On South Estonian placenames in Ludza (Lutsi) region in Eastern Latvia (Latgalia)

Acta Linguistica Lithuanica 2026, vol. 94, pp. 1–28 Contents link / Turinio nuoroda ISSN 2669–218X (online / elektroninis) ON SOUTH ESTONIAN PLACENAMES IN LUDZA (LUTSI) REGION IN EASTERN LATVIA (LATGALIA) 1 Dėl pietų estų vietovardžių Ludzos regione rytų Latvijoje (Latgaloje) SIMONAS NOREIKIS University of Helsinki E-mail: [email protected] ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2895-5880 Fields of research: Finno-Ugric historical and comparative linguistics, onomastics. https://doi.org/10.35321/all94-07 ANNOTATION The article investigates Estonian toponyms in the Ludza area of Latvia’s Latgale region. Lutsi Estonians were a group of Estonians who moved to this area in the 17th and 18th centuries and were ultimately assimilated into the local population in the 20th century. The sources of the material studied include: toponyms presented in earlier research (5), the Estonian Language Institute (EKI) toponym card index (54), the book Eesti murded IX, which contains samples of Lutsi Estonian language (1), and the database of the Latvian Geospatial Information Agency (LGIA) (1). The investigated toponyms are compared primarily to those from the South Estonian dialect area and toponyms in other Finnic territories. The Estonian etymology of three toponyms presented in earlier research is rejected. Two toponyms can be considered Estonian because no alternative etymologies were found. The EKI card index contains 98 cards. Some of these are transparent Finnic toponyms that require no further explanation. A total of 54 toponyms were selected, formed from specific Lutsi Estonian appellatives or South Estonian words, while the others are adapted Latvian or Slavic toponyms. Toponyms found in Eesti murded IX and the LGIA database can be explained as specific South Estonian toponyms. The vast majority of the investigated toponyms no longer exist, as the Lutsi Estonians were multilingual and likely used different versions of these toponyms depending on the language spoken. Following the extinction of the Lutsi Estonian language, the Estonian versions of the toponyms also disappeared. KEYWORDS: onomastics, toponyms, Latgalia, Ludza, South Estonian language islands. ANOTACIJA Straipsnis skirtas estų vietovardžių tyrimui Ludzos apylinkėse Latgalos regione Latvijoje. Ludzos estai – XVII–XVIII a. atsikėlusi arba atkeldinta estų grupė, kalbėjusi pietų estų tarmėmis, ir galutinai asimiliuota XX a. Tiriamos medžiagos šaltiniai yra šie: ankstesniuose tyrimuose aptarti vietovardžiai (5), Estų kalbos instituto (EKI) vietovardžių kartoteka (54), leidinys Eesti murded IX su Ludzos estų tarmių tekstais (1) ir Latvijos geordvinės informacijos agentūros (LGIA) duomenų bazė (1). Tiriami vietovardžiai pirmiausia lyginami su pietų estų tarmių arealo vietovardžiais, taip pat su kitų finų kalbų arealų vietų vardais. Ankstesniuose tyrimuose aptarti vietovardžių estiškos kilmės galimybė atmesta, tačiau dviejų iš jų kilmė gali būti estiška, nes argumentų dėl kitokios etimologijos nėra. EKI kartotekoje yra 98 kortelės. Dalyje iš jų užrašyti aiškūs finiški vietovardžiai, nereikalaujantys papildomo paaiškinimo. Iš viso tyrimui pasirinkti 54 vietovardžiai, 1 The study has been financed by Kone Foundation (Koneen säätiö, Finland). Copyright © 2026 Simonas Noreikis. Published by the Institute of the Lithuanian Language. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution Licence, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. // Išleido Lietuvių kalbos institutas. Šis straipsnis yra atviros prieigos, platinamas pagal „Creative Commons“ priskyrimo licencijos sąlygas, leidžiančias neribotai naudoti, platinti ir atkurti turinį bet kokioje laikmenoje, nurodant autorių ir šaltinį. Received: / Gauta: 2026-02-14. Accepted: / Priimta: 2026-06-04. 1 sudaryti iš savitų Ludzos estų tarmės apeliatyvų ar pietų estų žodžių; kiti – adaptuoti latvių ar slavų vietovardžiai. Eesti murded IX ir LĢIA rasti vietovardžiai gali būti aiškinami kaip saviti pietų estų vietų vardai. Didžioji dalis tiriamų estų vietovardžių neišliko, kadangi Ludzos estai buvo daugiakalbiai ir kitos kalbos vartosenoje panaudodavo atitinkamą vietovardžio variantą kita kalba. Sulįg estų kalbos išnykimu tiriamame plote išnyko ir vietovardžių variantai šia kalba. ESMINIAI ŽODŽIAI: onomastika, vietovardžiai, Latgala, Ludza, pietų estų kalbų salos. 1. Introduction 1.1. Aim This study focuses on South Estonian placenames in the Ludza (Lutsi)2 region of Eastern Latvia (Latgale). The aim is to analyse their etymologies and structures, comparing them primarily to toponyms in the South Estonian language. 1.2. Historical Background of Latgalia Latgalia (Lv Latgale, Ltg Latgola) has a different historical background from other parts of Latvia (see Zubko–Melne 2018). During the period when Latgalia was part of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth, the region was referred to as Polish Livonia (Pl Inflanty Polskie). Historian Gustaw Manteuffel (1879: 21) begins the first chapter of his magnum opus, Inflanty Polskie: “The early history of Polish Livonia is shrouded in darkness that no light has yet illuminated. Whether Latvians were the earliest indigenous inhabitants here, or whether Finnic tribes displaced the local population during the migration of peoples, remains unresolved to this day.”3 Since that publication, archaeologists and linguists have been attempting to address this question, though many related issues remain unresolved. Currently, the local language of the region is Latgalian, whose status as a dialect or a separate language is still debated (see Stafecka 2025). In any case, Latgalian exhibits distinct phonological traits and specific vocabulary compared to standard Latvian (e.g. Lv valoda ~ Ltg volūda ‘language’, Lv peldēties ~ Ltg maudoutis “to swim”) and due to these differences, they are not completely mutually intelligible. Unlike other parts of Latvia, where Lutheranism predominates, Catholicism is the dominant faith in Latgalia. This region has been multicultural for centuries (Manteuffel 2020: 243). In addition to Latgalians, a significant Polish community is present. Due to the proximity of Russia and Belarus, there are also Russian and Belarusian communities. Among the Russian-speaking inhabitants, communities of Orthodox Old Believers exist, each with a different historical background from other Russians. Furthermore, Lithuanian communities have been located in various parts of Latgalia, particularly within the Subate–Tiskādi–Sarja triangle (Garšva 1989: 64). There was also a South Estonian-speaking community that was assimilated in the 20thth century. 1.3. Historical Background of Lutsi Estonians Ludza (Est Lutsi) Estonians lived in the area around the town of Ludza. Their language was a variation of South Estonian (Ariste 1963: 177). Besides Lutsi, South Estonian includes Võro, Seto, and Leivu variations (Kallio 2018). The origin and timing of the arrival of Lutsi Estonians remain unclear. Latvian researcher Saulvedis Cimermanis (2017: 9) mentions three different hypotheses: 1. They are descendants of the region’s ancient Finno-Ugric inhabitants, who are ethnically mixed and preserved their language for an extended period. 2 For the town name here, the Latvian form Ludza will be used, whereas for the Estonian dialect, the form Lutsi will be used. 3 Translated from Polish by the author. 2 2. They were newcomers from Estonia who, fleeing the oppression of German nobility and serfdom, found refuge in Polish-conquered Latgalia after the 1629 Armistice of Altmark; however, returning to Estonia was not easy. 3. They were Estonian peasants bought or exchanged for other goods by Polish or German noblemen, and later settled in their Latgale manors. In addition to these hypotheses, it is believed that Estonians arrived in the Ludza region at the beginning of the 18th century during the Northern War (Ojansuu 1912: 23). Multiple waves of migration brought Estonians to Latgalia, which explains the variation in their subdialects (Balodis 2022: 45). According to Petri Kallio, Estonians could not have settled in Ludza before the first half of the 17th century, as sound changes occurring in Lutsi Estonian align with those in South Estonian by the mid-17th century (e.g. plural ending –d > –q, Kallio 2018: 113). Map 1. Movement of Estonians to Ludza according to Heikki Ojansuu (1912: 21) (map made by Darya Donskaya) Recent research suggests that there may have also been Estonian settlements in the Rēzekne region (Balodis 2023). 2. Earlier Research on the Finnic Toponyms of Latgalia and Starting Points of the Study In his book Lutsi maarahvas, Oskar Kallas (1894: 31–33) dedicated a paragraph to placenames. He asserted that an Estonian village has three names (see Appendix 2): 1) the original Estonian name; 2) a Latvian or Russian name that is either a) a direct translation, b) an adaptation, or c) an unrelated original name; 3) a secondary Estonian form derived from the Latvian or Russian name. H. Ojansuu (1912: 21–22) found parallels (see Appendix 1) between toponyms in the Ludza and Vastseliina regions, indicating historical and linguistic connections, and proposed that Lutsi Estonians originally migrated from the Vastseliina area. The toponyms he mentioned are largely the same as those noted by O. Kallas. In addition to comparing these toponyms to those in the Vastseliina region, he also commented on O. Kallas’s original proposals. Later investigations did not strictly focus on the Ludza region; rather, they encompassed all of Latvia, or at least Latgalia. In the 1920s, Lithuanian linguist Kazimieras Būga sought to find parallels between Latvian and Finnic toponyms, and his etymological proposals were cited in subsequent research. In 1968, Marta Rudzīte wrote an article titled Somugris̄kie hidronīmi Latvijas teritorijā, citing 247 toponyms from across Latvia, with 15 located in Latgalia and only 3 in the Ludza region. In the 1970s and 1980s, Antons Breidaks conducted extensive research into the toponyms of Latgalia (e.g., Влияние прибалтийско–финских языков на латгальские говоры Лудзенского района Латвийской ССР (En: The Influence of the Baltic–Finnic Languages on the Latgalian Dialects of the Ludza Region of the Latvian SSR, 1970), Прибалтийско–финские названия рек в Латгалии (En: Baltic–Finnic Names of Rivers in Latgale, 1973a), Славянские названия рек в Латгалии (En: Slavic Names of Rivers in Latgale, 1973b), Ezera nosaukuma S'īvers' etimoloģija (En: Etymology of The Lake Name S'īvers', 1983), Baltijas somu izcelsmes hidronīmi Latgalē (En: Hydronyms of Baltic–Finnic Origin in Latgale, 1989)), alongside American Latvian researcher Valdis J. Zeps (e.g., A critique of proposed Finnic hydronyms in Latgola (1977) and Pre-Latgalian hydronyms in East Latvia (Zeps, Rosenshield 1995)). However, most of the research weight has leaned toward possible Finnic toponyms that likely predated the migration of Estonians and even the Baltic settlement. A robust debate ensued, evident in V. J. Zeps’s 1977 article, where he critiqued the etymologies proposed by M. Rudzīte (1968) and A. Breidaks (1970; 1973a), and in A. Breidaks’s 1989 follow-up where he countered V. J. Zeps’s (1977) remarks. Some of the etymologies proposed by M. Rudzīte, A. Breidaks, and V. J. Zeps were subsequently commented on by Bušs and Balode in the 2000s (e.g., Bušs, Balode–Anelauskaite 2005; Balode 2007; Balode, Bušs 2009). Finnic etymological suggestions are also recorded in the Latvian toponym dictionary (LVV) volumes. 3. Methods and Materials In this study, historical-geographical, substrate onomastic, and etymological methods are used. Given that the hypothesis of Lut̄si Estonians as a relocated population is the most widely accepted, it is necessary to apply settlement-historical onomastic methods. Denis V. Kuzmin (2014: 28) summarises that the main idea of settlement-historical onomastics is that a migrating population carries new toponyms to their new settlement area, using the same constructional, vocabulary, and semantic models of toponyms from their previous home. This concept is based on the works of Eero Kiviniemi (1977; 1978). Consequently, a comparative study of the structural and semantic typology of toponyms in substrate languages or languages related to them will be applied, aiming to identify shared naming models and motivations (Saarikivi 2007: 58). Here, the term “substrate language” refers to the Lut̄si Estonian dialect, while related languages primarily include other South Estonian dialects and other Finnic languages. Finally, as parts of the investigated toponyms do not have transparent meaning, it is necessary to find their etymology and source 4 language by comparing them to appellatives and proper names in the related languages (other Finnic languages) as well as other languages spoken in the area of investigation (Latvian, Lithuanian, Russian, Polish, Belarusian). As the study focuses on toponyms in a minority language surrounded by other languages (Baltic and Slavic), it is also essential to investigate the potential influence of the dominant languages on the toponyms of the minority language. Therefore, a contact onomastics method will be employed. Berit Sandnes (2016) describes the phenomena of name adaptation (e.g., phonological, morphological, semantic, and lexical) and translation that occur when a proper name is transferred from one language to another. The constructions of Lutsi Estonian toponyms are analysed by comparing them to other Finnic toponyms (Finnish and Estonian), using works by E. Kiviniemi (1971; 1975; 1977; 1978), which describe Finnish toponymy, and Eesti murded ja kohanimed (EmjK) for Estonian toponyms. Material for this study comes from various sources. The first source is earlier research literature that identifies possible Finnic toponyms in the Ludza region, with etymological proposals briefly reviewed. The primary resource for this study is the toponym card index of the Estonian Language Institute (EKI kohanimekartoteek), which contains 98 cards of Lutsi Estonian toponyms. Additionally, one proper name will be taken from Eesti murded IX, which includes transcriptions of Lutsi and Leivu Estonian recordings. This toponym was chosen because it was not mentioned in earlier research or in the card index. In this study, toponyms from the EKI card index and other sources will be compared to toponyms from the historical Võrumaa region based on the following literature and sources: a) the PhD dissertation by Evar Saar, Võrumaa kohanimede analüüs enamlevinud nimeosade põhjal ja traditsioonilise kogukonna nimesüsteem (En: An Analysis of Place Names in Võrumaa on the Basis of the Most Common Name Elements, 2008), provides the most common name formants in the Võrumaa naming system, which helps to identify similar formants in names presented in the EKI card index, b) the Kohanimeandmebaas (KNAB) Estonian placename database allows for the search of toponyms and provides their exact locations in Estonia, c) the Eesti kohanimeraamat (EKNR) Estonian toponym book presents Estonian toponyms along with their etymological explanations, d) the Eesti murrete sõnaraamat (EMS) and Väike murdesõnastik (VMS) Estonian dialect dictionaries explain the meanings of toponyms formed from specific dialectal South Estonian appellatives. e) the Ajaloolise Võrumaa kohanimede andmebaas (AVKA) placename database of the historical Võrumaa which documents vernacular Võro-language place name usage as recorded from local inhabitants during fieldwork in the 1990s–2000s. Given that the study area is located in Latvia, relevant Latvian resources will also be used. The key Latvian sources include: a) the Toponym Database of the Latvian Geospatial Information Agency (LGIA), which allows users to search for toponyms and find their exact locations on maps of Latvia. Unfortunately, it has the drawback that while names can be searched, it is not possible to select a specific location on the map to display the name of the chosen place, b) the eight-volume LVV, which provides Latvian toponyms along with possible etymological proposals, c) the database of Latvian surnames (LU) offers insights into possible etymologies for surnames that may have influenced the formation of toponyms. The etymology of surnames can significantly alter the meaning of toponyms, d) the Latvian toponym card index from the Latvian Language Institute, e) 18th and 19th century maps of Latvia, which can be viewed in vesture.dodies.lv. 5 4. Analysis 4.1. Some Etymologies from Earlier Research 4.1.1. Auneja (river), Aunejis azars (lake) A. Breidaks (2007 [1989]: 385) compares Auneja and Aunejis azars with Finnish Ounasjoki and Ounasjärvi, located in northern Lapland. Terho I. Itkonen (1920: 49) records the Sámi form áv́dnesjohka and relates it to Aunus (Rus Олонец), although Jalo Kalima (1942: 161–163) points out that the etymology of Aunus is problematic. While hydronyms beginning with Aunare relatively common in North Finnic, they are not attested in the South Finnic area, including Estonia. From an areal-typological perspective, this weakens the comparison between Auneja and Finnic Auntoponyms. A propos, Aunus (Livvi Karelian Anus, Rus Олонец⁴) initially probably had *AInroot, which changed to Aununder the influence of Vepsian (l > u shift, e.g. Fi pelto ~ Veps pöud ‘field’). In LVV (I 54–55), numerous Auntoponyms are listed in different parts of Latvia (Courland and Vidzeme), related to the Latvian appellative auns ‘ram’. At first glance, this explanation seems less convincing for Latgalia, where the corresponding word is vucyns. For this reason, Auneja cannot be straightforwardly associated with the Auntoponymic group. However, the presence of place names such as Auni (farm) and Aunāži (forest ranger station) in Latgalia (Zeps 1984: 28) indicates that the Aunroot is not entirely absent from the region. A. Breidaks’ attempt to propose a Finno-Ugric etymology for Auneja may have been motivated by this dialectal discrepancy (vucyns vs. auns). Nevertheless, the proposed comparison remains unconvincing. The aim of the present study is to scrutinise the Finno-Ugric etymology, and this hypothesis must be regarded as unlikely. Formulating an alternative etymology would require a more detailed analysis and thus falls outside the scope of this study. The origin of Auneja and its possible connection with Auni and Aunāži should be addressed in a separate investigation, considering historical forms such as Ayūhu (village) and Ayuņa (river) documented in Tsar Russian maps (dodies.lv). 4.1.2. Ņukšu ups’ (river), Ņukši (village) A. Breidaks (2007 [1989]: 380) compares Ņukšu ups’ to Sámi njučká ‘swan’, which at first glance may seem logical both phonologically and semantically. However, this comparison is incorrect because the cognates of the Sámi appellative begin with j (SES; UEW) (cf. Finnish joutsen, Komi, and Udmurt jos). The Sámi form is rather an exception; in other Finno-Ugric words with an initial j, the Sámi cognates also retain the j (e.g., Finnish jää ~ Sámi jiehkŋa). Thus, the comparison with Sámi njučká is unjustified. Nevertheless, the toponym Ņukši still warrants consideration as Finno-Ugric despite A. Breidaks’ faulty comparison. Notably, Ņukštoponyms are found in other Finnic areas of Latvia, specifically in the Krevinian and Livonian regions (see Map 3). Before analysing and comparing these names further, it is important to review the historical forms of Ņukši and determine whether the river name or the village name is primary. Ņukšu ups’ appears to be a secondary name derived from the village name. It designates a segment of the Pilda River between Lake Pilda (Pildas ezers) and the Great Lake of Ludza (Lielais Ludzas Ezers). This segment is also documented as Pilda, Ņukša, Ilža, and Isnauda (LĢIA), with the last name related to a village of the same name. Therefore, the primary name in this case is the village name Ņukši, which, on some maps, is marked as Ņukši (Zeps 1984). *Ņukš-/Ņukštoponyms can be compared to the Estonian nugis ‘marten’ or Finnish *Nois-/Noki-, which is encountered in Finnish toponymy but not preserved as an appellative (SES s.v. nокko; EES s.v. nugis). Another Latvian appellative for comparison is *nuka/*ņuka/nuks (ME), which means ‘a large, wedge-shaped piece of bread; ⁴ On the etymology of Олонец see also D. V. Kuzmin (2021: 52), who proposes a Sámi origin (*ölō ‘flood waters’ + suffix -nčē → *ölōnčē → Олонец), which would make a Finnic etymology of Auneja even less certain. 6 also a piece of cheese or butter; a lump’ and has an equivalent in Livonian nukā, Estonian nukk ‘id.; top, end’. V. J. Zeps (1962: 157–159) marked it as a Finnic loanword in Latvian. However, it is limited to the Vidzeme, Courland, and Semigalia regions and is not encountered in Latgalia at all. The appellative nukk is used in all Estonian dialects (VMS), but in toponyms it appears only as a generic part of compound place names (e.g., Mõtsa-nukk). Therefore, if a Finnic etymology is to be proposed, a more suitable appellative would be nugis, which has variants nukas, nugus, and nukus in South Estonian dialects. Additionally, in another Estonian-language island (Kraasna), there is a village named Ночево, which previously had another name, Hiokuu (SnprRI 2016). In summary, while the comparison with Sámi njukččā is flawed, the possibility of a Finnic etymology remains worth considering, taking into account the appellative nugis and the toponym Нокоми in the Kraasna language island. Map 2. *Nukš-/Nukštoponyms in Finnic areas of Latvia (map made by D. Donskaya) 4.1.3. Pilda, Pylda (manor, river, and lake) Latvian linguists M. Rudzīte (1968: 189) and A. Breidaks (1970: 162; 1973a: 100) consider the name of this lake to be a borrowing from Estonian. A. Breidaks suggested that the oikonym Pilda muiža is derived from Estonian põldemõis (< Est põld ‘field’ + mõis ‘estate’). This explanation seems plausible from a semantic perspective. The connection between Pylda and põld can be logically substantiated, as the vowel õ in Lutsi Estonian is pronounced as y, which is also present in Latgalian, suggesting that the term was borrowed from Lutsi Estonian. However, V. J. Zeps (1977: 432–433) noted that the estate of Pilda existed before the 18th century, as G. Manteuffel (1879: 154) mentioned that the estate was under rule in 1572. V. J. Zeps proposed two possibilities: (a) the name predates the arrival of the Estonians, or (b) Estonians were present in the 16th century (the same issue applies to the aforementioned name Nukši, Zeps 1977: 431). According to O. Kallas (1894: 32), the name Pylda was not originally used by Estonians but was later adopted into Estonian use without further explanation. 7 As previously mentioned, the connection between Pylda and põld seems logically grounded. However, semantic objections arise. Previous research failed to consider that in South Estonian, the native Finnic word nurm is more commonly used for ‘field’ than the Germanic loanword põld (in Livonian, only nůrm is used, and a cognate of Finnic *pelto is absent). Comparing the terms for ‘grey partridge (Perdix)’ in North Estonian and South Estonian reveals this difference. The North Estonian form põldpüü uses põld, while South Estonian employs nurm to form the equivalent term nurmpüüi. Thus, if the names for the lake, river, or estate were bestowed by South Estonian speakers, they would likely have been formed with the appellative nurm. This observation may reasonably support O. Kallas’s (1894: 32) contention that Pylda was not named by Estonians and suggests that possibility (a) from V. J. Zeps (1977: 433) is more probable. Even if the Estonians arrived earlier, the toponym would likely have been created using the appellative nurm. This implies that if the name predates the arrival of Estonians, it would have an alternative etymology. Baltic etymology should not be dismissed, especially since August J. Bielenstein (1892: 17) mentions Pylda without argumentation as a Latvian proper name. At first glance, it could be associated with Lt pilti (‘to pour’), Lv pilēt (‘to drip’), and the Baltic roots *pilnas (‘full’), *pild- (‘to fill’). However, this comparison appears problematic, as there are no hydronyms in Baltic toponymy with the stem pild-. If the stem was pilmeaning ‘to pour, drip’, the meaning of the suffix -da remains unclear, as it is not productive in Baltic toponymy. Notably, in the Leivu region, there is a river named Piluppe, which in Leivu is known as Põllupi. Daina Zemzare (1940: 80) suggests the element pilresults from the assimilation of ln > ll in local Latgalian dialect (e.g., piln- > pill- > pil-), as in Lv pilns ‘full’ and Ltg pylns. The Leivu version, Põllupi, may have been adapted due to its phonetic similarity to Est põld ~ põllu. Thus, Pilda might also be linked to Lv pilns ‘full’ or Lv pildīt ‘fill’. In Latvia, the surname Pildaus is found in Vidzeme, though its origin remains unexplained (LU). Finally, in Rõuge parish, there is a lake named Põldalotso järv (KNAB), which has other North Estonian forms such as Põldala or Põldealane (KNR). The latter seems to be a full form, while the others appear elliptic. Põldealane combines the elements põlde ‘field (pl. GEN)’ + NEst alane / SEst alanõ ‘a place, area, or space located under or near something’. Thus, while nurm is more widely used, põld remains a productive appellative in South Estonian. Regarding its potential connection to Pilda, it might be postulated that it represents an elliptic form of a toponym containing the elements Põldeand another beginning element that was later lost. In any case, the association of Pilda with the root põlderepresents the best available etymological explanation, as no other well-grounded etymology can be found. Further investigation into the etymology of Pilda could help determine which of V. J. Zeps’s (1977: 433) possibilities is more probable: (a) that the name predates the arrival of the Estonians, or (b) that the Estonians were already present in the 16th century. Strong arguments for the South Estonian etymology, coupled with weak arguments for the Baltic origin, suggest a higher probability of (b). However, clarifying the timing of Estonians’ arrival in the Ludza region warrants a separate study to explore this issue further. I propose a possibility (c): that Pilda might have had a different name prior to the arrival in the 18th century, although this, too, requires further investigation. 4.1.4. Rauzu azars (lake), Rauzi (village) Finnic etymology for Rauzi (as well as the river name Rauza in Vidzeme) was suggested by K. Būga (1961: 562), comparing it to an Estonian appellative rõusk (gen. sg. rõusa) and rõuzane, rauzane, raus k ane meaning ‘lumpy frozen ground, broken and piled-up hummocky ice’. K. Būga’s proposal was supported by A. Breidaks (1970: 162; 1977: 29; 1989) but criticised by V. J. Zeps (1977: 434). Later, Benita Laumane (1996: 216) supported the proposal of a Finnic etymology for the toponyms in Vidzeme while also 8 suggesting a Baltic etymology (cf. Lt rauzis ‘dug land’, etc.). These suggestions were summarised in LVV (VI 122). It is crucial to remark on the comparison with Estonian rõusk, rõusane, etc. These are dialectal forms (EKSS) used in the Western dialect of North Estonian (EMS; VMS), while the toponyms Rõusa and Rõuste are found in the Pärnumaa region associated with the aforementioned dialect. The Ludza and Vidzeme regions predominantly spoke South Estonian. Therefore, the comparison with rõusk is inadequate from an areal-typological perspective. A Baltic etymology appears more convincing. In the Latvian database (LU), the village of Raužu ciems (Rauzi) is compared with the Lithuanian surname Rauza (< rauzа ‘crying, weeping person’). 4.1.5. Soidu ezers (lake), Soidi (village) M. Rudzīte (1968: 191) compares Soidu ezers to Coūda in Karelia, which, according to Max Vasmer (1934: 56), is of Finnic origin and related to the hypothetical Soitojoki. A. Breidaks (1970: 162; 1977: 29) supported this proposal. V. J. Zeps (1977: 434) had no objections but noted that the lake name is secondary to the village name Soidi. A. Breidaks (2007 [1989]: 386–387) did not reject this possibility. However, the comparison with Coūda and the hypothetical Soitojoki is doubtful. As for Coūda, it may be Finnic but phonetically modified (ou > oi, cf. Лоűka < Louhi) and connected to Karelian hydronyms such as Čod̄ogepo and Coōda (< Finnic sou̯t- ‘to row’) (personal correspondence with Karelian toponym researcher Irma Mullonen). In LVV (VII 10) there was a comparison to South Estonian soine ‘marshy’ (genitive soidsõ) (cf. Soitsejärv near Tartu), but it does not look plausible as a Latvian version in this case should be *Soicu ez. or *Soici. Ultimately, the lake name Soidu ezers likely derives from the village name Soidi, which in turn may have been named after an anthroponym (Zeps 1984: 468). The surname Soida is relatively common in the area under investigation and is comparable to the Lithuanian surname Saidys (LU). 4.2. EKI Card Index The card index of the Estonian Language Institute (Eesti keele instituut, EKI) contains 98 cards featuring Lutsi toponyms in Estonian (some cards are repeated; see Appendix 3). A significant part of these cards are transparent, meaning the meanings of their generic and specific parts are clear, reflecting typical Finnic toponymy (cf. Kiviniemi 1975; EMjK). Some entries include distinctly South Estonian elements. The toponyms from the card index include the following generic elements: • järv ‘lake’ (3) • jõgi ‘river’ (1) • küla ‘village’ (15) • kerk ‘church’ (1) • kivi ‘stone, boulder’ (2) • kraav ‘ditch, canal’ (1) • late ‘spring, source’ (3) • lump ‘small pond, depression’ (1) • mäe ‘hill (gen), mound (gen)’ (3) • mägi ‘hill, mound’ (10) • mõts ‘forest’ (2) • mõiza ‘manor’ (1) • niit ‘meadow’ (8) • ots ‘end, tip’ (2) 9 • saar ‘island’ (2) • sild ‘bridge’ (1) • suu ‘bog’ (6) • tsopp ‘corner, hillock’ (2) • tük ‘piece, land patch’ (1). Most of these generics are common throughout Estonia. Some listed here appear in their South Estonian phonological forms (e.g., külä vs. küla, mõts vs. mets, mõiza vs. mõis, suu vs. soo, tsopp vs. sopp). Examples of the aforementioned transparent names include Kraaviots, Mõtsküla, Saarõmägi, and Suur niit. The meanings of these toponyms are clear and do not require additional explanation. Their distribution also extends beyond the South Estonian language area; they can be found in other parts of Estonia and other Finnic language areas. Consequently, only those names specifically associated with the South Estonian area or the Ludza area are discussed further. It is worth noting that these toponyms are no longer in everyday use, as the Lutsi Estonian language is extinct. Many of these toponyms likely had corresponding Latvian versions with similar meanings. For example, in the EKI card index, Kahrusuu is translated as Loču pūrs (‘bear bog’), making it difficult to ascertain which language the translation was derived from. 4.2.1. Habahaja jõgi (#1) This river derives from habah(h)ama ‘to rustle, to rumble’ (EMS). The card notes the explanation et keväjä hapa ‘that rustles in spring’. This name is interesting for two reasons: 1) it is formed using an active present participle, and 2) the participle form is derived from a verb documented only in the Ludza dialect (EMS). Place names formed from a participle are widely distributed in Finland, especially for verbs that convey sound (see Kiviniemi 1971: 58–59). In the Estonian language area, such formations are less common but do exist (EMjK 287). 4.2.2. Ando suu (#2) Ando suu (Laizāni) can be compared to Ando (an unofficial village) in Rõuge parish, Andu (a homestead) in Pedāmāe near Otepää (KNAB). These toponyms are linked to the personal name Ando ~ Andu, a variant of Anton or Andreas (Saar 2008: 151). 4.2.3. Hatamägi (#3), Hatasuu (#4) These can be related to hatt: hata- ‘bitch’. For Hatamägi, a Russian name Сучья гора is mentioned, which is likely a literal translation into Russian (or vice versa). According to the KNAB: Hatapalo (a place) is located in Räpina parish, Hatapalu (an unofficial village) is in Rõuge parish, and Hatajāru (or Umbjāru) is located near Värska. All these places are situated in the South Estonian language area. 4.2.4. Havvagu suu (#5) Havvagu suu can be compared to Savihavvamägi (Setu), Süvahavva (Räpina), Süvahavva soo (Põlva), Tõrvahavva (Põlvalv), Süvahavva (Räpina), Tõrvahavva (Põlva) (KNAB). All of these are located in the South Estonian language area. Havva is the genitive form of haud ‘grave; pit’ (cf. standard Estonian haud: haua-). In the case of Havvagu, the ending -gu is unclear; it might reflect an ellipsis of a second element (maybe havva-augu < auk ‘pit’?). 10 4.2.5. Baaba suu (#6) This toponym uses the dialectal appellative of Lut­si Estonian baaba ‘(old) woman’ (Kallas 1894: 135) (< Pl Rus baba ‘id.’). 4.2.6. Greek­i k (#7) The Latvian name has no proposed Finnic etymology. The Latvian form is Greči, and in LVV (I 319) it is compared to the following appellatives: greči ‘a type of flax’ or grečis ‘a weak old man’. 4.2.7. Jiumägi (#10), Jiustuu (#11) The jiuelement is a genitive form of jõgi. The genitive jiu is found in the Ludza, Kraasna, and Seto dialects (EMS). 4.2.8. Kannistõ niit (#16) Kannistõ is the South Estonian equivalent of the North Estonian kännustik ‘clear cut area’ (EMS; VMS). In Finnish, a dialectal appellative kannisto is widely used for proper name formation (SMS; Nimisampo). 4.2.9. Keegu mõts (#17) The meaning of Keegu mõts is unclear. According to the card index, one elderly informant reportedly knew the meaning, but his daughter no longer did; she only recalled the expression “är läts Keegu mõtsa” (‘they went off to Keegu forest’), which she interpreted as meaning ‘I do not know where they went’. It is difficult to find a convincing Latvian or Slavic etymology. An Estonian comparison may be sought in the homestead name Keegu, recorded in KNAB as Keigu, located near Türi. However, this comparison is problematic since Türi lies outside the South Estonian speech area, limiting its relevance to the Lutsi Estonian context. An adjective keigu is documented in the Urvaste subdialect with the meaning ‘conceited, frivolous’ (EMS). If Keegu represents a variant of Keigu, the forest name could relate to a personal name, though this remains uncertain. However, it is also possible that Keegu mõts is not an original toponym but rather a secondary, playful formation. The expression “är läts Keegu mõtsa” may reflect a shortened or distorted form of something like är läts kiä-kõhe mõtsa (‘went off to who-knows-where forest’), i.e., an evasive or child-directed expression. In this case, Keegu mõts would be a reinterpretation rather than an authentic place name. 4.2.10. Kirbaniküla (#18), Kirbu k (#19) This is comparable to Kirbu (Vastseliina region – Ojansuu 1912; Valga, Rõuge – EKNR). The Latvian version is Šķirpāni, which might be the original form, while Kirbaniküla has been phonologically adapted to Estonian. Kirbu may also be a secondary Estonian form derived from associations with the name from which Lutsi Estonian ancestors originated. Šķirpāni probably originates from the surname Šķirpāns, which is rare but specifically distributed in Latgalia, as noted by V. J. Zeps (1984: 508). 4.2.11. Kiriväkitsõ (#20) (Raibakozi) Kiriväkitsõ is also recorded as Rääbakoza in Russian (Райбакозы) and Raibakozi in Latvian. According to O. Kallas (1894: 31), the original version was Estonian and was later translated into Latvian. H. Ojansuu (1912: 21) expresses a differing opinion. All versions are 11 compounds with the same meaning (Lv raibs ‘speckled’ + kaza (Ltg koza) ‘goat’; SESt kirju ‘speckled’ + kits ‘goat’). According to O. Kallas, Räabak oza was a distorted form of Raibakozi, but it might also relate to the Russian word рябой ‘speckled’ + коза ‘goat’. In LVV (VI 46), Raibakozi is compared to an Estonian appellative raibakas ‘carrion’. However, this appellative is not used in South Estonian at all, and in North Estonian is practically limited to insular dialects (Estonian Saarte murred). Additionally, it is not used as a surname (Nimede Statistika). Thus, this comparison appears unsuitable. In the LU, there is information that a rare surname Raibkazs (Lv raibs ‘speckled’ + kaza ‘goat’) is prevalent in the Veclaicene parish, which was a disputed area between Latvia and Estonia during the interwar period due to its mixed population. Veclaicene parish is near the Leivu area and borders Rõuge parish in Estonia, which made it part of the South Estonian-speaking area. In Veclaicene parish, the following versions were recorded: Raibekazs, Raibkazs, Raibekas, Raibakas, Raibkaza. The Latvian etymology seems more plausible. 4.2.12. Kujari niit (#24) The meaning of Kujari remains unexplained. 4.2.13. Kukli (#25) The Lutsi name Kukli is likely a secondary, phonologically adapted form based on the Russian settlement name Kukujeva. In this interpretation, Kukli reflects a shortened and phonetically reduced derivation within the Lutsi naming system. H. Ojansuu (1912: 21) previously compared this name to Kuklaiste in the Vastseliina region. This comparison is also echoed in later interpretations of the form Kuklase (cf. earlier Kuklaiste), which has been connected to the appellative kuklanõ ‘ant’ (EKNR). However, these Estonian-based comparisons appear secondary in the current analysis, as they do not account for the more direct derivation from the Russian base Kukujeva. 4.2.14. Kunnu suu (#27) In South Estonian, kond/kund means ‘forest land, not suitable for harvesting’, and is represented in names like Meenikunnu suu near Räpina, which includes the element kund (EKNR). 4.2.15. Kupta niit (#28) The meaning of Kupta remains unexplained. 4.2.16. Kõivola suu (#30) Kõivola suu can be interpreted as a compound of the South Estonian appellative kõiv ‘birch’ (cf. North Estonian kask) and the element -la. The EKNR references toponyms such as Kõivuküla and Kõivu in the Tartu region, as well as Kõivsaare in the Vastseliina region. The form contains the genitive stem Kõivo (Saar 2008: 95) and the suffix -la, which denotes a place or could represent an elliptical form of other elements (e.g., -jala, -küla) (EMjK 278–279). The suffix -la is also widely found in Finnish toponymy, e.g. Koivula, Metsälä, Tervola. However, in South Estonian toponymy, a structure like Kõivõalonõ ‘birch.GEN.PL + under’ is well-attested, with parallels in recurring microtoponyms in Võrumaa (e.g., shortened forms Kõivalonõ, Kõivalamägi, cf. Haapalamägi ‘aspen+under+hill’). Thus, the name may alternatively be reconstructed as Kõivala suu, meaning ‘bog under the birches’. This interpretation finds support in comparable formations in AVKA, such as the farm names Kõivõalodsõ (Kanepi, Põlva), and Kõivõlamägi (Urvaste), as well as the Ihamaru toponym Kõivualutse laadapäev (Kanepi). 12 4.2.17. Väiku-Käpsi (#34) For some reason, the main heading is written as Käpsi, while the secondary heading should be Tsäpsi. This name may derive from a personal name formed from the verb tsäpsmä ‘to slap, to snap, or to bite off’ (EKNR). 4.2.18. Laizeni (#35) A popular surname in Latgalia, possibly of German origin (LU). No Finnic etymology is proposed. 4.2.19. Laudjärv (#36) Laudjärv sounds very Estonian but is actually a highly Estonized form of Laudari (in LVV (II 269) it is marked as Lauderi). This is an example of lexical adaptation. One cannot find lake names such as Laudjärv in Estonia, underscoring its difficulty in finding a semantically coherent formant Laud- (Est. laud, meaning ‘table’). The lake name is secondary and derives from the village of Laudari, likely originating from a personal name (surname). Laudars or Lauders is one of the more common surnames in that region, but there is no etymology proposal (LU). 4.2.20. Lavadina k (#37) This is potentially a loanword from Slavic, with a base form of Slobodka, adapted into a Finnic form. 4.2.21. Lubanakõnõ (#38) In Latgalia, there is a large lake named Lubāns and several smaller lakes with a diminutive form Lubonenš (LĢIA). This may belong to the same group as the Estonian version that contains the diminutive suffix -kõnõ. 4.2.22. Längämägi (#39) The specific element längä is unclear, as it can mean ‘too sweet’ and be associated with bad taste (EMS). Thus, it cannot be connected to the landscape. 4.2.23. Lütka-uju (#41) The element Lütka remains unclear; it may tentatively be compared to Russian Лю́тка ‘Lestes’ (a genus of damselflies). The meaning of Uju is also uncertain. However, there are parallels in Karula, where the hydronym Uju oja is found. According to AVKA, there is doubt as to whether the original name was simply Uju, functioning as a single-part hydronym, later extended with oja in the formal name Ujuste oja. This suggests that Uju may stand as an independent hydronym rather than a derivative of oja ‘stream’. 4.2.24. Murumäe (#43) Murumäe can be compared with muru ‘dense grass’. The use of the vowel -u in the second syllable is noteworthy; in South Estonian, including Lutsi Estonian, the expected form would be muro. However, variations in this final vowel have been observed in Lutsi, as noted by August Sang (1936: 99, unpublished manuscript), e.g., nägü ~ nägo ‘face’ and 13 valluz ~ valloz ‘painful’. This suggests that the form muru may reflect dialectal variation rather than requiring a separate explanation. 4.2.25. Mustkopts zimnik (niidü) (#44) The name Must means ‘black’ + kopts (?, with the element zimnik derived from Russian зимник ‘winter road’. The significance of -kopts remains unclear. 4.2.26. Nerza (#47, #48) A. Breidaks (2007 [1989]: 386) proposed a comparison of the name Nierzys azars to a Finnic river name Nyrza in Arkhangelsk oblast (with a question mark). Unfortunately, he did not provide references, making it impossible to locate texts that discuss the etymology of the Russian river. 4.2.27. Paidera’ (#51) The card compares this toponym with Paidra in the Võro area (Estonia). According to EKNR, Paidra derives from a personal name (Paide/Paydew) later adapted to Paider under German influence. The etymology of this personal name remains unresolved (EKNR). In Latvia, particularly in Vidzeme and Latgale, the toponym Paideri occurs and is linked to the surname Paiders. In LVV (III 48–49), comparisons are made with Livonian pai (pl. paid) and the Estonian word pai meaning ‘dear’, as well as the Estonian town name Paide. In LU, two interpretations are suggested: in the Vidzeme section, Paiders is linked to Estonian Paidra/Paidre and the toponym Paidra, while in the Latgalia section, it is associated with Polish pajda meaning ‘piece of bread’. The latter explanation is questionable; although pajda appears in the formation of Polish surnames (Pajda, Pajdzik, Pajdowski), the form Paider is not recorded (ISNwP). Moreover, the Livonian comparison appears implausible. The expected Estonian cognate of Liv. pai is paju- (with pai only in certain dialects, including Ludza), and pai ‘dear’ is not productive in anthroponymic or toponymic formation. Furthermore, the Paideri toponyms are not situated within historical Livonian territory but instead lie within the Leivu and Ludza Finnic zones. A connection to Paide (Järva County) also seems unlikely. The name Paide is well established as deriving from paas: pae ‘limestone’, supported by parallel foreign forms denoting ‘white stone’ (EKNR). Since the Paidernames occur outside the northern Estonian limestone region, this etymology cannot be applied. In summary, although the meaning of Paidera remains unclear, its distribution in the Leivu and Ludza areas, along with the absence of convincing Latvian, German, or Polish explanations, supports a Finnic (Estonian) anthroponymic origin. 4.2.28. Pargi (#56) (#57) (Borovaja) The Russian village name Borovaja appears to be the basis for Pargi küla. In this case, the form Pargi can be interpreted as a nominative plural adaptation, while Parke may represent a genitive plural form. A comparable development is observed in the South Estonian–Russian border area, where the Russian Borok is reflected in South Estonian and German usage as Porka, as seen in the case of Piirissaar (cf. EKNR). This suggests a pattern of phonological and morphological adaptation of Russian settlement names into the local naming system. An alternative interpretation linking Pargi with the Estonian word park ‘park’ appears less likely in this rural context and lacks supporting historical evidence. Thus, it is more plausible that the name reflects adaptation from the Russian base rather than stemming from modern lexical derivation. 14 4.2.29. Suurõ Piikova’ (#58), Väigu Piikova’ (#59) These are Russian names adapted into Estonian (Большие Пиковы, Малые Пиковы). 4.2.30. Porkali (#61) Comparable to Est Parkali ~ Lv pārkalt ‘to reforge’ (LVV III 223). The Latvian explanation is more persuasive, given that the Estonian appellative appears in North Estonian dialects (VKS). 4.2.31. Punt­suli (#62) The Latvian name Puncuļi is compared to the Lithuanian surname Punčius (< puncīti ‘to walk slowly’) (LU). There is also a surname Punčulis, which may be a diminutive form of Punčius (LPe). No Finnic etymology is proposed. 4.2.32. Päh­namägi (#64) This name derives from SEst pä̀hn ‘Tilia’ (cf. Estonian pärn) (EMS; VMS). 4.2.33. Raiba kerk (#65), Raip (#66) Comparable to Lv raibs ‘speckled’ and adapted into Estonian. 4.2.34. Roostõsuu (#69), Rossõ läte (#70) These derive from roostõ, genitive rossõ ‘rust’ (EMS). Cf. Rostõniit ~ Rossõniit (Saar 2008: 233). 4.2.35. Sabale mõts (#73) The name Sabale mõts is likely derived from the neighbouring village Soboli. In this case, Sabale represents a toponymic adaptation rather than a lexical loan. More broadly, the place name Soboli ultimately relates to the Slavic word соболь ‘sable’ (cf. Latvian sabulis, Latgalian sabaļs, Polish sobol, Lithuanian sabalas, Estonian soobel), though in a European context, the term often more generally refers to sable fur (LKŽe; SJP). Phonologically, Sabale may reflect vowel adaptations characteristic of Lutsi, similar to the akanje patterns observed in other borrowed bases. A similar development is noted in old Võrumaa, as in the Räpina peasant byname Sabali (also Sabbali), which later served as the basis for surnames such as Sabbal and Sabalisk (Saar 2019: 210). 4.2.36. Sandi lump (#74) The element santi: sandi can be connected to the appellative sant ‘beggar’. According to the EKI name card index, the name is explained by the phrase “<...> et sant är kuuli” (‘because a beggar died here’). However, data from EKNR indicate that in place names such as Sandi (Vastseliina) and Sandisuu (Rõuge), the element sandi may have multiple motivations: it can relate to the modern meaning ‘beggar’ but may also reflect an older sense ‘holy man, monk’ (cf. Latin sanctus). 4.2.37. Sarja-Jüri (#75) This name refers to a homestead of Jüri (a first name) with the byname Sarja (genitive form). The byname Sarja may derive from sari ‘large sieve’. 15 4.2.38. Skriini (#77) The Latvian form is Skrini (with a short i). LU records the surname Skrins in Vidzeme, but no etymological explanation is provided; the variant Skrīns is also attested without location or interpretation. Historical Russian map forms include Скpины (18th century) and Скрины (19th century), suggesting variation in vowel representation. The Lutsi form may derive from an earlier Russian naming form with initial-syllable stress, which likely influenced vowel reduction and adaptation in the local phonological system. In this case, the Lutsi toponym would represent a continuation of the Russian name base rather than an independent Latvian development. 4.2.39. Sliva mägi (#78) Similar to Ltg šliva (cf. Lv plūme), Polish śliwa, and Russian слива ‘plum’. In Estonian (including South Estonian), forms of the Germanic loanword ploom/loom are used, whereas in Lutsi Estonian, it may be replaced with sliva, which is also prevalent in other languages in the area. Semantically, this aligns well, as it could refer to a hill where a plum tree grew. 4.2.40. Säzemäe (#86) The interpretation of Säzemäe remains uncertain. A comparison with sääsk ‘mosquito’ is problematic lexically and phonologically. In South Estonian, including Lutsi, the expected term for ‘mosquito’ is kihulanõ (EMS), making a direct lexical derivation unlikely. Additionally, the phonological structure of Säze- (with a short ä and intervocalic -z-) does not correspond well to South Estonian sääseforms. Broader comparisons may be drawn with South Estonian and Võrumaa toponyms such as Sääsämägi, Sääskmägi, Sääseorg, Sääsk eorg, and Säass aare (AVKA), though these parallels mainly reflect variation within a broader naming pattern rather than providing a direct etymology for Säzemäe. Currently, no secure lexical explanation can be proposed. 4.2.41. Tati (#88) Potentially linked to tatt ‘Boletus’ (Balodis 2020: 201). In standard Estonian, tatt means ‘nasal secretion’; however, in South Estonian, it refers to Boletus or is often used in mushroom names (e.g., kikkatatt ‘chanterelle’) (VMS). 4.2.42. Tulba tükk This field name can be compared with the appellative tulp; tulba ‘hinging post, frontier post’, as well as with the village and farm names Tulba (Rõuge Kasaritsa, Rõuge Veclaicene (Estonian side), Tulbasuu (Rõuge Haanja Jaanimäe), Tulba järv (Rõuge), Tulbamäe (Rõuge) (KNAB). This suggests that Tulba could represent a vanished byname (EKNR) of a family that migrated. 4.2.43. Tunduri’ (#91) Likely derived from dundur/tundur ‘1. horsefly; 2. uninvited guest’, a term documented only in Leivu (meaning 1) and Lutsi Estonian (meaning 2) (EMS) < Lv dundurs ‘horsefly’ (this appellative may also have inspired the popular Latvian surname Dundurs (LU)). The Latvian name for the village is Abricki. The card notes that the village name is Estonian, implying that it was bestowed by Estonians. 16 4.2.44. Vaarkali (#93) Although H. Ojansuu (1912: 21) also found this name in Vastseliina, it has a Latvian origin (EKNR). Cf. Latvian vā̄rkalıs/varkalis ‘bronze smith’. 4.2.45. Vaaska niit (#94) Likely related to a Russian diminutive of the personal name Васька (< Василий). Lutsi Estonians also used Russian personal names. 4.2.46. Vastalo (#95) This is likely an ellipsis from South Estonian vastne ‘new’ + talo ‘house’. 4.2.47. Verema suu (#96) Possibly a form of the East Slavic personal name Верема (< Иеремия, ‘Jeremias’). 4.2.48. Väha (#97) (#98) Likely derived from vähk ‘crab’. O. Kallas (1894: 31) noted that the original form was Väha küla, which was translated into Веженки and adapted into Estonian as Vezenki. H. Ojansuu (1912: 21) had another opinion: while Väha village exists in the Vastseliina region, Väha küla in the Ludza region is a translation “from Latvian.” 4.3. Eesti murded IX 4.3.1. Vanaraha suu In Eesti murded IX (221), informant Ossip Jakimenko described the natural surroundings of Škirpāni village in 1960, mentioning several lakes, primarily in their Latgalian forms, as well as a bog called Vanaraha suu. This name has not been documented in earlier research, so it will be examined here. To begin, I attempted to identify this bog using various maps and located a marked bog near Škirpāni; unfortunately, its name was not provided. The name Vanaraha suu appears to be a compound: vana ‘old’ + raha-suu (where raha is a weak grade form of rahk, cf. Fi rahkasuo ‘sphagnum bog, peat bog’). This suggests that Vanaraha suu can be interpreted as “Old Sphagnum Bog” or “Old Peat Bog,” reflecting the natural characteristics of the area. 4.4. LǪIA 4.4.1. Kurma, Kūrmās ezers Kurma and Kūrmās ezers were not mentioned as possible Finnic toponyms in earlier research. They were chosen for analysis because they are located near other Lutsi Estonian villages. This case is confusing, as the village name contains a short u, while the lake name, Kūrmās ezers, features a long ū. These forms are recorded in the LǪIA database, but the question remains as to which form is primary. In LVV (II 180), Kurma is mentioned (without an etymology proposal), while the lake name is not listed. According to the Latvian Language Institute card index, Kūrmās ezers was previously known as Kurmas ezers, but the name changed after an expedition recorded the current form. This indicates that the primary form was likely Kurmas, which may have been distorted by an informant. In South Estonian, the term kurm means ‘isolated piece of land; muck; corner’ (EKNR) or ‘isthmus’ (EMS). This is particularly relevant in the Põlva region, where names like Loko-kurm (EKNR) and Kahru-kurmu, Paju-kurmu (KNAB) are found. This South 17 Estonian dialectal appellative is fitting, as the village is situated on an isthmus between two lakes (Lielais and Mazais Kūrmas ezers). Graphic. Kurma lakes and village (graphic by D. Donskaya) 5. Results In this part, the results of the investigation of the toponyms of the Ludza region are summarised: 1) etymological proposals in earlier research; 2) analysis of the EKI card index and Eesti murded IX; 3) new findings. 5.1. Etymology proposals in earlier research A. Breidaks (2007 [1989]: 386–387) presented 31 toponyms as Finno-Ugric in the historical region of Latgalia and partially Vidzeme. Only 5 toponyms were taken into consideration, all found in the study’s area of investigation. 3 of them (Auneja, Rauzi and Soidi) have a weak Finno-Ugric explanation and are rather Baltic. 18 Concerning Pylda, the Finnic etymology proposal is the best explanation despite objections, because it cannot be explained as Baltic, Germanic, or Slavic due to the lack of similar toponyms in those proper name systems. The Finno-Ugric etymology proposal for Nukši in earlier research was erroneous (a comparison with a Saami appellative), but it can be explained in another way (comparison to Estonian and Finnish appellatives and toponyms). In this study, a new starting point was found for further investigation of this toponym in another, separate, deeper research work. 5.2. EKI card index and Eesti murded IX The EKI card index contains 98 cards (with some repeating entries), and in this study, 54 entries (55%) were chosen to analyse. The rest of the entries did not need deep analysis due to their clear meaning and typical Finnic structure. The rest of the entries can be divided into 3 groups: 1) specific Lutsi Estonian names; 2) specific South Estonian names; 3) Latvian or Russian names adapted to the local Estonian variation. The first group consists of appellatives documented only in the Lutsi Estonian variety. Generally speaking, the card index contains microtoponyms characteristic of the Lutsi Estonian linguistic environment. Many of these place names probably coexisted with corresponding Latvian or Slavic variants, and Lutsi Estonian speakers likely used different forms depending on the language used in a particular communicative context. In Eesti murded IX, a bog name Vanaraha suu was mentioned, which had a relatively transparent etymology and was not very hard to explain. It was taken into consideration because in Eesti murded IX, despite a large amount of corpus, there were mentioned just a few toponyms. Unfortunately, despite the quite precise description of the location by the informant, it was impossible to identify it on the LGIA map because there was no option to view the object’s name. 5.3. New findings A new finding was the lake name and the village and lake name Kurma, which was not mentioned in any primary (EKI card index) or secondary (earlier research literature) sources as a possible Finnic toponym. The idea that it might be Finnic came from the fact that it has no etymology proposal (LVV) and it is located near a place with a high concentration of Lutsi Estonian speakers. Finnic etymology suggestion seems to be plausible due to the correlation of the meaning of the dialectal appellative kurm ‘isthmus’ and the location of the village on an isthmus. 6. Conclusion In this article, the toponyms of the historical Lutsi Estonian-speaking area in eastern Latvia were investigated. The study focused on the etymology, structure, and linguistic background of place names recorded in both earlier research and primary archival sources. The analysis of the toponyms discussed in earlier research demonstrated that phonological similarity alone is insufficient for establishing Finnic etymology. In several cases, previously proposed Finnic explanations appear weak from semantic and areal-typological perspectives. At the same time, some toponyms still admit plausible Finnic interpretations, although the question of whether these names originated before or after the arrival of South Estonian speakers in the Ludza region remains unresolved. Clarifying this issue would require a separate investigation based on historical maps, archival records, and broader comparative material. The analysis of the EKI card index and the material from Eesti murded IX showed that the Lutsi Estonian toponymic system consisted of several different types: 1) typical 19 Finnic formations; 2) specifically South Estonian toponyms; 3) names containing distinctive Lutsi Estonian dialect elements; 4) phonologically or lexically adapted Latvian and Slavic names. Some names nevertheless remain unexplained, demonstrating the fragmentary character of the preserved material and the complexity of the multilingual contact situation in the region. The study also identified a previously uninvestigated toponym that had not been mentioned in either earlier research or the EKI card index. Although its Finnic origin was not immediately obvious, comparison with South Estonian material made it possible to propose a new direction for interpretation. Today, the Lutsi Estonian language is extinct, and the place names recorded in the archival sources are no longer used in everyday communication. These materials, therefore, represent important testimony to the historical naming practices and multilingual landscape of the Ludza region. Further research should continue investigating those toponyms with plausible Finnic etymologies, while also seeking to clarify the origins of names that remain unexplained. In addition, fieldwork among descendants of Lutsi Estonian speakers may still provide valuable information about forgotten place names and their locations. As most remaining informants are elderly, such documentation would be particularly urgent. ABBREVIATIONS Est – Estonian; Fi – Finnish; Lt – Lithuanian; Lv – Latvian; NEst – North Estonian; Pl – Polish; Rus – Russian; SEst – South Estonian; Veps – Vepsian DATA SOURCES AVKA: Ajaloolise Võrumaa kohanimede andmebaas [Placename Database of the Historical Võrumaa]. Internet Access: https://wi.ee/et/kohanimed/. dodies.lv: Historical Maps of Latvia. Internet Access: https://vesture.dodies.lv/. EES: Eesti etümoloogia sõnaraamat [Estonian Etymological Dictionary]. Internet Access: https://arhiiv.eki.ee/dict/ety/. EKI: Eesti keele instituudi kohanimekartoteek [Placename Card Index of the Institute of the Estonian Language]. Internet Access: https://arhiiv.eki.ee/kohanimed/. EKNR: Eesti kohanimeraamat [Estonian Placenamebook]. Internet Access: https://arhiiv.eki.ee/dict/knr/. EKSS: Eesti keele seletav sõnaraamat [Explanatory Dictionary of the Estonian Language]. Internet Access: https://arhiiv.eki.ee/dict/ekss/index.cgi. EMS: Eesti murrete sõnaraamat [Dictionary of the Estonian Dialects]. Internet Access: https://arhiiv.eki.ee/dict/ems/. ISNWP: Internetowy Słownik Nazwisk w Polsce [Online Dictionary of Surnames in Poland]. Internet Access: https://nazwiska.ijppan.pl/. KNAB: Kohanimeandmebaas [Estonian Placename Database]. Internet Access: https://arhiiv.eki.ee/knab/knab.htm. KNR: Kohanimeregister [Estonian Placename Register]. Internet Access: https://xgis.maaamet.ee/knravalik/knr. LĢIA: Latvijas Ģeotelpiskās informācijas aģentūra [Latvian Geospatial Information Agency]. Internet Access: https://vietvardi.LĢIA.gov.lv/lv/search. 20 LKŽₑ: Lietuvių kalbos žodynas [Dictionary of the Lithuanian Language] (1–20, 1941–2002), el. variantas, redaktorių kolegija: G. Naktinienė (vyr. redaktorė), J. Paulauskas, R. Petrokienė, V. Vitkauskas, J. Zabarskaitė; programuotojai: E. Ožeraitis, V. Zinkevičius, Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas, atnaujinta versija, 2018. Internet Access: http://ekalba.lt. LPₑ: Lietuvių pavardės [Lithuanian Surnames] (1–2, 1985, 1989), el. variantas, A. Vanagas, V. Maciejauskienė, M. Razmukaitė, atsak. red. A. Vanagas; programuotojas V. Satkevičius, Vilnius: Lietuvių kalbos institutas, 2018. Internet Access: https://pavardes.lki.lt/. LU: Latviešu uzvārdu vārdnīca [Dictionary of Latvian Surnames]. Internet Access: https://uzvardi.lv/. ME: Latviešu valodas vārdnīca [Latvian Language Dictionary] 1–4, K. Mīlenbahs, rediģējis, papildinājis, turpinājis J. Endzelīns, Rīga: Kultūras fonds, 1923–1932. Internet Access: https://mev.tezaurs.lv/. Nimede Statistika: Nimede Statistika [Statistics of the Estonian Names]. Internet Access: https://stat.ee/nimed/pere. Nimisampo: Nimisampo – Portal for Searching and Studying Finnish Placenames. Internet Access: nimisampo.fi. SES: Suomen etymologinen sanakirja [Finnish Etymological Dictionary]. Internet access: https://kaino.kotus.fi/ses/. SJP: Słownik języka polskiego [Polish Language Dictionary]. Internet access: https://sjp.pwn.pl. SMS: Suomen murteiden sanakirja [Finnish Dialects Dictionary]. Internet Access: https://kaino.kotus.fi/sms/. UEW: Uralisches Etymologisches Wörterbuch. Internet Access: http://www.uralonet.nytud.hu/search.cgi?resetform=1&collapse=1. VMS: Väike murdesõnastik [Dialectological Dictionary of Estonian]. Internet Access: https://arhiiv.eki.ee/dict/vms/. 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Toponym table based on the list by O. Kallas (1894: 31–32) with possible comments and comparisons to Vastseliina region toponyms by H. Ojansuu (1912: 21–22) Original Estonian name Latvian⁵/Russian (translation from Estonian) Estonian adaptation of the Latvian / Russian version Possible comparison and/or remark by H. Ojansuu (1912) Kirivä-kidze Райбакозы Räbakoza The Latvian version is the original one Vähä küla Веженки Veženki Vähä; the Latvian version is rather the original one Vahtsene küla Новая Деревня Nova d’erevna Kirbu küla Шкирпаны Kirbani Kirbu Loodi küla Лoциши Kukli küla Кукyeво Kuklaiste Latvian/Russian (original) Parke küla Боровая Barava Mõtsa küla Гермы Mõtsamäe Mägize küla Барисы Tati küla Счастливые Mäe küla Малые Пиковы Väiku Piikova Ala küla Большие Пиковы Suure Piikova Jaani küla Большие Цяпши Suure Tsäpsi Jaaniküla, Jaanimäe; Tsäpsi Kiriv küla Райполь Raiba Vahtsalo Сальники Sal’nigi Шалаи Salai Рузары Ruuzinova Барановка Baranova ⁵ O. Kallas presents the toponyms as Latvian and writes them in Cyrillic orthography. 25 Лайзаны Laizena Столоны Toloni Воркали Vaarkali Varkali Малые Цяпши Väiku Tsäpsi Tsäpsi (Козье) Слободка Lovodina Мярдзішка Määrdina Names mentioned only by H. Ojansuu (1912) Tsirgu küla Tsirgu (Setu) Боровушки Palokõrdzi küla Palovere, Palo-otsa Appendix 3. EKI card index (here investigated names in bold) No. Main form in Estonian Other Estonian versions; possible Latvian and Russian versions 1. Habahaja jõgi Hapa 2. Ando suu 3. Hatamägi Сучья гора 4. Hatasuu 5. Havvagu mägi 6. Baaba suu 7. Greeki k Гре чи 8. Hilätmõiza Piletmõiza, Филятмуйжа, Финлантмуйжа, Fiļantmuiza 9. Jaaniküla Su urõ’ Tsäpsi’ 10. Juumägi 11. Jiusuu 12. Järvesuu 13. Kahrusuu Loču pūrs 14. Kahrutsopp 15. Kalassaar 16. Kannistö niit 17. Keegu mets Keegu mõts 18. Kirbaniküla Kirbu k, Kirbani, Шкирпаны, Škirpāni 19. Kirbu k Kirbuküla, Шкирпаны 20. Kiriväkitsõ Rääbäkoza’, Райбakoзы 21. Kitsõsuu 22. Kogrõjärv Kirbu järv 23. Kraaviots 24. Kujari niit 25. Kukli Кукуево 26. Kuninga sild 27. Kunnu suu Kunnasuu 28. Kupta niit 29. Kuuzõtsopp 30. Kõivola suu 31. Korgõmäe läte’ 32. Korgõmäe 33. Korgõmägi 34. Väiku-Käpsi Väigu’ Tsäpsi’, Малые Цяпши 35. Laizeni’ Лайзаны 36. Laudjärv Laudar 37. Lavadina k Слободка 38. Luban akõnõ 39. Längämägi 40. Lätte niit 26 41. Lütka-uju 42. Mõtsaküla Mõdsaküla, Гермы 43. Murumäe 44. Mustkopts zimnik 45. Mäesilla niit 46. Mägizе k Бариcы 47. Nerza Nirzä järv 48. Nerza Nerzä vald, Nerzä k, Nerzä järv 49. Oroniit 50. Oroots 51. Paidera’ Пайдеры 52. Pajuniit 53. Palokõrdsi k Боровушки 54. Palomägi 55. Palusaarõ niit 56. Pargi k Parge k, Parke k, Боровая 57. Pargi k Боровая 58. Suurõ Piikova’ Alakülä, Большие Пиковы 59. Väigu Piikova’ Mäekülä, Малые Пиковы 60. Pikäniidü läte’ 61. Porkali k 62. Puntsuli k Пунцулы, Михалино 63. Puukzõõ k Пывкайны 64. Pähnämägi 65. Raiba kerk Räbä kerk 66. Raip Raipole, Räibä 67. Rehemõtsa k Рейки 68. Riia Rõia 69. Roostõsuu 70. Rossõ läte’ 71. Saarõmägi 72. Saarõmägi 73. Sabale mõts 74. Sandi lump 75. Sarja-Jüri 76. Savimägi 77. Skriini k Skrini 78. Sliva mägi 79. Suur järv 80. Suurõkivi 81. Suurõmõtsa saar 82. Suurkivi 83. Suur kraav 84. Suur niit 85. Suur Sammõlsuuniit Väigu Sammõlsuuniit 86. Säzemäe 87. Talap Talabi järv, Dalaba järv, Peipsi järv 88. Tati k Татт, Счастливые, Častliva 89. Tedre Rubul’ofka, Piitre ni Ont 90. Tulba tükк 91. Tunduri’ Абрицки 92. Valgõsuu 93. Vaarkali k Воркали 94. Vaaska niit 27 95. Vastalo k Salnigi’, Сальники 96. Verema suu 97. Vähä k Vähäkülä, Веженки 98. Vähä k Веженки, Vēženki 28