71 combinations for 39 boys’ names (approximately 1.8 per combination). The first members are more often names that became widespread in the 21st century, e.g., Austėja 10, Goda 8, Rusnė 3; Ąžuolas 8, Joris 5, Tauras 3, than names that were common in the 20th century, e.g., Aušra, Indrė; Darius 3. Among them were personal names not recorded among the names of mononymous UK-born children; of these, Vida, Rimantas were common in the 20th century, while others were rare, e.g., Bitė, Deiva, Gitaute; Domilas, Eivilis, Narius. The most characteristic appellative names for girls (members of 84 combinations) are names associated with goddesses and deities, e.g., Austėja 10, Gabija 7, Jorė, Medeina, Milda, Žemyna 2. Other names arose from nature—plants, e.g., Eglė 2, Gilė, Indrė, Liepa 5, Luknė 3, Mėta 2, Rugilė; phenomena and objects, e.g., Aušra, Miglė 3, Saulė 5, Smiltė 5, Ugnė 6, Upė 2. The names indicate attractive qualities and things, e.g., Guoda 2, Meilė, Raminta, Skaistė 3, Viltė 2, and precious metals and stones, e.g., Auksė 2, Deimantė, Perla. Less often, the first member is an abbreviation (members of 14 combinations), e.g., Goda 8; a dithematic name (members of 6 combinations), sometimes associated with ducal names, e.g., Jogailė 2; or a toponymic name (9 combinations ¹⁷ See also footnote 14. 216 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica XC Baltiškų vardų davimo polinkiai emigracijoje 1991–2020 m. (Jungtinės Karalystės atvejis) members), often arising from names of places on the Lithuanian coast, e.g., Neringa, Nida, Rusnė 3. Appellative names are also characteristic of boys (members of 33 combinations), and among these the most frequent are nature-related names derived from trees and other plants, e.g., Ąžuolas 8, Linas 2; birds and animals, e.g., Aras 2, Tauras 3; or natural phenomena, e.g., Vėjas, Vėjus; changes in time, e.g., Rytis, Vakaris 3. Other appellative names are associated with names of deities, e.g., Joris 518, or historical figures, e.g., Margiris, Žilvinas. Dithematic names are diverse (27 names in the combinations). Some are names of dukes and a king, e.g., Gediminas, Daumantas, Mindaugas 2, Vytautas, Žygimantas 4. Abbreviations are rarer (members of 10 combinations), e.g., Darius 3, Gytis, Mantas 4, some of whose bases are extended dithematic names. Toponymic names are rare (one member of one combination), e.g., Naglis. Parents rarely give both Baltic-origin names (see Table 3). These names account for 4.2% of girls’ and 4% of boys’ multi-member names; the more interesting combination is Eitvïdas Eitvïd. When combinations are formed from Baltic girls’ names, one of them is appellative; the most frequent is Gabija 4. Most often, both Baltic names are appellative, e.g., Viltė Gabija, Austėja Mėta, Dalia Upė, Gabija Saulė, Gabija Viltė, Liepa Eglė, Meilėja Auksė, Vakarė Gabija. In other cases, alongside an appellative name, the other member of the combination is dithematic, e.g., Smiltė Radvilė; an abbreviation, e.g., Goda Vaidilutė; or a toponymic name, e.g., Rusnė Aida. The combinations also included personal names not recorded among the names of mononymous UK children, e.g., Meilėja, Vaidilutė. When combinations are formed from Baltic boys’ names, dithematic names were more frequent; the name Mindaugas 2 was repeated. Most often, both names in the combination were dithematic, e.g., Domantas Skirmantas. In other combinations, both personal names were appellative, e.g., Ąžuolas Viesulas, Tauras Dainius, or one was appellative and the other dithematic, e.g., Vakaris Mindaugas, or one was appellative and the other of abbreviation origin, e.g., Vėjas–Mantas. Parents rarely give three- or four-member name combinations in which one name is Baltic (see Table 3). They make up 6.5% of girls’ and 4.5% of boys’ multi-member UK names. In the combinations, Baltic names most often occupy the second- or third-member positions: 15 of 17 cases in the girls’ and 6 of 9 cases in the boys’ name inventory (there were cases in which a name associated with Lithuanian vocabulary occupied the first- and third-member positions, cf. Gabija Mykolė Rožė). These combinations include boys’ names not recorded in the name inventory of UK-born children: Nemunas, Viltis, Vytenius. The most frequent names in the combinations were appellative, e.g., Gabija, Giedrė, Indra, Laima, Liepa, Milda 2, Nijolė, Perla, Saulė, Svaja, Vasarė; Anis, Linas, Kernius, Viltis. 18 See also footnote 14. Straipsniai / Articles 217 DAIVA SINKEVIČIŪTĖ Thus, multi-member names in which both or one member is Baltic repeat the naming tendencies of mononymous names: parents most often give children, especially girls, appellative names; dithematic names are widespread, especially among boys; and rare, exotic personal names also occur among them. The members of multi-member names show that Lithuania’s nature, the coast, Lithuanian history and mythology are important to parents, and that they reflect values. More often than for boys, a Baltic name is registered as the first name for girls, while for boys it is registered as the second. As the first name, names more common in the 21st century are registered more often, whereas as the second name, those common in the 20th century are registered more often. This shows that names popular in the 20th century are gradually losing their popularity. 5. STRUCTURAL FEATURES OF BALTIC NAMES Baltic mononymous names and members of multi-member names have their own structural features. These recur in the name inventories of both sexes, and their structural characteristics are typical of names throughout Lithuania (Sinkevičiūtė 2011; 2018). One characteristic of emigrant names is variation in stems; this occurs in dithematic names, cf. liuir lū-, e.g., Liutauras 8 and Liūtauras, vyir vi-, e.g., Vygintė and Vigintė, vydir vid-, e.g., Tautvydas 15 and Tautvidas, žygir žig-, e.g., Žygimantas 9 and Žigimantas. Alongside roughly equal cases, names with unchanged elements are more frequent. Other names vary in their endings. This is characteristic of appellative personal names, e.g., Ainę 419, Ainis 5, Ainius 3; Meila, Meilė 7; Rytė, Rytas 3, Rytis 18; Tauras 50, Taurius, Taurus20; Vėtra 2, Vėtrė; also of dithematic names, e.g., Eimila, Eimilė 2; Radvilė 14, Radvila21, Radvilas 6; and of names of abbreviation origin, e.g., Deima 3, Deimas 2, Deimis 7; Eiva 33, Eivė, Eivis; Nauris 7, Naurius; Vytė 10, Vytas 5, Vytis 13. Names of women and men with various endings may become more frequent, and names ending in –us are increasing. Variants of Baltic names with different endings but the same stem depend on the stem’s relation to its base and on naming tradition. Alongside conventional male names, variants of names with the same stem but without Lithuanian endings have been recorded, e.g., Armin 11 and Arminas 77, Deinor and Deinoras; they were also used to form multi-member names, e.g., Eitvidas Eitvid. Names without endings repeat the variation characteristic of borrowed names, cf. Danielius and Daniel. This may 19 Baltic mononymous names and members of multi-member names were counted together. 20 Male names ending in –us are spreading, cf. Svajus, Taurus, Vėjus. 21 Radvila is a male name. 218 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica XC Baltiškų vardų davimo polinkiai emigracijoje 1991–2020 m. (Jungtinės Karalystės atvejis) show that when giving Baltic names, the Lithuanian ending is likewise avoided as an indicator of Lithuanian identity. Alongside conventional girls’ names, there are also personal names with the same stem written with –e, cf. Ainė 4 and Aine, Aistė 39 and Aiste, Danguolė and Danguole, Deimantė 70 and Deimante, Meilė 7 and Meile, Miglė 92 and Mיגle, Nijolė 2 and Nijole, Rūgilė 82 and Rugile 2, Rusnė 51 and Rusne 2, Saulė 112 and Saule 3, Smiltė 120 and Smilte 3, Ugnė 157 and Ugne 4, Upė 8 and Upe, Vakarė 49 and Vakare, Viltė 206 and Vilte 3. Spelling also produced variants with the suffixes –ėja and –eja, cf. Austėja 205 and Austeja 8, –unė and –unė, e.g., Jorunė and Jorune, Vilunė and Vilune; stem variants, cf. Ąžuolas 53 and Ąžuolas 2, Rūkas and Rukas. In the context of all Baltic UK names, these cases show that such variants have not spread (<5% of repeated female names; there are almost no such male names). Thus, the registered forms of names are a conscious choice by parents; letters characteristic of Lithuanian, when parents choose names containing them, generally do not cause them problems. Another characteristic is the spread of disyllabic abbreviations, most often arising from the beginnings of dithematic names, e.g., Austė 9, Geistė 4, Gytė 4, Deimis 7, Dovas 5, Einius 2, Gytis 16, Vaidas 4, Žygis 4. They show that the initial part of a name is most important when forming abbreviations. Non-suffixed abbreviations, like other more frequent mononymous names, indicate a tendency to give short names. Emigrant names are characterized by recurring elements. In some personal names, suffixes recur, more often in appellative and abbreviation-origin names. These include the girls’ name suffixes –ėja, cf. Austėja 205, Aistėja 2, Aistrėja, Akmėja 2, Astrėja, Auksėja, Mintėja, Saulėja 4, Upėja 2, Viltėja, and –ita, e.g., Eisuita, Eivita, Meilita 3, Sangita. In the boys’ name inventory, the suffix –idas is more frequent, e.g., Joridas, Tauridas 2. Suffixes characteristic of UK children’s names include –ūnė, –ūnas, e.g., Arūnė 3, Jorūnė, Šarūnė 2, Vėjūnė 4, Vilūnė, Žiedūnė; Arūnas 6, Merūnas, Ramūnas 2, Svajūnas 4, Šarūnas 10; and –ija, –ijus, e.g., Gabija 325, Domilija, Vilija 5; Gabijus 5, Dovijus 2, Minijus, Taurijus. Some names with suffixes are popular in Lithuania. They show that the sound of names is important when naming children. The importance of euphony is also evident in dithematic names with recurring stems. Women’s names often have the second stems gail-, e.g., Jogailė 6, Mingailė 9, Rimgailė; mant-, e.g., Eimantė 4, Jomantė, Romantė, Limantė, Rimantė 2; mil-, e.g., Armilė 2, Darmilė, Deimilė 5, Domilė 4, Germilė, Jomilė, Narmilė; min-, e.g., Armina, Deimina 3, Jusmina; taut-, e.g., Gintautė, Mintautė 2, Viltautė; vil-, e.g., Deivilė, Dovilė 2, Eivilė 4, Gedvilė, Raduilė 14; vain-, e.g., Deivina 2, Eivina 6, etc. Men’s names often have the second elements gird-, e.g., Algirdas 12, Daugirdas, Mangirdas 3; mant-, e.g., Armantas 3, Domantas 103, Eimantas 57, Germantas 4, Irmantas 3, Jomantas 2, Skirmantas 3, Skomantas 4; min-, e.g., Arminas 77, Deiminas 4, Gediminas 13; vyd-, e.g., Arvydas 7, Mantvydas 5, Tautvydas 13, and Straipsniai / Articles 219 DAIVA SINKEVIČIŪTĖ so on. Sometimes both members of a two-member name have the same stem, e.g., min-: Arminas Mindaugas, mant-: Domantas Skirmantas, vyd-: Manyudas Vytautas. Some dithematic names coincide in their endings with suffixed names. One such group consists of women’s names with the second stems mil- (cf. Almilė), gil- (cf. Jogilė), which are euphonic with the one-stem suffixed derivatives in -ilė, e.g., Rugilė 82, Girilė, Karilė 14, Midilė, Nerilė 7. Names with the second stems mint- (cf. Arminta) and gint- (cf. Milginta, Eigintas) coincide in their endings with one-stem derivatives with the suffix –inta, –intas, cf. Raminta 13, Orinta 11, Žavinta; Darintas, Jorintas, Orintas 3. Recurring final elements confirm that sound is taken into account when giving names. Suffixes can also affect the spelling of stems, since the frequent suffix –idas probably accounts for the spread of the second stem vid-, e.g., Alvidas, rather than names with vyd. Thus, Baltic names in the UK have structural regularities. As in Lithuania (Sinkevičiūtė 2018), they are variant-based; most often, the endings of names with the same stem vary. In the UK, derivatives with the suffixes –ėja, –ita, –ūnė, –ūnas, –ija, –ijus, etc. are given, and the second stems of dithematic names, mant-, min- and others, recur, showing that when naming children, not the meaning of their components but the sound of the name is important. This idea is supported by suffixed names coinciding with the endings of dithematic names, which most likely encourage parents to give children dithematic names with a similar sound. 6. DISCUSSION The names of Lithuanian citizens born in the UK show that almost 9 out of 10 families used a one-name strategy, while almost 1 out of 10 families used a two-name (sometimes more) strategy. Thus, when naming children, parents seek compromise not by combining different names but by selecting one name that, like the members of multi-member names, is usually not a Baltic personal name. This shows that parents in the UK generally try to select names of non-Lithuanian origin that, in their understanding, fit a multilingual environment. However, because the naming tendencies for the whole of Lithuania during the period studied are unavailable, the names given in emigration cannot be compared with them: it may be that this naming strategy is also characteristic of the name inventory of Lithuania as a whole. On the other hand, the names of children born to Lithuanian citizens in the UK who were registered as non-Lithuanian citizens were not included in this study. Their significance for the study cannot be determined because the scale of the data is unknown. Considering the fact that girls born in the UK were given almost half as many ethnic names again as boys, it may appear that the results of the study of names of emigrants from Lithuania contradict the results of studies of names in other languages, according to which ethnic names are more often given to sons than daughters (Sue, Telles 220 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica XC Baltiškų vardų davimo polinkiai emigracijoje 1991–2020 m. (Jungtinės Karalystės atvejis) 2007: 1388, with references). It may be that, by more often giving Baltic names to girls, parents seek to display their modernity and distinguish themselves from others. On the other hand, the Lithuanian character of names should be understood more broadly: one should assess not only their genetic Baltic origin but also the features of their formation. Therefore, borrowed personal names with Lithuanian forms should also be regarded as unique Lithuanian names, e.g., Morta, Kristijonas, Laurynas, Motiejus. This is customary in other languages as well, for example Norwegian (Helleland 2007: 554). Another indicator of the Lithuanian character of names is their endings, since these distinguish Lithuanian names from personal names in other languages. Therefore, conclusions about the ethnicity of Lithuanian names in emigration cannot be drawn by assessing names solely according to the origin of their stem. SUMMARY In the UK, parents gave Baltic mononymous names to girls almost twice as often as to boys, and these proportions are similar to the proportions of Baltic names given to children in the emigrant name inventory of Norway during the same period, although the share of these names was slightly higher in Norway. Thus, Baltic names in emigration are not solely a Norwegian phenomenon but are also characteristic of other countries. The repeated proportionally similar higher frequency of girls’ names indicates that the beauty and sound of the Lithuanian language are expressed through girls’ names. When forming multi-member UK children’s names in which both or one member is Baltic, two-member names whose second member is a Baltic name were most often given. Such combinations have the greatest diversity of Baltic names; quantitatively, there are more such combinations among girls’ names, although combinations with Baltic names account for a larger share of boys’ multi-member personal names. Two-member names whose first member is a Baltic personal name are more characteristic of UK girls, often a name popular in the 21st century. Thus, when registering girls, parents write a Baltic name as the first name more often than when registering boys. This confirms that Baltic UK names are more characteristic of girls. The register of the names of Lithuanian citizens born in the UK shows that parents predominantly give girls appellative names and boys appellative and dithematic names. Through appellative as well as toponymic names, parents express what they value: Lithuania’s nature, its phenomena and objects, seaside locations, positive human qualities, attractive things, precious stones, and metals. Dithematic, appellative, and hypocoristic names reveal the importance to parents of Lithuanian history, Baltic religion, and mythology: they give children names associated with mythical and famous figures of the past, goddesses, and deities. Thus, the meaning underlying names and the cultural weight of a name are important to parents. The names of UK emigrants were characterized by euphony (stems were repeated in dithematic names, while appellative and hypocoristic names were linked by the same Straipsniai / Articles 221 DAIVA SINKEVIČIŪTĖ suffixes). The second stems of dithematic names, coinciding with suffixal names bearing the same endings, confirm the importance of euphony in naming children. Probably because of their similar sound to other names, hypocoristic names also spread; they most often repeat the beginnings of longer names or contain stems recurring in common names. That the sound of names is relevant to parents when naming their children was also confirmed by a study conducted in Germany by Schiller (2024). The endings, suffixes, and stems of dithematic names varied in the name register studied. The research results showed that secondary variants, including those arising from spelling, are not common in the emigrant name register: names with stems and endings customary in the Lithuanian language are the most frequent. Thus, the registered forms of children’s names in the UK are the results of parents’ conscious decisions. 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DOI: doi.org/10.1086/511801. 123.emn.lt – Migracija skaičiais (Lietuvos Respublikos statistikos portalas). vardai.vlkk.lt – Lietuvos Respublikos piliečių vardų sąvadas. webarchive.nationalarchives.gov.uk/ukgwa/20160105160709/http://www.ons.gov.uk/ons/rel/census/2011-census/key-statistics-for-local-authorities-in-england-and-wales/rft-table-qs203ew.xls – Jungtinės Karalystės nacionalinės statistikos biuras, 2021 m. duomenys. Straipsniai / Articles 225 DAIVA SINKEVIČIŪTĖ Tendencies of Baltic Names Giving among Emigrants in 1991–2020. The United Kingdom Case SUMMARY This article studies the tendencies observed in naming practices and the formation of Baltic names given to children of Lithuanian emigrants in the United Kingdom from 1991 to 2020. The most characteristic Baltic names for girls are relatively uncommon among emigrant families, comprising 16.4% of girls’ names and 7.8% of boys’ one-member names given in the UK. Children, especially girls, are given names inspired by Lithuanian natural elements, such as coastal landmarks, positive and/or highly valued features, and symbolic materials like precious metals and stone names. Additionally, names of pagan deities, legendary personalities, princes, kings, and famous families are frequently chosen to emphasize cultural roots and express a deep appreciation for Baltic heritage. Approximately one-tenth of children carry double names, with those featuring at least one Baltic name being even less common (9.9% of girls and 14.9% of boys). Baltic names tend to precede in double names for girls more often than for boys, mirroring patterns observed in single names. In the UK, variation in Baltic names of emigrants’ children is prevalent, particularly in suffixes, with common derivations including suffixes –ėja, –ita, –ūnė, –ūnas, –ija, and –ijus, among others. Compound names often incorporate stems like mantand minas well as some others as the second member. Most likely the coincidence of the terminations of some compound names with the terminations of some suffixed names has been a factor favoring the spread of similar sounding combinations, which shows the importance of euphony in naming practices. Įteikta 2024 m. vasario 27 d. DAIVA SINKEVIČIŪTĖ Baltistikos katedra Vilniaus universitetas Universiteto g. 5, LT–01513 Vilnius, Lietuva daiva.sinkevič[email protected] 226 Acta Linguistica Lithuanica XC