M. Petkevičiaus katekizmo (1598) denominatyviniai veiksmažodžiai

Acta Linguistica Lithuanica 2025, vol. 92, pp. 1–15 Contents link / Turinio nuoroda ISSN 2669-218X (online / elektroninis) M. PETKEVIČIUS’S CATECHISM (1598): DENOMINAL VERBS Denominal Verbs in the Catechism of M. Petkevičius (1598) ANŽELIKA SMETONIENĖ Institute of the Lithuanian Language E-mail: [email protected] ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0352-884X Research focus: word formation. https://doi.org/10.35321/all92-08 ABSTRACT This article presents a study of the suffixed denominal verbs in M. Petkevičius’s Catechism (PK), published in 1598. Seventy such verbs were found in this source; they are distributed among four categories of denominal verbs: causative meaning, state correspondence, state, and participation. The article presents the frequency of suffixes of denominal verbs in PK, the features of the base words, and the general tendencies of denominal formation in PK, highlighting more complex cases of derivational interpretation. KEYWORDS: verbs, denominal verbs, derivational category, suffix. ABSTRACT The article presents a study of the denominal suffixal verbs in the Catechism of M. Petkevičius (PC) published in 1598. A total of 70 such verbs were found in this source, and they are divided into four categories of denominal verbs: factitive, similative, stative and participatory meanings. The article presents the frequency of PC denominal suffixes, the features of the base words, and the general trends in the derivation of PC denominatives. The paper also focuses on the more complex cases of derivational interpretation. KEYWORDS: denominal verbs, category of derivation, suffix. INTRODUCTION The language of Merkelis Petkevičius’s Catechism (hereafter PK) has so far been little studied. It was first examined in greater detail by Jonas Kruopas (1970), although these are more general observations. Most attention has been devoted to this catechism as a Reformed source (Kuźmina 2002; Copyright © 2025 Anželika Smetonienė. Published by the Institute of the Lithuanian Language. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution Licence, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. // Išleido Lietuvių kalbos institutas. Šis straipsnis yra atviros prieigos, platinamas pagal „Creative Commons“ priskyrimo licencijos sąlygas, leidžiančias neribotai naudoti, platinti ir atkurti turinį bet kokioje laikmenoje, nurodant autorių ir šaltinį. Received: / Gauta: 2024-08-01. Accepted: / Priimta: 2025-01-24. 1 Pociūtė-Abukev̌ičienė 2005; Niedźwiedź 2008). More recently, the lexicon of PK, mostly borrowings, has been studied (Smetonienė 2016; 2017; 2018; 2019a; 2019b), as has the formation of suffixed verbs (Smetonienė 2021). This article focuses on suffixed denominal verbs, i.e. derivatives from nominal words. Although the formation of verbs in modern Lithuanian has been studied, suffixed verbs in old writings have so far received little attention; the principal researchers in this field have been Jurgis Pakerys (2005; 2017; 2019; Arkadiev, Pakerys 2015) and Dalia Pakalniškienė (2019). D. Pakalniškienė (2019: 10) has emphasized that “studies of derivational categories from various chronological layers are relevant and meaningful as products of knowing and categorizing the world, ‘ordering’ the world, and reflecting it in language.” The aim of this article is to investigate the derivational categories of suffixed denominal verbs in PK and, if such differences exist, to identify differences between PK and modern Lithuanian in this area. To achieve this aim, all forms of suffixed verbs and their derivatives attesting the infinitive, present tense, and simple past tense were extracted from the glossary of M. Petkevičius’s Catechism compiled by J. Kruopas and from the photographic edition of this catechism published in 1939. The verbs were generalized (prefixed derivatives are excluded if the forms of their unprefixed verbs are regular and there is no essential difference in meaning between them), and divided into deverbal and denominal verbs. A total of 70 suffixed denominal verbs were found in PK. As mentioned, suffixed denominal verbs are derivatives from nouns, adjectives, pronouns, and adverbs of adjectival origin. Traditionally, suffixed verbs that retain the suffix in all stems are called suffixed verbs, whereas those that do not retain it are called mixed verbs. It has also been proposed that they be called, respectively, suffixed equal-syllable and unequal-syllable verbs (Pakerys 2002: 235–236). These two morphological types of suffixed verbs are precisely those examined in this study. This article applies a synchronic analysis of word formation; its main principles were formulated by Vincas Urbutis (2009 [1978]). The suffixed denominal verbs presented from PK are formally and semantically based on base words, and a clear derivational motivation connects the derivative with the base word. In cases where the derivational motivation already appears remote, the verbs are not included in the article because they are regarded as synchronically opaque. In examining potential derivatives and their base words, additional criteria for determining the direction of derivation (frequency and quantitative criteria) were also taken into account (Urbutis 2009 [1978]: 101). The principal verb forms inferred from the system of modern Lithuanian and Lithuanian verb formation but unattested in PK are written in square brackets. It is worth mentioning that, for the sake of textual concision, only those meanings of derivatives and base words that are used in PK are provided. In some cases, to make the connection between a derivative and the presented base word, rather than another formally possible one, clearer, the meaning of the verb is provided. Borrowings, more precisely Slavisms, must also be mentioned separately, since they allow for a twofold approach. It is sometimes difficult to distinguish Slavisms from Lithuanian derivatives formed from borrowed nominal words, because when a verb and a cognate nominal word have been borrowed into Lithuanian from the Slavic languages, the question may arise whether the derivational relationship could have developed in Lithuanian, i.e. 2 A nominal word could first have been borrowed into Lithuanian, from which a verb was derived using productive Lithuanian suffixes. For this reason, verbs with an evidently borrowed root are sometimes regarded as equivalent Lithuanian formations derived from borrowed nominal words, and no other possibility is considered. This article takes a different view. When examining verbs with Slavic roots, the formal morphological constituents were first established (suffixes are distinguished analogously to derivationally segmentable Lithuanian verbs). Generally, verbs borrowed from the Slavic languages have analogues in the Slavic languages and conform to the system of integrating Slavisms, i.e. when a Slavism is adopted as a verb and integrated into Lithuanian, the correspondence of suffixes is retained: Polish and East Slavic verbs with the suffixes -ować, -овати (-овать, -авать, -евать) have the suffix -avoti in Lithuanian; Lithuanian verbs with -yti, -ija, -ijo correspond to Slavic verbs with the suffixes -ić (-yć), -umu (-bimu), -(i)oti, -(i)oja, -(i)ojo, -ać, -amu (-ауь, -amb, -яmb). Lithuanian loan verbs, if a cognate nominal word also functions in the language, may theoretically be regarded as derivationally segmentable, but first it is necessary to seek complete equivalents of the potential loan verb in the Slavic languages of the period under examination. In assessing the possibility of Lithuanian derivation, it is necessary to take into account the derivational category of the possible derivative, its accentuation, the meanings of both words—the possible derivative and the possible base word—and the chronology of their entry into Lithuanian. After the aforementioned analysis, the following verbs were classified as loans from the Slavic languages rather than as Lithuanian denominal verbs: blūdyti (vźbłudit PK 244,21), [-ija], [-ijo]; [bursavoti], [-avoja], -avojo (bursawojo PK 121,4); češtavoti (ciastawok PK 5,9), [-avoja], [-avojo]; čystyti (apcistiti PK 128,26), [-ija], [-ijo]; dėkavoti (dekawot PK 231,17), [-aovoja], -avojo (dekawoima PK 183,21); dūmoti (dumot PK 42,4), -oja (dumoia PK 103,10), -ojo (nudumoiau PK 57,2); gatavyti (prigarawitą PK 111,26), -ija (gatavii PK 51,7), -ijo (gatawiima PK 205,15); [gvoltavoti], -avoja (gwoltawoiami PK 191,13), [-avojo]; hanbyti (honbit PK 142,21), [-ija], [-ijo]; koroti (koros PK 49,22), [-oja], [-ojo]; pakūtavoti (pakutawotumbim PK 147,6), [-avoja], [-avojo]; pūstyti (pustiti PK 73,2), [-ija], [-ijo]; redyti [rediti PK 149,27], [-o], -ė (paredey PK 142,10) and many others. DERIVATIONAL CATEGORIES OF DENOMINAL VERBS IN PETKEVIČIUS’S CATECHISM There are considerably fewer verb suffixes than noun suffixes, so derivatives with the same suffix may belong to different derivational categories. PK contains denominal verbs from four derivational categories: causative meaning (sequentives), state meaning (statives), state correspondence, and participation meaning. They are formed with the suffixes -(i)auti, -enti, -ėti, -inti, -yti, -(i)oti, -(i)uoti. Most are derivatives with causative meaning. 1.1. Sequentives denote an active action by which something is created. The general meaning of the category is ‘to make that or such as is expressed by the base word’ (DLKG 1997 [1994]: 387). Verbs with causative meaning may have various shades of meaning depending on 3 the base word, for example, kietinti ‘to make hard’, šlovini ‘to confer glory’. Fifty-two suffixed verbs of this derivational category were found in PK; they are formed with the suffixes: • -eti, -i, -ėjo: žymėti (ižīmėt PK 201,15), [žymì], [-ėjo] ‘to make a mark, to mark’ LKŽĖ: žymė ‘a remaining mark, trace; a conventional artificial object or visual sign, a marker, etc.’ LKŽĖ; • -inti, -ina, -ino: [artinti], -ina (artiname PK 183,10), [-ino]: arti ‘nearby (used to indicate location)’ LKŽĖ; bjaurinti (neiszbjaurintų PK 209,6), -ina (biaurina PK 72,25), [-ino]: bjaurus ‘of poor appearance, ugly, unattractive, frightening, disgusting’ LKŽĖ; dauginti (dauginti PK 116,10), [-ina], [-ino]: daugus ‘of a large quantity, abundant, plentiful; frequent’ LKŽĖ; daugsinti (dauksink PK 118,8), [-ina], [-ino]: daugus ‘large in quantity, abundant, plentiful’ LKŽĖ; [didinti], [-ina], -ino (padidinimu PK 31,19): didis ‘large in extent, substantial; mature, grown, older, etc.’ LKŽĖ; drauginti (pridauginti PK 6,24), [-ina], [-ino] ‘to join into a group, to unite’ LKŽĖ: draugė ‘friendship, companionship; community, association; a group of friends of one generation, etc.’ LKŽĖ; drūtinti (drutinti PK 79,6), [-ina], [-ino]: drūtas ‘thick; possessing much strength, strong’ LKŽĖ; gaivinti (gaywindamas PK 75,15), -ina (atgaywina PK 14,18), -ino (gaywinima PK 116,14): gaivus ‘refreshing, fresh, durable, strong, lively, cheerful, agile, nimble’ LKŽĖ; garbinti (garbink PK 108,21), -ina (garbina PK 80,20), [-ino]: garbė ‘glory, respect; good name’ LKŽĖ; gausinti (gausindama PK 113,4), [-ina], [-ino]: gausus ‘abundant; plentiful; fertile; productive; rich, capacious’ LKŽĖ; gėdinti (pagedintas PK 241,9), [-ina], [-ino]: gėda ‘dishonor, shame’ LKŽĖ; [gražinti], [-ina], -ino (apgražinay PK 129,8): gražus ‘beautiful, well-proportioned; pleasant’ LKŽĖ; [gretinti], -ina (sugriatin PK 238,4), [-ino]: greta ‘beside, alongside, next to, close to one another’ LKŽĖ; kaltinti (kaltindami PK 125,23), [-ina], [-ino]: kaltas ‘having done something bad, guilty, sinful, transgressing; deserving, meriting (punishment)’ LKŽĖ; kruvinti (sukruwintas PK 164,6), [-ina], [-ino]: kruvinas ‘bloody, bloodstained, covered in blood, running with blood; associated with bloodshed, murderous, bloodthirsty’ LKŽĖ; liaupsinti (laupsins PK 50,5), [-ina], [-ino]: liaupsė ‘glory, praise’ LKŽĖ; lyginti (ligink PK 55,11), [-ina], [-ino]: lygus ‘without depressions or elevations, flat; without branches, branchless, etc.’ LKŽĖ; links­minti (linksminti PK 144,5), [-ina], -ino (palinksm inay PK 70,12): linksmas ‘joyful, merry; putting one in a good mood, pleasing, etc.’ LKŽĖ; mažinti (mažintusi PK 72,11), [-ina], [-ino]: mažas ‘small in stature or height, of small dimensions; young, of a child’s age, etc.’ LKŽĖ; minkštinti (isminksz tink PK 23,23), [-ina], [-ino]: minkštas ‘yielding to pressure from another body, easily indented; delicate, flexible, not stiff, etc.’ LKŽĖ; [nartinti], [-ina], -ino (inartinom PK 22,6): nartus ‘filled with great desire, ardent, quick, hot-tempered, vigorous; quick to anger, angry’ LKŽĖ; naujinti (atnawgink PK 63,15), -ina (naugini PK 175,14), -ino (atnauginima PK 201,16): naujas ‘recently arisen, made, acquired; unused or little used, etc.’ LKŽĖ; [niekinti], [-ina], -ino (iszniekino PK 120,24): niekas ‘an object of little use, little necessity, poor, of little value’ LKŽĖ; [piktinti], -ina (piktina PK 204,25), [-ino]: piktas ‘quick to anger, quarrelsome by nature; angry, enraged, irritated, etc.’ LKŽĖ; platinti (paplatink PK 179,23), [-ina], -ino (paplatinima PK 252,2): platus ‘wide’ LKŽĖ; [raminti], -ina (nusiram ina PK 66,23), 4 [-ino]: ramus ‘motionless or barely moving; unmoved; slow-tempered, not vigorous, etc.’ LKŽ; savinti (pasawinta PK 228,8) [-ina], -ino (pasawinta PK 238,11): savo ‘indicating the belonging or proximity of an object, matter, or affair to any of the three (usually action-performing) persons (the speaker, listener, or person being discussed), etc.’, savas ‘belonging to oneself, oneself grown, produced, or possessed, used by oneself; associated with kinship or close relations, etc.’ LKŽ; sotinti (pasotinti PK 121,18), [-ina], [-ino]: sotus ‘having eaten enough, satiated, full; requiring little food, nourishing, satisfying, etc.’ LKŽ; stiprinti (stiprint PK 251,18), -ina (nusistiprina PK 90,4), [-ino]: stiprus ‘possessing much physical strength, strong, capable; healthy; functioning well, etc.’ LKŽ; sunkinti (apsunkinkim PK 149,6), [-ina], [-ino]: sunkus ‘heavy; requiring much strength or effort to perform or acquire, etc.’ LKŽ; sveikinti (svevykint PK 146,19), [-ina], [-ino]: sveikas ‘a word of greeting or wishing health’ LKŽ; šak­ninti (iszak­nint PK 31,10), [-ina], [-ino]: šaknis ‘the part of a plant by which it takes root in the earth and obtains nourishment; the beginning, foundation, or source of something, etc.’ LKŽ; šlovinti (paszławint PK 40,8), -ina (szlowin PK 150,6), -ino (paszlawinimą PK 24,10): šlovė ‘honorable renown, public respect for great merit, work, or talent, great honor; good name, reputation’ LKŽ; [šventinti], -ina (paszwentina PK 124,14), -ino (paszwentinay PK 72,9): šventas ‘having a very noble and honorable purpose; dear to the heart, inspiring great respect, etc.’ LKŽ; tei­sinti (nusiteisinti PK 242,12), [-ina], [-ino]: teisus ‘acting morally, observing moral norms, not lying, trustworthy, just; corresponding to the truth, based on truth or moral requirements, etc.’ LKŽ; tikrinti (nutikrintas PK 246,22), [-ina], [-ino]: tikras ‘real, tangible, genuine; also natural, pure, etc.’ LKŽ; [tolinti], -ina (attolint PK 173,15), -ino: toli ‘far away (used to indicate the location of something or where something is happening, occurring, or toward which someone is going, moving, or proceeding); indicating a long period of time, something lasting long, or a time distant in the past or future, etc.’ LKŽ; tvirtinti (tvirtinki PK 119,4), [-ina], [-ino]: tvirtas ‘resistant to the destructive action of external forces, durable; possessing much physical strength, strong, capable; healthy, etc.’ LKŽ; valninti (walnink PK 69,10), [-ina], -ino (iszwalninay PK 30,15): valnas ‘unrestrained, free, independent; not confined, able to move freely, possessing freedom’ LKŽ; žeminti (nužiamintą PK 44,15), -ina (nusizi̇amina PK 163,18), [-ino]: žemas ‘having a small vertical extent, low; not reaching the usual level, inferior, etc.’ LKŽ; [ženklinti], -ina (żian­kliname PK 125,16), [-ino]: ženklas ‘a mark that has existed or appeared; an artificial material or visual mark, a marker, etc.’ LKŽ; • -yti, -ija, -ijo: [dalyti], -ija (daljiesi PK 7,24), -ijo (dalijimu PK 220,21): dalis ‘a certain quantity of the whole; a constituent element of something, etc.’ LKŽ; garb yti (nugarb̌syu PK 80,17), [-ija], [-ijo]: garbė ‘glory, respect; good name’ LKŽ; pečėtyti (pečietitumbim PK 208,6), [-ija], [-ijo]: pečėtis ‘an instrument for pressing a mark; a mark stamped or impressed with that instrument; a seal’ LKŽ; stipryti (sustiprisu PK 194,16), [-ija], [-ijo]: stiprus ‘possessing much physical strength, strong, capable; healthy; functioning well, etc.’ LKŽ; • -yti, -o, -ė: [mainyti], maino (mayna PK 48,20), mainė (apmayne PK 133,12): mainas ‘exchange, changing; alteration, change, etc.’ LKŽ; ramyti (nuramis PK 59,17), 5 [ramō], [ramė̄]: ramus ‘motionless or barely moving; unmoved; slow-tempered, not vigorous, etc.’ LKŽė; -oti, -oja, -ojo: dovanoti (apdovanot PK 38,20), -oja (apdovanojie PK 38,14), -ojo (apdovanoio PK 166,20): dovana ‘a thing given as a gift; an offering, etc.’ LKŽė; -oti, -o, -ojo: saugoti (saugoti PK 37,15), [-o], -ojo (sawgaia PK 19,17): saugus ‘protected from danger; cautious, etc.’ LKŽė; -uoti, -uoja, -avo: meluoti (meluota PK 139,27), [-uoja], [-avo]: melas ‘untruth, lie’ LKŽė. Most PK sequentives are equal-syllable derivatives with the suffix -inti. This suffix is characteristic of this category. Moreover, the base words of derivatives in this category and with this suffix are most often adjectives; in such cases, the meaning of the derivatives fully corresponds to the general meaning of the derivational category (DLKG 1997 [1994]: 387), for example, links­minti ‘to make happy’, platinti ‘to make wide’. Among the typical adjectival sequentives, kruvinti deserves attention, as haplology has occurred here (kruvinas > kruvin-inti > kruv-inti). Fewer derivatives have been formed from nouns with the suffix -inti, and their meanings have more varied shades. The base words of nominal sequentives with the suffix -inti in PK are most often abstract nouns: draugė, garbė, gėda, liaupsė, šlovė. The meaning of such derivatives has a marked shade of conferring or causing, for example, gėdinti ‘to cause shame’, šlovinti ‘to confer glory’. The meanings of the remaining sequentives with the suffix -inti fully correspond to the general meaning of the category (ženklinti ‘to make a mark’) or have more specific shades of meaning (šak­ninti ‘to make or encourage roots to grow’). Although PK is a relatively small source, it attests rare cases in which the base words of sequentives with the suffix -inti are adverbs and a pronoun: arti, greta, toli and savas. The meanings of the derivatives fully correspond to the general meaning of the category, for example, artinti ‘to make near’, savinti ‘to make one’s own, one’s own’ (DLKG 1997 [1994]: 388). The -yti, -ija, -ijo derivatives merit fuller comment. Most derivatives with this suffix are denominal (LKG 1971: 261), although, less frequently, other base words—adjectives—also occur. In general, the meanings of derivatives with this suffix are almost identical to those of derivatives with the suffix -inti. In Lithuanian dialects and old Lithuanian writings, these two suffixes are sometimes used in parallel; such cases also occur in PK: garbinti / garbyti; stiprinti / stipryti. In modern Lithuanian, the variant with -inti is becoming dominant (e.g., aušinti / aušyti; gesinti / gesyti and so on). It is also worth drawing attention here to the verbs valninti and pecėtyti. As already mentioned, this article maintains that if a verb with an evidently borrowed root in Lithuanian has an attested borrowed nominal word alongside it, i.e. a potential base word, such a verb is not automatically considered a Lithuanian derivative. The verb valninti should be classified as a Lithuanian hybrid for an obvious reason: the suffix -inti has no counterparts in the Slavic languages; in other words, it meets the definition of hybrids: “These are words that, in addition to their own [language’s morphemes], also contain non-inflectional morphemes of other languages. Hybrids usually arise through calquing, the reworking of borrowings, or word formation using already borrowed morphemes” (LKE 2008 6 [1999]: 207). Even if the aforementioned change of suffixes occurred here and valninti is a reworked form of valnyti (this verb is unattested in PK), first, reworkings of borrowings are traditionally regarded as hybrids; second, analysis established that the verb valnyti itself is probably a Lithuanian derivative from the borrowing valnas (< Old Russian вольный ‘voluntary, performed of one’s own accord; possessing the power or right to act according to one’s own will; free, encountering no obstacles; free, independent’ (SRJA III 17); Ruthenian вольный ‘free, unconstrained; innocent, acquitted; independent, not subordinate; voluntary’ (HSBM IV 165); Polish wolny ‘free, independent, unrestricted; something that someone may use freely; possessing personal freedom; etc.’ (SS X 292)). The verb pečėtyti could have been borrowed from the Slavic languages (from East Slavic) if only the suffix were taken into account, but no verbs that could have yielded precisely pečėtyti were found in Slavic-language dictionaries of the relevant period; the data support only the widely attested form pečetavoti (< Old Russian печатому, печатывати ‘to attach or apply a seal, to seal with a seal, fastening the edges of a document; to close, prohibit use’ (SRJA XVII 36); Ruthenian печатовати, печатоватъ ‘to attach a seal (to a document); to seal; figuratively, to finish, close; to confirm’ (HSBM XXIV 284); cf. Polish pieczę­tować ‘to affix a seal’ (SPol XXIV 44)). Thus, pečėtyti could be regarded as a derivative from the borrowing pečėtis (< Old Russian печать ‘a sign, symbol, trace, imprint of something; an instrument with raised signs for impressing them on something; a seal, signet; also figuratively; an imprint of a seal (signet), usually on a piece of wax or lead that was hung from or attached to a document; an imprint’ (SRJA XVII 36); Ruthenian печать, печат, печаць, печат ‘(a small metal or stone object with a sign carved into it for impressing on wax, lead, etc., to confirm the contents of a document) signet, seal; (an imprint of this sign made on wax, lead, etc., and attached by a cord to a document instead of a signature) seal’ (SSM II 143). Most PK equal-syllable sequentives are typical Lithuanian derivatives of this category; the verbs ramyti and meluoti are somewhat unusual. The latter verb stands out because of its base word: DLKG states that the base words of causative derivatives with –uoti, –uoja, –avo are most often concrete nouns (DLKG 1997 [1994]: 388), whereas meluoti, -uoja, -avo is derived from the abstract noun melas. Perhaps for this reason its meaning is somewhat removed from the general meaning of the category and is ‘to tell a lie’. The other verb is more interesting because of its form. Ramyti is not common in modern Lithuanian or in old writings in general; raminti is more usual. However, given the parallelism of the suffixes –inti / –yti, such a verb is entirely plausible, though rare. Unequal-syllable sequentives stand out somewhat from this group; there are considerably fewer of them. In modern Lithuanian, many verbs with the suffix –ėti and its variants are no longer associated with any nominal words. Nevertheless, the derivational opposition between žymėti and žymė is clear, so the verb is classified as morphologically transparent. 1.2. Stative derivatives, also called statives, number 12 in PK; they denote a static state of indefinite duration associated with what is expressed by the base word. The general meaning of the category 7 can be explained as ‘to be such or in such a state; to feel or have what is expressed by the base word’. As a rule, derivatives in this group are formed with all eight principal nominal suffixal morphemes (DLKG 1997 [1994]: 393). PK statives likewise have various suffixes: • –auti, –auja, –avo: [pateikauti], [–auja], –avo (pateikaviman PK 234,20): pateika ‘favor, grace, etc.’ LKŽė; prieštarauti (priestarauti PK 78,25), [–auja], [–avo]: prieštara ‘contradiction, dispute; a judgment in which one thought negates another, contradiction, etc.’ LKŽė; [reikalauti], –auja (reykatauja PK 205,25), [–avo]: reikalas ‘a task to be performed, assignment, interest; a necessary thing, necessity, need, etc.’ LKŽė; rūstauti (ne rustaut PK 220,19), [–auja], –avo (apsirustawo PK 195,8): rūstus ‘angry, cruel; rough, offensive, etc.’ LKŽė; • –enti, –ena, –eno: gyventi (giwenti PK 71,2), [–ena], [–eno]: gyvas ‘alive, living, not dead, etc.’ LKŽė; • –eti, –i, –ėja: gailėti (gayleti PK 71,11), gaili (gaylis PK 84,15) and –ėja (nesigayleia PK 164,4), [–ėjo]: gailus ‘compassionate; deserving pity, poignant, wretched, tearful; sad, etc.’ LKŽė; gėdėtis (nęsėgedami PK 82,21), [–isi], [–ėjosi]: gėda ‘dishonor, shame’ LKŽė; [norėti], nori (nenorinti PK 133,19), [–ėjo]: noras ‘an inner impulse to do something, obtain or have something, satisfy oneself; the ability to decide, will, etc.’ LKŽė; • –oti, –oja, –ojo: abejoti (abeiotumbim PK 25,6), –oja (neabeioiam PK 214,11), –ojo (abeioimas PK 246,13): abeja ‘doubt’ LKŽė; sieloti (ne sielok PK 59,14), [–oja], [–ojo]: siela ‘the inner psychic world of a person, their consciousness, feelings, experiences; in religion – the immortal immaterial essence of a person connecting them with God; spirit, etc.’ LKŽė; • –uoti, –uoja, –avo: sylvartuoti (ne silwartuor PK 60,16), [–uoja], [–avo]: sylvoartas ‘conflict, worry, heartache’ LKŽė; žaliuoti (žáluodams PK 43,17), [–uoja], [–avo]: žalias ‘one of the primary colors of the spectrum, situated between yellow and cyan; a color like grass’ LKŽė. Of the 12 PK stative verbs, the base words of only four are adjectives: rūstus, gyvas, gailus, žalias, although stative verbs are precisely those most often formed from adjectives. The base words of the remaining stative verbs are abstract nouns. One PK stative verb is of the mixed type (norėti); in the present tense of another, PK įvairoja, both a suffixless form gaili and a suffixed form gailėja are attested. As can be seen, the verb žaliuoti has the suffix –uoti, which in Lithuanian generally is highly productive and characteristic of almost all categories of denominal verbs. If žaliuoti and žalias are related derivationally, the derivative may have two meanings: “to make green” and “to be green.” Whether the derivative is a mutative or a stative can be concluded only from the meaning of the derivative, and this is revealed only by the context: Tas bus kaip medžias isodintas / ant pawersmiu wisad žaluodams / ir duos waysiu wisokuy ciesu PK 43,17. As can be seen from the PK excerpt, in the catechism this verb is used in the more common meaning ‘to be green’ LKŽė; thus, it is a stative derivative. 1.3. There are fewer derivatives belonging to the category of derivatives with a state-correspondence meaning than there are stative verbs. Most state-correspondence derivatives are formed from nouns; the general category meaning is “to perform the functions of, work as, behave as what is expressed by the base word” (DLKG 1997 [1994]: 391), and the verbs are intransitive. Most PK state-correspondence derivatives are formed with 8 the most productive suffix of this category, –(i)auti: karaliauti (karalaut PK 113,10), –auja (karaliauenti PK 207,14), [–auo]: karalius ‘a ruler’s, monarch’s title in certain countries; a person holding that title, etc.’ LKŽe; prarakauti (prarakauti PK 160,18), [–auja], –avo (prarakawa PK 178,3): prarakas ‘a proclaimer of future events; a saint of heaven, God’s helper’ LKŽe; tarnauti (tarnautumbim PK 22,21), –auja (tarnauja PK 227,5), [–avo]: tarnas ‘a hired domestic worker who performs various tasks assigned by the master and serves them; a slave’ LKŽe; viešpatauti (wieszpataus PK 85,17), [–auja], [–avo]: viešpats ‘a person possessing any authority, a ruler; the supreme almighty being, God, etc.’ LKŽe. Several of the aforementioned state-correspondence derivatives are formed from loanwords karalius and prarakas. Karalius is an old-layer loanword that came from East Slavic (cf. Old Russian король ‘король, правитель’ (SRJA VII 338), Ruthenian король ‘кароль, манарх’ (HSBM XVI 21). LKŽ does not indicate a foreign origin for it, so at least in LKŽ karaliauti is not marked as a hybrid, i.e. as not used in contemporary Lithuanian, although formally karaliauti does not differ from prarakauti. The latter verb is classified as a hybrid because its base word prarakas ‘prophet’ entered Lithuanian only in later periods (< Old Russian пророкъ ‘предсказатель, предвестник’ (SRJA XX 207); Ruthenian пророкъ, пророк ‘прарoк, праказальнік’ (HSBM XXIX 213); Polish prorok ‘człowiek posłany przez Boga, przemawiający w Jego imieniu i głoszący Jego wolę’ (SPol XXX 360)) and prarakauti is a state-correspondence derivative, today perceived as a typical hybrid: its suffix has no analogues in the Slavic languages and does not conform to the system for integrating Slavicisms (with regard to verbs in the Slavic languages, –avoti would be expected regularly); it has a borrowed base word with a Slavic root. The assignment of one verb to this category is problematic. Although the suffix –inti is rare in the state-correspondence category, it is nevertheless possible; therefore, the verb auklinti (vzauklintu PK 239,21), [–ina], [–ino] could belong to it, with the base word being the noun auklė ‘a nursemaid, a child’s caregiver’ LKŽe. However, DLKG states that state-correspondence verbs with this suffix are intransitive, whereas in this case the verb is transitive. 1.4. There are only 2 derivatives with a participation meaning in PK: kariauti (kariaut PK 141,17), [–iauja], [–iavo]: karas ‘conflict, worry, heartache’ LKŽe; pasnykauti (pasnikaudams PK 88,26), [–auja], [–avo]: pasnykas ‘abstention from certain foods (usually meat, formerly also milk) on days prescribed by religion’ LKŽe. Although the verb pasnykauti is a hybrid, both words in this category are typical derivatives of the participation-meaning derivational category: they have the suffix –(i)auti (verbs in this category are formed only with the suffixes –(i)auti and –(i)uoti), and their base words are abstract nouns. The categories of PK denominal derivation, the frequency of their base words, and the productivity of the suffixes are presented concisely in the table (see table). 9 Table. Categories of PK denominal derivation: frequency of derivational bases and suffixes Derivational category Derivational base Suffixes mutative-meaning derivatives (51) noun (1) -ėti (1) adjective (29) noun (8) -inti (41) pronoun (1) adverb (3) noun (4) -yti (6) adjective (2) noun (1) -oti (2) adjective (1) noun (1) -uoti (1) stative derivatives (12) noun (3) -auti (4) adjective (1) adjective (1) -ena (1) noun (2) -ėti (3) adjective (1) noun (2) -oti (2) adjective (1) -uoti (2) noun (1) state-correspondence-meaning derivatives (5) noun (4) –(i)auti (4) noun (1) -inti (1) participation-meaning derivatives (2) noun (2) –(i)auti (2) 10 CONCLUSIONS Most PK denominal suffixed verbs belong to the category of mutative-meaning derivatives. They account for as much as 73 percent of all PK denominal verbs. Stative derivatives account for 17 percent of all PK denominals, state-correspondence derivatives for 7 percent, while the smallest category of PK denominal verb derivatives is that of participation meaning, accounting for only 3 percent. PK denominals are formed with nearly all suffixes possible in their derivation: –(i)auti, –enti, –ėti, –inti, –yti, –(i)oti, –(i)uoti. There are no derivatives with the suffix –inėti. In a relatively small source, parallel formations with the suffixes –inti and –yti are attested: garbinti / garbyti, stiprinti / stipryti. The meanings of these sequences are identical. Competition between the suffixes –inti and –yti in the derivation of sequences is also found in other Lithuanian writings of the 16th–17th centuries. In contemporary standard Lithuanian, derivatives with –inti are becoming established. Almost all denominal verbs found in PK are even-stemmed; only 7 words belong to the mixed type: žymėti, žymi, –ėjo; mainyti, maino, mainė; ramyti, ramo, ramė; saugoti, –o, –ojo; gailėti, gaili and –ėja, –ėjo; norėti, nori, –ėjo; gedėtis, –isi, –ėjosi. Some of these verbs are no longer regarded by researchers as morphologically transparent. There are more adjectival than nominal derivatives: there are 30 derivatives from nouns and 36 from adjectives. Adverbs serve as the base words of 3 verbs, and a pronoun serves as the base word of 1. Some PK derivational categories also accurately reflect derivational tendencies characteristic of contemporary Lithuanian. Usually, the base words of sequences with the suffix –inti are adjectives; of the 41 mutative-meaning verbs formed with the suffix –inti in PK, 29 are derived from adjectives, and the meanings of such derivatives correspond fully to the general category meaning. Significantly fewer sequences are formed from nouns with the suffix –inti, and their meanings already have more varied nuances. Most state-correspondence derivatives today are formed from nouns; the most productive suffix of this category is –(i)auti, and the derived verbs are intransitive—almost all PK denominal verbs in this category meet these criteria. The same applies to both participation-meaning derivatives: both words in this category have the suffix –(i)auti, whereas verbs in this category are formed only with the suffixes –(i)auti and –(i)uoti, and their base words are abstract nouns. Moreover, even when the base word is a loanword, this does not affect the derivational category or its rules; for example, one may compare prarakauti: prarakas and tarnauti: tarnas: both base words are nouns denoting persons, as is characteristic of the state-correspondence category. PK also contains somewhat rarer cases, or at least cases that contradict present-day tendencies. One of the more conspicuous is that stative verbs are mostly formed from adjectives, whereas of the 12 PK stative verbs only four have adjectives as their base words. The case of meluoti may also be mentioned: the suffix –uoti is generally highly characteristic of the mutative-meaning category, yet PK contains only one derivative with this suffix. 11 LITERATURE AND SOURCES Arkadiev Peter, Pakerys Jurgis 2015: Lithuanian morphological causatives: A corpus-based study. – Voice and Argument Structure in Baltic, ed. by A. Holvoet, N. Nau, Amsterdam, Philadelphia: John Benjamins, 39–97. DLKG 1997 [1994]: Dabartinės lietuvių kalbos gramatika [Grammar of the Modern Lithuanian Language], ed. V. Ambrazas, 3rd revised edition, Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidybos institutas. HSBM IV: Histaryčny słounik biełaruski̇j movy [Historical Dictionary of the Belarusian Language] 4, red. A. M. Bulyka, Minsk: Navuka i technika, 1984. HSBM XVI: Histaryčny słounik biełaruski̇j movy [Historical Dictionary of the Belarusian Language] 16, red. A. M. Bulyka, Minsk: Belaruskaia navuka, 1997. HSBM XXIV: Histaryčny słounik biełaruski̇j movy [Historical Dictionary of the Belarusian Language] 24, red. A. M. Bulyka, Minsk: Belaruskaia navuka, 2005. HSBM XXIX: Histaryčny słounik biełaruski̇j movy [Historical Dictionary of the Belarusian Language] 29, red. A. M. Bulyka, Minsk: Belaruskaia navuka, 2009. Kruopas Jonas 1970: The Lexicon of the Catechism of Merkelis Petkevičius (1598) [Lexicon of the Catechism of Merkelis Petkevičius]. – Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai 12, 83–154. Kuźmina Dariusz 2002: Katechizmy w Rzeczypospolitej XVI i początku XVII wieku [Catechisms in the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth in the 16ᵗʰ and Early 17ᵗʰ Centuries], Warsaw: Stowarzyszenie Bibliotekarzy Polskich. LKG 1971: Lietuvių kalbos gramatika [Lithuanian Grammar] 2, chief ed. K. Ulvydas, Vilnius: Mintis. LKE 2008 [1999]: Lietuvių kalbos enciklopedija [Lithuanian Language Encyclopedia], comp. K. Morkūnas, ed. V. Ambrazas, 2nd revised and supplemented edition, Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidybos institutas. LKŽe: Lietuvių kalbos žodynas [Lithuanian Language Dictionary] (1–20, 1941–2002), electronic version, editorial board: G. Naktinienė (chief editor), J. Paulauskas, R. Petrokienė, V. Vitkauskas, J. Zabarskaitė; programmers: E. Ožeraitis, V. Zinkevičius, Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas, updated version, 2018. Available online: http://www.lkz.lt. Niedźwiedź Jakub 2008: Jan Kochanowski, poeta Litewski [Jan Kochanowski, Lithuanian Poet]. – Acta historica universitatis Klaipėdensis 16, 179–187. Pakalniškienė Dalia 2019: Denominative Verbs in the 1759 “Ziwatas” [Denominative Verbs Attested to in the Old Lithuanian Text “Ziwatas” (1759)]. – Res Humanitariae 26, 8–36. DOI: https://doi.org/10.15181/rh.v26i0.2044. PK 1939: 1598 metų Merkelio Petkevičiaus katekizmas [The 1598 Catechism of Merkel Petkevičius], prepared by J. Balčikonis. Kaunas: Knygų leidimo komisija. 12 Pakerys Jurgis 2002: On the Relations and Formation of Lithuanian Mixed-Type Verb Stems [On Lithuanian Mixed Type Verbs: Stem Relations and Derivation]. – Baltistica 37(2), 233–244. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/baltistica.37.2.697. Pakerys Jurgis 2005: The Formation of Mixed and Suffixed Verbs in 16th-Century Lithuanian Minor Prints: doctoral dissertation [Formation of Mixed and Suffixed Verbs in 16th Century Lithuanian Minor Prints: Doctoral Dissertation], Vilnius: Vilnius University. Pakerys Jurgis 2017: On the development of past habitual from iterative in Lithuanian. – Baltistica 52(2), 295–323. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/baltistica.52.2.2324. Pakerys Jurgis 2019: Periphrastic causative constructions in 16th–17th century Lithuanian. – Baltistica 54(2), 287–315. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/baltistica.54.2.2342. Pociūtė-Abukevičienė Dainora 2005: Psalms in the Hymnbooks of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. 16thth Century: From the Nesvyžius Catechism to the Lithuanian Translations of Merkelis Petkevičius [Psalms from the Grand Duchy of Lithuania Hymnbooks. 16th Century: From the Nesvyžius Catechism to Merkelis Petkevičius’ Lithuanian Translations]. – Literatura 47(1), 29–43. DOI: https://doi.org/10.15388/Litera.2005.1.8148. Smetonienė Anželika 2016: Deverbal Abstract Nouns with the Suffix -imas / -ymas in the Catechism of M. Petkevičius (1598): Their Formation and Translation [Verbal Nouns Abstracts with the suffix -imas / -ymas in the Catechism of M. Petkevičius (1598): The Formation and Translation]. – Lietuvių kalba 10, [1–13]. DOI: https://doi.org/10.15388/LK.2016.22589. Smetonienė Anželika 2017: Borrowings in M. Petkevičius’ Catechism (1598): Slavisms of Unclear Origin [Borrowings from Petkevičius’ Catechism (1598): Slav icisms of Unclear Origin]. – Lietuvių kalba 11, [1–34]. DOI: https://doi.org/10.15388/LK.2017.22545. Smetonienė Anželika 2018: Absolute Synonyms in M. Petkevičius’ Catechism (1598) against the Background of Other 16th–17thth-Century Lithuanian Writings [Absolute Synonyms in the Ontext of Other Lithuanian Writings of the 16th–17th Centuries]. – Acta Linguistica Lithuanica 79, 235–252. Smetonienė Anželika 2019a: Patterns of morphological integration of Slavic loan nouns in Petkevičius’ Catechism (1598) as an indication of their origin and chronology. – Studia z Filologii Polskiej i Słowiańskiej 54, [1–30]. DOI: https://doi.org/10.11649/sfps.1766. Smetonienė Anželika 2019b: Slavic-Root Verbs in the PK: Loanwords and Problematic Cases [PC Slavic Root Verbs: Loanwords and Problem Cases]. – Lietuvių kalba 13, [1–12]. DOI: https://doi.org/10.15388/LK.2019.22479. Smetonienė Anželika 2021: Deverbatives in M. Petkevičius’ Catechism (1598) [Deverbatives in the Catechism of M. Petkevičius (1598)]. – Acta Linguistica Lithuanica 84, 50–66. DOI: https://doi.org/10.35321/all84-03. 13 SPol XXIV: Słownik polszczyzny XVI wieku [Dictionary of the 16th Century Polish Language] 24, ed. M. R. Mayenowa, Wrocław, Warszawa, Kraków, Gdańsk, Łódź: Instytut badań literackich, 1996. SPol XXX: Słownik polszczyzny XVI wieku [Dictionary of the 16th Century Polish Language] 30, ed. F. Papłowski, Wrocław, Warszawa, Kraków, Gdańsk, Łódź: Instytut badań literackich, 2002. SRJА III: Slovar russkogo jazyka XI–XVII vv. [Dictionary of the Russian Language of the XI–XVII Centuries] 3, ed. S. G. Barchudarov, Moscow: Nauka, 1976. SRJА VII: Slovar russkogo jazyka XI–XVII vv. [Dictionary of the Russian Language of the XI–XVII Centuries] 7, ed. F. P. Filin, Moscow: Nauka, 1980. SRJА XVII: Slovar russkogo jazyka XI–XVII vv. [Dictionary of the XI–XVII Centuries Russian Language] 17, gen. ed. G. A. Bogatova, Moscow: Nauka, 1991. SRJА XX: Slovar russkogo jazyka XI–XVII vv. [Dictionary of the XI–XVII Centuries Russian Language] 20, gen. ed. G. A. Bogatova, Moscow: Nauka, 1995. SS X: Słownik staropolski [Old Polish Dictionary] 10, ed. S. Urbańczyk, Wrocław, Warszawa, Kraków, Gdańsk, Łódź: Zakład Narodowy im. Ossolińskich, 1990. SSM II: Slovynyk staroukrajins’koji movy XIV–XV st. [Dictionary of the Old Ukrainian Language of the 14th–15th Centuries] 2, red. L. L. Gumecka, I. M. Kernyckyj, Kyjiv: Naukova dumka, 1978. Urbutis Vincas 2009 [1978]: Theory of Word Formation [Theory of Word Formation], Vilnius: Institute of Science and Encyclopaedia Publishing. Denominal Verbs in the Catechism of M. Petkevičius (1598) SUMMARY The language of Merkel Petkevičius’ Catechism (hereafter – PC), published in 1598, has been little studied in comparison with other sources of the 16th–17th centuries. Moreover, although the derivation of verbs in the present-day Lithuanian language has recently been studied more extensively, the suffixal verbs of the old scripts have not yet received sufficient attention. This article aims to investigate the denominal categories of PC suffixal verbs and, if they are present, to identify the differences between PC and the present-day Lithuanian in this area. For this purpose, all the forms of suffixal verbs and their derivatives, which are indicative of the basic forms of the verb, have been selected from the dictionary of M. Petkevičius’ Catechism compiled by J. Kruopas, as well as from the photostatic edition of the Catechism published in 1939. In total, 70 denominal suffixal verbs selected after derivational analysis are examined in this article. The PC verbs presented here are formally 14 and semantically grounded on the base words, with a clear derivational motivation linking the derivative and the base word. In cases where the derivational motivation already seems to be remote, the verbs have been excluded from the article as they are synchronically indivisible. The analysis revealed that as many as 73% of all PC verbs are denominal verbs of the factitive meaning. The PC also reveals a variety of denominal suffixes, with only one of the characteristic suffixes of this group of words not attested in the PC. The number of adjectival derivatives is slightly higher than the number of noun derivatives – 30 from nouns and 37 from adjectives. In a relatively short source, five verbs were found whose base words are adverbs and one is a pronoun. In general, the PC derivational categories reflect well the derivational tendencies of the present-day Lithuanian language, with a few exceptions. 15