École des Hau es É udes en Sciences Sociales
Uni e sidad del País Vasco / Euskal He iko Unibe si a ea
Thesis unde he join supe ision ag eemen be ween EHESS and UPV/EHU
PhD in Law, Poli ical Sciences, and Philosophy (EHESS)
PhD in Resea ch Models and A eas in Social Sciences (UPV/EHU)
A g e n e a i o n a l a n a l y s i s o h e s o c i a l
e p o d u c i o n a n d l e g i i m a c y o p o l i i c a l
i o l e n c e i n h e B a s q u e a n d K u d i s h c a s e s
Co-supe ised by: Hami BOZARSLAN (EHESS)
Benjamín TEJERINA MONTAÑA (UPV/EHU)
Da e o de ense: 27 May 2021
JURY MEMBERS
1. An imo Luigi Fa o, Sapienza Uni e si à di Roma
2. Ayşen Uysal (Rappo eu ), SciencesPo Pa is
3. Benjamín Teje ina, Uni e sidad del País Vasco/Euskal He iko Unibe si a ea
4. Ca oline Guibe La aye (Rappo eu ), Uni e si é de Bo deaux
5. Hami Boza slan, École des Hau es É udes en Sciences Sociales
6. Mesu Yeğen, İs anbul Şehi Üni e si esi
7. Michel Wie io ka, École des Hau es É udes en Sciences Sociales
8. Ped o Iba a Güell, Uni e sidad del País Vasco/Euskal He iko Unibe si a ea
BARIŞ TUĞRUL
(cc)2021 BARIS TUGRUL (cc by-nc-nd 4.0)
To my a he
i
Acknowledgmen s
Th oughou he long esea ch ajec o y o his s udy, I ha e e ised an innume able numbe o
aluable schola ly wo ks. Due o a pe sonal in e es in li e his o ies on which his s udy is also p ima ily
based, I ha e ca e ully ead many p e aces and o ewo ds. Howe e , only a e ha ing li ed h ough a
simila expe ience now I uly unde s and wha schola s mean when acknowledging speci ic indi iduals
who play a i al ole in hei esea ch ajec o y. Al hough a Ph.D. disse a ion is conside ed an
indi idual exe cise, I belie e i is always a collec i e wo k o which many people con ibu e. The
expe ience I ha e li ed h ough is ob ious e idence o his a i ma ion. I would be un hinkable o
inish his s udy wi hou he aluable con ibu ions o many people.
Ha ing a i med so, i s o all, I wholehea edly hank my Ph.D. supe iso s, Hami Boza slan
a École des Hau es É udes en Sciences Sociales (EHESS, Pa is), and Benjamín Teje ina a Uni e sidad
del País Vasco/Euskal He iko Unibe si a ea (UPV/EHU, Bizkaia) o he ex ao dina y suppo hey
ha e p o ided om he beginning, and o dedica ing hei aluable ime and a en ion in each phase
o his s udy. I mus also ecognize hei e e las ing pa ience wi h me du ing his ime d ain ac i i y
and hei boun i ul comp ehension. I will always emembe and app ecia e he us and con idence
hey ha e ansmi ed and e e y hing hey ha e augh me h oughou his long jou ney. Taking
ad an age o his oppo uni y, I mus ecognize my colleagues’ suppo and help ulness a he Cen e
o Tu kish, O oman, Balkan, and Cen al Asian S udies (CETOBaC) a EHESS and Collec i e Iden i y
Resea ch Cen e (CEIC) a UPV/EHU du ing my s ay in Pa is and Bilbao.
I canno o ge he con ibu ion o o he men o s and colleagues I ha e had be o e and du ing
my doc o al s udies. I exp ess my g a i ude o all academic s a a he Uni e si y o Anka a, mos o
whom ha e been pu ged and los hei jobs as hey p io i ize schola ly e hics, libe y o exp ession,
and li ing an hono able li e ins ead o alling silen in he ace o wha hey conside unjus . Speaking
o challenges and se e e consequences o becoming a schola in Tu key, I mus ecognize and hank
he ole ha İsmail Beşikçi has played. Besides his suppo and encou agemen whene e I ha e
needed, he ou e he has pa ed con inues o enligh en many gene a ions ollowing his oo p in s.
Likewise, I app ecia e he con ibu ions o he Facul y o Poli ical Sciences and Sociology
membe s a he Uni e sidad Complu ense de Mad id. The pe iod du ing which I had my MA deg ees
has been c ucial o ge ing o know Spanish his o y and poli ics and, he e o e, become an incuba ion
pe iod o his s udy. In his sense, I mus speci ically hank Luis En ique Alonso, Al onso Pé ez-Ago e,
and Elena Casado o hei ime and in ellec ual guidance. I mus also exp ess my since e g a i ude o
he Spanish Agency o In e na ional De elopmen and Coope a ion (AECID) o make i all possible and
all s a and colleagues a he Colegio Mayo Nues a Seño a de Á ica.
Finally, I mus name o he schola s who suppo ed my e o s h ough he way. Fi s o all, I
mus ecognize all my colleagues' suppo and encou agemen a he Depa men o Communica ion
Sciences a Hace epe Uni e si y. I speci ically wan o name Sua i Aydın, who has sa is ied my cu iosi y
wi h his p o ound knowledge and expe ience as a p ominen an h opologis , and Em e To os, who has
p o ided aluable las -minu e con ibu ions wi h b illian ideas. I also hank F ancisco Le amendia and
José Manuel Ma a a he UPV/EHU, Michel Wie io ka a CADIS, EHESS-CNRS, Je ey C. Alexande a
Yale Uni e si y, Monse a Guibe nau a he Queen Ma y Uni e si y o London, Dona ella della Po a
a he Eu opean Uni e si y Ins i u e, and The ese Pe e sson om Uppsala Uni e si y o hei suppo ,
kindness and helps a a ious s ages o his s udy.
Besides he schola ly wo ld, he e a e o he people who con ibu ed o his s udy du ing my
e hnog aphic esea ch in wo challenging ields. Du ing my s ay in he Basque Coun y, I had he chance
o ge o know g ea people who made me eel a home. Among many o he s, I am pa icula ly g a e ul
o Asie Amezaga and Alicia del Alamo, who always kep an open doo in Bilbao whene e I needed i .
In he ield phase, I mus ecognize he i al ole ha Ola z Dañobei ia, Eneko Iba gu en (Ku ku), and
ii
Joxean Fe nández (Magila) played in my esea ch p ac ices on he g ound. Wi hou he ex ao dina y
e o hey ha e made and he ime hey ha e dedica ed, i would be impossible o comple e he
Basque ield o his s udy. Addi ionally, I also hank Fa he Juan José Agi e, who gene ously sha ed
wha e e I needed om he Benedic ine Founda ion in Lazkao illage.
Simila ly, du ing my s ay in Diya bakı and my ield esea ch in Ku dis an, I ecei ed a lo o
help and suppo om many people. Among hem, I mus speci ically name Hamdullah Men eşe (Apo)
o his gene ous hospi ali y and iendship and Fe ide Laçin o he emendous help and e o du ing
my ield esea ch in he no he n Ku dish ield. In he sou h, Ke em Çi çi was always eady o assis
my ques ions and needs. Zag os Hiwa and Dalyan ha e dedica ed signi ican ime and e o o make
i as ui ul as possible. Finally, I mus speci ically name my colleague and iend Neslihan Yakla who
made an eno mous con ibu ion o his s udy. As a b illian esea che , she wo ked day and nigh unde
e y challenging condi ions. I hank hem all e y much o hei in aluable con ibu ions, wi hou
which i would be un hinkable o me o inish he Ku dish ield wi h such aluable ou comes.
Besides he Basque and Ku dish ields, se e al people ha e also con ibu ed o di e en phases
o his s udy. I also mus name hem: Fi s o all, my dea mo he Şük an Tuğ ul and my b o he Özgü
Tuğ ul ha e always been he e whene e I ha e needed. Du ing my s ay in F ance, Bénédic e Valle
and Réjane Schapi a showed a g ea deal o hospi ali y and helped me wi h F ench ex s. Simila ly, my
iends Gaizka E xebe ia and Seyhan A ak helped me wi h ex s in Basque and Ku dish Ku manji. My
iend Mikail Da binyan spen day and nigh on he exhaus i e wo k o English p oo eading. Ca oline
Guibe La aye om CNRS – Cen e Émile Du kheim included me in he esea ch eam and o e ed
in aluable assis ance o my ield esea ch. My iend and colleague Asie Amezaga pa ien ly ead he
inal d a o he en i e s udy and sha ed wi h me his opinion and c i ics. F om he beginning, my iend
E in Deniz has sha ed wi h me any hing ela ed o he subjec o his s udy and helped me any ime I
needed i . I hank all o hem e y much o hei aluable assis ance and help. Also, se e al people
pe sonally p e e hei name no o be men ioned o ob ious easons. Unde s anding hei conce ns,
I also hank all hose anonymous indi iduals e y much o hei help and suppo .
The e is also one las g oup o anonymous indi iduals o whom I mus ex end my deepes
g a i ude. I mus acknowledge he con ibu ion made by all hose who ha e olun a ily pa icipa ed in
in-dep h in e iews o his s udy in he Basque and Ku dish ields. Thei con ibu ion undoub edly
cons i u es he cen al pilla o he inal wo k. I uly saddens me ha some o hem will ne e be able
o ead hese wo ds, no will hey e en see ha I ha e concluded his s udy hanks o hei olun a y
collabo a ion. The e o e, I dedica e his s udy o all hose who ha e sadly passed away sho ly a e
pa icipa ing in his s udy. I will always emembe each o hem and wholehea edly app ecia e hei
i al con ibu ion, which makes i possible o me o w i e hese wo ds oday.
Finally, while analyzing s o ies be ween li e and dea h h oughou a long esea ch pe iod, I
ha e los some belo ed ones o whom I would like o pay ibu e. Among hem, he e is Juan So ín, a
good iend wi h whom I spen conside able ime in bo h ields o his s udy. I los my eline iend
Mus i, wi h whom I sha ed iendship and lo e. I also los wo o my uncles, Gü ay and Ko ay, who had
le un o ge able memo ies in my li e. Finally, I los my dea a he , Tü kay Tuğ ul, who, despi e he
disc epancies and di e ences o opinion, augh me o be gene ous, hones , and in solida i y wi h
o he s and showed o al espec o my ee will. He wan ed so much ha I would inish his s udy, and
he suppo ed me un il his las days. My a he died in Decembe 2015. This s udy is he esul o a
p omise ha I ga e him in li e. I would like e y much ha my a he could ead hese wo ds.
iii
Abs ac
This s udy analyzes he social ep oduc ion and legi imacy o poli ical iolence h ough h ee
consecu i e gene a ions o he long-las ing Basque and Ku dish con lic s in Spain and Tu key. By
adop ing an app oach based on coho analysis owa ds he phenomena o e hnic e i als and
adicaliza ion o e hnona ional mo emen s esul ing om a gene a ional up u e, he ini ial pa o he
s udy p o ides his o ical insigh on pe iod and coho e ec s in he eme gence and de elopmen o
non-s a e o ganiza ions (ETA and he PKK) ha eso o poli ical iolence as a new gene a ion s yle.
In a la e s age, a longi udinal coho analysis based on he li e-his o y echnique h ough quali a i e
da a collec ed in he Basque Coun y and Ku dis an is applied o h ee consecu i e gene a ions
selec ed by conside ing la ge-scale poli ical e en s wi h signi ican social consequences in bo h Basque
and Ku dish socie ies. This ca ego iza ion, in which gene a ions a e used as a social me ic, in ol es an
ex ended pe iod, beginning om he ea ly 1970s and con inuing un il he 2000s. Focusing on he p e-
mili ancy pe iod expe iences and poli ical socializa ion o hose indi iduals who se ed in he sel -
p oclaimed Basque and Ku dish libe a ion mo emen s h ough a li e-cou se app oach, his analysis
e eals he ole ha p ima y and seconda y socializa ion p ocesses play in he mili ancy engagemen
and he ep oduc ion o g oup u h ha jus i ies he use o a ms in each pe iod. The ans o ma ions
aking place du ing his ex ended ime ame in key a iables such as physical and symbolic iolence
exe cised by he s a e, he egime ole ance owa ds na ional mino i ies, and he a ailabili y o poli ical
mechanisms ha pe mi oicing e hnona ional demands h ough non- iolen epe oi es also a ec
he social legi imacy a ibu ed o he non-s a e o ganiza ions eso ing o iolen epe oi es o
poli ical ends. Changes in he deg ee o popula suppo o ETA and he PKK as a an -ga de ac o s o
he Basque and Ku dish libe a ion mo emen s by hei espec i e socie ies obse ed h ough he
sou ces o quan i a i e da a, which d aws a diame ically opposi e pic u e since he ea ly 1990s, play
a decisi e ole in shaping he poli ico-mili a y ajec o y ha bo h o ganiza ions ollow in la e pe iods.
Keywo ds: Coho analysis, gene a ions, poli ical iolence, social legi imacy, Basque con lic , Ku dish
con lic
i
Résumé
Ce e é ude po e su la ep oduc ion sociale e la légi imi é de la iolence poli ique à a e s ois
géné a ions successi es de con li s basques e ku des de longue du ée en Espagne e en Tu quie. Les
phénomènes de enou eau e hnique e de adicalisa ion de mou emen s e hno-na ionaux ésul an
d'une ac u e géné a ionnelle son abo dés à pa i d'une app oche ondée su l'analyse des coho es.
L'é ude o e dans une p emiè e pa ie un ape çu his o ique des e e s de pé iode e de coho e dans
l'éme gence e le dé eloppemen d'o ganisa ions non é a iques (ETA e PKK) qui ecou en à la
iolence poli ique comme nou eau s yle de géné a ion. Dans une au e pa ie, une analyse
longi udinale basée su la echnique du éci de ie, à pa i de données quali a i es collec ées au Pays
basque e au Ku dis an, es appliquée à ois géné a ions successi es sélec ionnées su la base
d'é énemen s poli iques de g ande en e gu e ayan des e ombées sociales signi ica i es dans les
socié és basque e ku de. Ce e ca égo isa ion, qui u ilise la géné a ion comme mé ique sociale,
cou e une longue pé iode, qui déma e au débu des années 1970 e se pou sui jusqu'aux années
2000. A pa i des données ob enues pa une app oche de pa cou s de ie po an su la pé iode
an é ieu e à l'ac i isme e à la socialisa ion poli ique des memb es des mou emen s au op oclamés
de libé a ion basque e ku de, ce e analyse mon e commen les p ocessus de socialisa ion p imai e
e secondai e in luen su l'engagemen mili an e la ep oduc ion d'une é i é de g oupe qui jus i ie
l'u ilisa ion des a mes à chaque pé iode. Les ans o ma ions qu'on connues au cou s de ce e longue
pé iode des a iables clés elles que la iolence physique e symbolique exe cée pa l'É a , la olé ance
du égime en e s les mino i és na ionales e l'accès à des mécanismes poli iques pe me an
d'exp ime des e endica ions e hno-na ionales pa des épe oi es d'ac ion non iolen e impac en
aussi la légi imi é sociale acco dée aux o ganisa ions non é a iques qui on ecou s à des épe oi es
d'ac ion iolen e à des ins poli iques. Les a ia ions du ni eau de sou ien populai e à l'ETA e au PKK,
en an qu'ac eu s d'a an -ga de des mou emen s de libé a ion basque e ku de, pa leu s socié és
espec i es, son mesu ées à pa i des données quan i a i es qui d essen un ableau diamé alemen
opposé depuis le débu des années 1990. Ces a ia ions jouen un ôle décisi dans la ajec oi e
poli ico-mili ai e que sui en les deux o ganisa ions ul é ieu emen .
Mo s-clés: Analyse de coho e, géné a ions, iolence poli ique, légi imi é sociale, con li basque,
con li ku de
Resumen
Es e es udio analiza la ep oducción social y la legi imidad de la iolencia polí ica a a és de es
gene aciones consecu i as de los con lic os p olongados asco y ku do en España y Tu quía.
Adop ando un en oque basado en el análisis de coho es hacia los enómenos de esu gimien o é nico
y adicalización de los mo imien os e nonacionales esul an es de una up u a gene acional, la pa e
inicial del es udio p opo ciona una isión his ó ica de los e ec os de pe íodo y coho e en el
su gimien o y desa ollo de o ganizaciones no es a ales (ETA y el PKK) que ecu en a la iolencia
polí ica como un nue o es ilo gene acional. En una e apa pos e io , se aplica un análisis longi udinal
de coho es basado en la écnica de la his o ia de la ida median e da os cuali a i os ecogidos en el
País Vasco y en el Ku dis án a es gene aciones consecu i as seleccionadas eniendo en cuen a los
acon ecimien os polí icos de g an en e gadu a con impo an es consecuencias sociales an o en la
sociedad asca como en la ku da. Es a ca ego ización, en la que las gene aciones se u ilizan como
medida social, aba ca un pe íodo p olongado, que comienza a p incipios del decenio de 1970 y
con inúa has a el decenio de 2000. Basándose en las expe iencias p e ias a la mili ancia y la
socialización polí ica de las pe sonas que mili a on en los au op oclamados mo imien os de libe ación
ascos y ku dos median e un en oque del cu so de la ida, es e análisis e ela el papel que los p ocesos
de socialización p ima ios y secunda ios desempeñan en el comp omiso de la mili ancia y la
ep oducción de la e dad g upal que jus i ica el uso de las a mas en cada pe íodo. Las
ans o maciones que ienen luga du an e es e la go pe íodo en a iables cla e como la iolencia
ísica y simbólica del Es ado, la ole ancia del égimen hacia las mino ías nacionales y la disponibilidad
de mecanismos polí icos que pe mi en exp esa las demandas e nonacionales a a és de epe o ios
no iolen os ambién a ec an la legi imidad social a ibuida a las o ganizaciones no es a ales que
ecu en a epe o ios iolen os con ines polí icos. Los cambios en el g ado de apoyo popula a ETA y
al PKK como ac o es en la angua dia de los mo imien os de libe ación asca y ku da po pa e de sus
espec i as sociedades, obse ados a a és de las uen es de da os cuan i a i os, que dibujan un
cuad o diame almen e opues o desde p incipios del decenio de 1990, desempeñan un papel decisi o
en la con igu ación de la ayec o ia polí ico-mili a que ambas o ganizaciones siguen en pe íodos
pos e io es.
Palab as cla e: Análisis de coho es, gene aciones, iolencia polí ica, legi imidad social, con lic o asco,
con lic o ku do
i
Abb e ia ions (Basque case)
AAA (Alianza Apos ólica An icomunis a, T iple A) An i-Communis Apos olic Alliance
ANV (Acción Nacionalis a Vasco) Basque Na ionalis Ac ion
AP (Alianza Popula ) People’s Alliance
ATE (An i e o ismo ETA) ETA An i e o ism
BVE (Ba allón Vasco Español) Spanish Basque Ba alion
CAPV (Comunidad Au ónoma del País Vasco) Au onomous Communi y o he
Basque Coun y
CCOO (Comisiones Ob e as) Wo ke s’ Commissions
GAL (G upos An i e o is as de Libe ación) An i e o is Libe a ion G oups
EA (Eusko Alka asuna) Basque Solida i y
EE (Euskadiko Ezke a) Basque Le
ELA (Eusko Langileen Alka asuna) Basque Wo ke s’ Solida i y
ETA (Euskadi Ta Aska asuna) Basque Homeland and F eedom
HB (He i Ba asuna) Popula Uni y
KAS (Koo dinado a Abe zale Sozialis a) Socialis Pa io ic Coo dina o .
LAB (Langile Abe zaleen Ba zo deak) Na ionalis Wo ke s’ Commi ee
MLNV (Mo imien o de Libe ación Nacional Vasco) Basque Na ional Libe a ion
Mo emen
PCE (Pa ido Comunis a de España) Spanish Communis Pa y
PNV/EAJ (Pa ido Nacionalis a Vasco/Eusko Alde di Jel zalea) Basque Na ionalis Pa y
PP (Pa ido Popula ) People’s Pa y
PSE (Pa ido Socialis a de Euskadi) Socialis Pa y o he Basque Coun y
PSOE (Pa ido Socialis a Ob e o Español) Spanish Socialis Wo ke s’ Pa y
UCD (Unión de Cen o Democ á ico) Union o he Democ a ic Cen e
ZEN (Zona Especial No e) Special No he n Zone
ii
Abb e ia ions (Ku dish case)
AKP (Adale e Kalkınma Pa isi) Jus ice and De elopmen Pa y
ARGK (A êşa Rizga iya Gelê Ku dis an) Ku dis an People’s Libe a ion A my
BDP (Ba ış e Demok asi Pa isi) Peace and Democ acy Pa y
CHP (Cumhu iye Halk Pa isi) Republican People's Pa y
DDKO (De imci Doğu Kül ü Ocakla ı) Re olu iona y Cul u al Eas e n Hea hs
DEP (Demok asi Pa isi) Democ acy Pa y
DEHAP (Demok a ik Halk Pa isi) Democ a ic People’s Pa y
DTK (Demok a ik Toplum Kong esi) Democ a ic Socie y Cong ess
DTP (Demok a ik Toplum Pa isi) Democ a ic Socie y Pa y
DYP (Doğ u Yol Pa isi) T ue Pa h Pa y
ERNK (Eniya Rizga iya Ne ewa Ku dis an) Na ional Libe a ion F on o Ku dis an
HADEP (Halkın Demok asi Pa isi) People’s Democ acy Pa y
HDP (Halkla ın Demok a ik Pa isi) People’s Democ a ic Pa y
HEP (Halkın Emek Pa isi) People’s Labo Pa y
HPG (Hêzên Pa as ina Gel) People’s De ense Fo ces.
JİTEM (Janda ma İs ihba a e Te ö le Mücadele) Genda me ie In elligence Coun e -Te o ism
KCK (Koma Ci akên Ku dis an) Ku dis an Communi ies Union
KUK (Kü dis an Ulusal Ku uluşçula ı) Na ional Libe a o s o Ku dis an
MİT (Millî İs ihba a Teşkila ı) Na ional In elligence O ganiza ion
PDK/KDP (Pa iya Demok a a Ku dis anê) Ku dis an Democ a ic Pa y
PKK (Pa iya Ka ke ên Ku dis an) Ku dis an Wo ke s’ Pa y
RP (Re ah Pa isi) Wel a e Pa y
SHP (Sosyal Demok a Halkçı Pa i) Social Democ a ic Populis Pa y
TAK (Tey êbazên Azadiya Ku dis an) Ku dis an F eedom Hawks
TİP (Tü kiye İşçi Pa isi) Wo ke s' Pa y o Tu key
THKP-C (Tü kiye Halk Ku uluş Pa isi-Cephesi) People's Libe a ion Pa y-F on o Tu key
TKP/ML (Tü kiye Komünis Pa isi/Ma ksis -Leninis ) Communis Pa y o Tu key/Ma xis –Leninis
YJK (Yekî iya Jinên Ku dis an) Pa io ic Women o Ku dis an
YJWK (Yekî iya Jinên Wela pa êzên Ku dis an) Union o Ku dis an’s Pa io ic Women
YNK/PUK (Yekî iya Nîş imanî ya Ku dis anê) Pa io ic Union o Ku dis an
xi
Lis o Tables
Table 1 Demog aphic g ow h in Bizkaia be ween 1779 - 1900
Table 2 Elec o al esul s in he Basque Coun y in gene al elec ions be o e he Spanish Ci il
Wa
Table 3 Ne immig a ion lows o he Basque Coun y be ween 1920 – 1981
Table 4 The 1927 and 1965 census in p edominan ly Ku dish ci ies
Table 5 Cons i u ional e e endum o 6 Decembe 1978 in he Basque Coun y + Na a e and
i e main p o inces in Spain
Table 6 Re e endum o 25 Oc obe 1979 on he au onomy s a u e o he Basque Coun y
Table 7 1991, 1995 and 1999 Gene al Elec ions in Tu key’s Ku dis an
Table 8 Numbe o casual ies in Ku dish con lic in Tu key be ween 1990 - 2000
Table 9 E olu ion o he image o ETA mili an s be ween 1978 - 1989
Table 10 A i udes o he Basques owa ds ETA in he ea ly 2000s
Table 11 In e nal o ing among ETA mili ancy o he p oposal o de ini i e dissolu ion (2018)
Table 12 Pe cen age o a i ma i e answe s ega ding he cen al poli ical ques ions and
adminis a i e p e e ence
Table 13 Public demons a ions and e en s o ganized by abe zale le g oups (1978 - 1988)
x
Con en s
Acknowledgmen s ....................................................................................................................................... i
Abs ac .................................................................................................................................................... iii
Résumé ..................................................................................................................................................... i
Resumen ....................................................................................................................................................
Abb e ia ions (Basque case) ....................................................................................................................... i
Abb e ia ions (Ku dish case) ...................................................................................................................... ii
Glossa y (Basque case) ............................................................................................................................. iii
Glossa y (Ku dish case) ............................................................................................................................... xi
Lis o Tables ............................................................................................................................................ xi
In oduc ion ................................................................................................................................. 1
Resea ch subjec , scope, and ou line ................................................................................................................. 2
Basque and Ku dish na ionalisms in con ex .................................................................................................. 3
Basque and Ku dish na ional e i als: Gene a ional up u e and adicaliza ion ........................................... 5
Unde s anding he social ep oduc ion o ETA and he PKK: A gene a ional pe spec i e ............................. 6
Resea ch ques ion(s) and hypo heses .............................................................................................................. 11
Resea ch me hodology: Implemen a ion and challenges ................................................................................ 12
Seconda y sou ce consul a ion: Li e a u e e ision and da a a ailabili y .................................................... 13
Da a collec ion p ocess in he Basque and Ku dish ields ............................................................................ 16
Me hodological p oblems: Epis emological conce ns and p ac ical challenges .......................................... 20
1. Gene a ions, na ionalism, and poli ical iolence .................................................................. 22
1.1. Unde s anding he ques ion o gene a ions and gene a ional esea ch ............................................ 22
1.1.1. Gene a ions: De ini ion, scope, and sociological signi icance .................................................... 23
1.1.2. Socializa ion p ocesses, poli ical gene a ions, and gene a ional up u e .................................. 25
1.1.3. Collec i e aumas, iolence, and gene a ional eac ions .......................................................... 27
a. Expe ienced auma: Social change and gene a ional silence ............................................................ 28
b. New coho gene a ion and he social ep oduc ion o auma na a i e .......................................... 29
1.1.4. Designing a coho analysis: Gene a ions as a social me ic....................................................... 31
Some ema ks on he me hodology o gene a ional analysis ...................................................................... 32
1.2. A gene a ional app oach owa ds na ionalism and poli ical iolence................................................. 34
1.2.1. Na ionalism and na ion-building in he s a eless na ions .......................................................... 35
E hnici y and e hno-symbolism in he s a eless na ions .............................................................................. 37
1.2.2. Na ionalism as a gene a ional up u e: Social change and e hno-na ionalis mo emen s ........ 39
The bi h o e hnona ional eli es as a gene a ion en elechy ....................................................................... 41
1.3. E hnic e i al, gene a ions, and collec i e iolence ............................................................................ 43
1.3.1. Gene a ion o e hnic e i als: Re olu iona ism ou o silence ................................................... 43
1.3.2. New gene a ion en elechy: Cons uc ion o auma, wa , and enemy ...................................... 46
x i
1.3.3. Poli ical iolence in e hnona ional mo emen s .......................................................................... 47
a. G oup u h and jus i ica ions o iolence ........................................................................................... 48
b. The legi imacy o poli ical iolence: Regime, g oup, and communi y ................................................. 50
1.4. Coho analysis o e hnona ional poli ical iolence ........................................................................... 53
1.4.1. The whys and hows o a gene a ional app oach owa ds poli ical iolence .............................. 53
1.4.2. Compa a i e coho analysis o e hnona ional poli ical iolence: A p oposal ........................... 55
2. Gene a ional De elopmen o Basque Na ionalism .............................................................. 59
2.1. Eme gence and ea ly pe iods o he adi ional Basque na ionalism ................................................. 59
2.1.1. S a e-building and he ques ion o cen aliza ion in Spain and he Basque Coun y ................. 59
a. The cen aliza ion issue in he o ma ion o he Spanish s a e ........................................................... 59
b. Resis ance, loss, and auma in he Basque Coun y: Ca lis wa s and he aboli ion o he Fue os ... 60
c. The pe iod o pos -Ca lis Wa s and he social g ounds o he ea ly Basque na ionalism .................. 61
2.1.2. The eme gence o Basque na ionalism: Doc ine, cha ac e is ics and social componen s ........ 63
a. The ounding gene a ion o he PNV and he ea ly pe iod Basque na ionalis doc ine .................... 64
b. O he Basque na ionalis ac ions be o e he Spanish Ci il Wa ....................................................... 66
2.1.3. Basque na ionalism(s) du ing and a e he Spanish Ci il Wa ................................................... 69
a. The legi imacy and social ealm o Basque na ionalism be o e he Spanish Ci il Wa ....................... 69
b. The poli ical ealm o he Basque na ionalism be o e he Spanish Ci il Wa ...................................... 70
2.2. The pos -Ci il Wa gene a ion and he e- o mula ion o Basque na ionalism ......................................... 71
2.2.1. The pos -Ci il Wa pe iod and Basque gene a ional silence ...................................................... 71
a. P oblema ic legi imacy o he F anco egime in he Basque Coun y ................................................. 71
b. The pos -Ci il Wa auma and gene a ional silence in he Basque Coun y ...................................... 72
2.2.2. The gene a ional up u e wi hin he Basque na ionalis uni e se ............................................. 74
a. The bi h o EKIN/ETA and he ini ial pe iod o Basque neo-na ionalism ........................................... 75
b. Theo iza ion o he e olu iona y wa and he use o iolence by he new gene a ion en elechy .... 76
c. Social condi ions du ing he eme gence pe iod o Basque neo-na ionalism ...................................... 79
d. Socializa ion mechanisms o he gene a ional ansmission o he Basque na ionalism .................... 81
3. Gene a ional De elopmen o Ku dish Na ionalism ................................................................. 89
3.1. Eme gence and ea ly pe iods o Ku dish na ionalism ......................................................................... 89
3.1.1. Tu kish mode niza ion and Ku dish na ional de elopmen ....................................................... 89
a. Ku dish au onomy unde he O oman impe ial so e eign y ............................................................. 89
b. The eme gence o Ku dish na ionalis en elechy and ea ly ac i i ies ................................................. 90
3.1.2. Violence and auma in Ku dish collec i e memo y ................................................................... 93
a. E hnic challenges and iolence in he la e O oman pe iod: The A menian ques ion ........................ 93
b. T aces o he A menian Genocide in Ku dis an and Ku dish collec i e memo y ................................ 94
3.1.3. Ku dish esis ance agains Tu kish na ion-building: F om e ol o su ende .......................... 96
a. The Sheikh Said e ol : The end o ‘ aci con ac ’ .............................................................................. 97
An analysis o he consequences o Sheikh Said e ol in Ku dish memo y ................................................ 99
x ii
b. The De sim e ol : The beginning o he gene a ional silence .......................................................... 102
The use o physical and symbolic coe cion in and a e De sim ................................................................ 104
3.2. The e hnona ional e i al o Ku dish na ionalism in Tu key ............................................................. 106
3.2.1. The gene a ional esu gence o Ku dish na ionalism ............................................................... 106
a. The pos - e ol s pe iod and ep oduc ion o Ku dish iden i y in gene a ional silence..................... 106
b. The 49e s: A poli ical gene a ion? ..................................................................................................... 109
c. The in luences o Mus a a Ba zani’s uphea al among Tu key’s Ku ds .............................................. 111
3.2.2. The poli ical socializa ion o he Ku dish le owa ds au onomy ............................................ 112
a. The TİP expe ience and Eas e n Rallies ............................................................................................. 112
b. The eme gence o an au onomous Ku dish poli ical ac i ism in Tu key ........................................... 114
c. The 12 Ma ch 1970 memo andum and adicaliza ion o Ku dish na ional mo emen (s)................. 116
4. Gene a ional De elopmen o Violence in he ‘Basque Na ional Libe a ion Mo emen ’ ....... 118
4.1. The la e F anco e a poli ical a mosphe e in he Basque Coun y ..................................................... 118
4.1.1. The bi h o a poli ical coho : The Bu gos T ial and e-poli iciza ion o he public sphe e ..... 118
4.1.2. Coho e ec s on Basque iolence: Class ques ion and ETA in labo dispu es ......................... 120
4.1.3. The la e F anco pe iod iolence in he Basque collec i e memo y .......................................... 122
4.2. The socializa ion p ocesses o he Basque poli ical coho du ing he la e F anco e a..................... 124
4.2.1. Acqui ing Basque na ional iden i y: The ole o he amily in he na ionalis ansmission ..... 124
4.2.2. Seconda y socializa ion mechanisms: Schooling, associa i e wo ld, and eligion.................... 126
a. Language, schooling, and iend ci cles (kuad illas) .......................................................................... 126
b. The Basque chu ch and na ionalis cle gy ......................................................................................... 128
c. The ques ion o e hnici y in Basque neo-na ionalism ....................................................................... 129
4.3. F om dic a o ship o mona chy: The ‘Spanish T ansi ion’ in he Basque Coun y ............................ 131
4.3.1. A gene al o e iew o he pos -F anco poli ics in he Basque Coun y .................................... 131
4.3.2. The cons uc ion o he Spanish T ansi ion in he g oup u h o abe zale le ...................... 133
4.4. Wha hey ough o : Mo i a ions and jus i ica ions o poli ical iolence ....................................... 138
4.4.1. The a med s uggle as a ool o accomplish na ional and social aspi a ions ............................ 138
4.4.2. The pe cep ion and meaning o s uggle: Emo ional aspec s o mili ancy ............................... 141
5. The Founding Gene a ion o he ‘Ku dis an Na ional Libe a ion Mo emen ’ ........................ 145
5.1. The Ku dish poli ics in Tu key be ween 1970 - 1980 ......................................................................... 145
5.1.1. Ku dish mo emen s, Tu kish e olu iona y le , and he eme gence o he PKK ..................... 145
5.1.2. The gene a ional up u e: Re using he pas , pionee ing he u u e ....................................... 148
5.2. The cons uc ion o Ku dish na ional iden i y among i s -gene a ion PKK cad es .......................... 151
5.2.1. The place o e hnona ional symbols in he socializa ion o PKK mili an s ................................ 152
5.2.2. Impac s o he sou he n Ku dish na ional s uggle and i s de ea among no he n Ku ds ...... 153
5.2.3. The social mechanisms o poli iciza ion o he Ku dish ques ion ............................................. 154
5.3. The impac s o Tu kish ule on Ku dish collec i e memo y and Ku dishness ................................... 156
5.3.1. Ba ie s in minds: Ea ly Ku dish e ol s, iolence, and pe cep ion o he s a e ....................... 156
x iii
5.3.2. In e nal colonialism: The social pe cep ion o Ku dishness ou side o Ku dis an .................... 159
5.3.3. In e nal colonialism: The social pe cep ion o Ku dishness inside Ku dis an ........................... 162
5.4. Analysis o i s -gene a ion iolence: Jus i ica ions, objec i es, and epe oi es ............................. 164
5.4.1. Mo i a ions and jus i ica ions o he use o o ce in Ku dis an .............................................. 164
a. Denial, des uc ion, and dea h: Legi ima e sel -de ense o Ku dish e hnic su i al ........................ 165
b. The ole o in e sec ionali y in he Ku dish a med s uggle .............................................................. 167
5.4.2. The ini ial a ge s, objec i es, and epe oi es o i s -gene a ion poli ical iolence ............... 169
a. The ans o ma ion om bandi y o he poli ical iolence .............................................................. 170
b. The 12 Sep embe 1980 coup and in oduc ion o new epe oi es ................................................. 172
Dungeon esis ance: iolence agains onesel as a o m o collec i e p o es .......................................... 173
The Bekaa Valley pe iod and he in e na ionalis gue illa wa a e .......................................................... 175
6. MLNV du ing he Pe iod o Democ a ic Consolida ion in Spain ............................................ 177
6.1. Ea ly socializa ion pe iod o MLNV ac o s du ing he Spanish T ansi ion ......................................... 177
6.1.1 T ans o ma ions in he social meaning o iolence du ing he Spanish T ansi ion .................. 177
6.1.2. The di e si ica ion o iolen ac o s and expansion o he Spain-Basque con lic ................... 181
6.1.3. Family adi ion: Ques ioning he ansgene a ional ansmission o mili ancy ...................... 184
6.2. Coho and pe iod e ec s on he Basque con lic h ough he 1990s .............................................. 187
6.2.1. S a e iolence and ins i u ional ma ginaliza ion o ‘an i-democ a s’ ....................................... 187
6.2.2. Seconda y socializa ion and ini ial engagemen o MLNV mili an s ......................................... 189
6.2.3. Violence in he e a o ‘p i a iza ion o social li e’: In oduc ion o new epe oi es ................ 191
6.3. Mo i a ions and jus i ica ions o iolence among MLNV membe s in he 1990s ............................. 197
6.3.1. In e p e a ion o iolence among he MLNV mili an s ............................................................. 198
6.3.2. Su e ing, s uggle and sac i ice: The emo ional meaning o he cause and de o ion ............. 201
7. The Ku dish Na ional Libe a ion Mo emen in he 1990s .................................................... 203
7.1. Poli ical socializa ion o second-gene a ion PKK cad es .................................................................... 203
7.1.1. Objec i ying he eali y: Mili a y occupa ion and iolence a e he 12 Sep embe coup ....... 203
7.1.2. The pos -coup s uc u al iolence agains he Ku dish e hno-symbolic uni e se .................... 206
7.1.3. The con inuing impac s o in e nal colonialism in and ou side o Ku dis an ............................ 209
7.1.4. The ise o he PKK as he sole ac o o he Ku dish s uggle ................................................... 211
7.2. Tu key, he Ku dish ques ion, and he PKK in he 1990s ................................................................... 214
7.2.1. The in oduc ion o non- iolen epe oi es: Ku dish legal poli ics .......................................... 214
7.2.2. The in ol emen o new ac o s and he expansion o he Ku dish con lic .............................. 216
7.3. Mo i a ions, jus i ica ions, and mechanisms o he a med s uggle ................................................ 219
7.3.1. The p o ile o second-gene a ion PKK mili an s ....................................................................... 219
7.3.2. Jus i ica ions o he use o a ms among second-gene a ion cad es ....................................... 220
a. Violence as a means o annihila ion e sus iolence o sel -de ense .............................................. 220
b. Social mechanisms and mo i a ions o a ilia ion ............................................................................ 223
The se hıldan p ocess and mass u ban mobiliza ion ................................................................................. 225
xix
Indoc ina ion behind ba s: P ison esis ance and mili ancy in he 1990s ................................................ 228
8. Basque Con lic in he Ea ly 21s Cen u y in Spain ................................................................ 231
8.1. Socio-poli ical scene y and iolence on he e ge o he new millennium in Spain .......................... 231
8.1.1. A new phase: ‘Socializa ion o su e ing’ e sus ‘all agains e o ism’ .................................... 231
8.1.2. Social mechanisms o ep oduc ion o adical Basque na ionalism ......................................... 236
a. Family and ea ly socializa ion mechanisms and p ocesses ............................................................... 236
b. F iend ci cles and la e s age poli ical socializa ion p ocess ............................................................. 239
8.2. The Basque con lic in he ea ly 21s cen u y .................................................................................... 242
8.2.1. “They’ e all ETA”: B oadening he con en s o e o ism ......................................................... 242
8.2.2. The e ec s o S o mon in he Basque Coun y: The Liza a – Ga azi Ag eemen ................... 244
8.2.3. The Pos -Liza a pe iod: Mili ancy unde he PP – PSOE an i- e o ism pac ........................... 246
8.3. Mo i a ions and jus i ica ions o poli ico-mili a y in ol emen a e Liza a-Ga azi ........................ 249
8.3.1. Collec i e memo y and s a egy o he a med s uggle and g oup loyal y .............................. 250
8.3.2. The in e p e a ion o iolence and poli ical p og ess in he Basque Coun y .......................... 252
8.3.3. Objec i es and unc ionali y/dys unc ionali y o iolence in he pe iod o illegaliza ions ....... 253
9. The Ku dish Na ional Libe a ion Mo emen in he 21s Cen u y ........................................... 258
9.1. The poli ical a mosphe e du ing he ea ly socializa ion o hi d-gene a ion cad es......................... 258
9.1.1. The pe cep ion o Ku dishness, he S a e, and he PKK in he 1990s ....................................... 259
9.2. Change in pa adigm: The S a e – PKK ela ions a e 1999 ............................................................... 264
9.2.1. A new app oach owa ds Tu key’s Ku dish ques ion on he e e o he ‘New Republic’ .......... 264
9.2.2. A new app oach owa ds Ku dis an’s Tu kish ques ion in he e a o he ‘New Pa y’ ............. 266
9.3. Poli ical socializa ion and engagemen o hi d-gene a ion PKK cad es ........................................... 267
9.3.1. The ea ly poli ical ac i i ies and decision-making p ocess ....................................................... 268
9.3.2. The ansi ion pe iod om pa - ime o ull- ime in ol emen ............................................... 269
9.4. Mo i a ions and jus i ica ions o he use o a ms among hi d-gene a ion cad es ......................... 272
9.4.1. F om he ailed Ku d o e o is Ku d: Con inuous consequences o in e nal colonialism ..... 273
9.4.2. Rep ession h ough de en ion and p ison in he 2000s ........................................................... 276
9.4.3. Symbolic iolence and conce ns o e Ku dish e hnic su i al .................................................. 278
9.4.4. The ques ion o women and in e sec ionali y in poli ico-mili a y in ol emen ....................... 281
9.4.5. ‘Önde lik pa icipa ions’ ............................................................................................................ 284
10. Gene a ional Analysis o he Social Legi imacy o he MLNV ................................................ 285
10.1. The social legi imacy o a med s uggle in he la e dic a o ship .................................................. 285
10.2. The o ensi e by he MLNV agains he Aju ia-Enea block ........................................................... 290
10.3. The a e ma h o he Liza a-Ga azi: The 11-S and a new concep o e o ism .......................... 295
10.4. The end o he cycle o iolen epe oi es in he MLNV .............................................................. 298
11. Gene a ional Analysis o he Social Legi imacy o he PKK ................................................... 305
11.1. The Apocula phase: Ea ly condi ions, challenges, and social suppo ......................................... 305
11.2. The pos -15 Augus 1984 gue illa phase and he ea ly 1990 se hıldans ..................................... 309
xx
11.3. Social suppo o he new PKK amid old challenges .................................................................... 316
12. Ideological and Symbolic De elopmen o he MLNV .......................................................... 323
12.1. The changed and unchanged in he his o y o ETA ....................................................................... 323
12.2. The symbolic ans o ma ion o Basque na ionalism and Basque na ional libe a ion ................. 326
12.3. The undamen al symbolic elemen s o Basque neo-na ionalism ................................................ 329
12.3.1. Euske a: Whe e agony begins and ep oduces i sel ................................................................ 332
12.3.2. Leade ship in he MLNV: ETA as he ‘cha isma ic’ leade ........................................................ 336
12.3.3. The meaning o su e ing and sac i ice in he MLNV: Dea h, exile, and p ison ........................ 338
12.4. Women in ETA and he MLNV ....................................................................................................... 344
13. Ideological and Symbolic De elopmen o Ku dish Na ional Libe a ion Mo emen .............. 351
13.1. Being a membe o he PKK: Moun ains and he e- i aliza ion o he genuine Ku d .................. 351
13.2. Cons uc ion o he Leade ship and o he cul igu es in g oup u h .......................................... 355
13.3. The Pa y o Ma y s: Immo ali y h ough ‘bedel’ and ‘bo ç’ ...................................................... 362
13.4. Women’s libe a ion s uggle wi hin and ou side o he PKK ........................................................ 366
Conclusions ............................................................................................................................... 379
Gene a ional a iables in he de elopmen and adicaliza ion o Basque and Ku dish na ionalisms............ 379
Social mechanisms o mobiliza ion and mili ancy .......................................................................................... 381
G oup u h and he pe cep ion o social eali y ............................................................................................ 383
Jus i ica ions o iolence ................................................................................................................................. 385
Gene a ions, con en ion, and social legi imacy o iolence ........................................................................... 388
Bibliog aphy ............................................................................................................................... 393
Online sou ces ................................................................................................................................................ 411
Appendix 1: Maps .................................................................................................................................. 412
Appendix 2.1. Ques ionnai e o in-dep h in e iews in he Basque Coun y ............................................... 414
Appendix 2.2. Ques ionnai e o in-dep h in e iews in Ku dis an .............................................................. 416
Appendix 3.1. In e iew cha (Basque Coun y) ....................................................................................... 418
Appendix 3.2. In e iew cha (Ku dis an) ................................................................................................ 419
Appendix 4.1. Sociodemog aphic da a o pa icipan s (Basque ield) .......................................................... 421
Appendix 4.2. Sociodemog aphic da a o pa icipan s (Ku dish ield) .......................................................... 423
Appendix 5.1. Samples om in-dep h in e iews (Basque ield) ................................................................. 426
Appendix 5.2. Samples om in-dep h in e iews (Ku dish ield) ................................................................. 429
1
In oduc ion
This s udy1 ocuses on he phenomenon o poli ical iolence exe cised by non-s a e ac o s in he
Basque and Ku dish cases om a gene a ional pe spec i e. By p oposing a esea ch model based on a
compa a i e analysis o speci ic pe iods wi hin he long his o y o wo e hnona ional mo emen s, i
a emp s o demons a e he ole ha gene a ional a iables play in he eme gence and de elopmen
o iolen epe oi es by non-s a e o ganiza ions. This a emp also includes jus i ica ions made by
indi iduals in ol ed in hese o ganiza ions and he g ade o legi imacy a ibu ed o he use o iolence
by hei espec i e communi ies h ough he selec ed pe iods o analysis.
Dealing wi h such an analysis equi es om he e y beginning o speci y he dis inc i e
cha ac e is ics o hese mo emen s ha eso o he use o poli ical iolence o na ionalis and social
aspi a ions. The eme gence o hese mo emen s has o see wi h socio-poli ical condi ions o a gi en
pe iod shaped by a mul iplici y o a iables a mac o and mic o le els. Howe e , hey dis inguish
hemsel es om o he coe aneous e olu iona y mo emen s and g oups ha eso o using iolen
epe oi es o achie e poli ical goals. Unlike he la e case, he sel -p oclaimed ‘na ional libe a ion
mo emen s’ adop a na a i e based on na ionalis his o iog aphy inhe i ed om he p e ious
gene a ion na ionalis g oups and econs uc ion o his na a i e in which he new gene a ion
en elechy objec i y hei posi ion as he leading ac o o he na ionalis mo emen . The na ional
libe a ion mo emen s, in his sense, a e no limi ed o a pu e a med mani es a ion o pa icula
demands om he na ion-s a es wi h which hese o ganiza ions con end. S ill, hey also unc ion as a
social mo emen ha seeks a success ul di usion o he g oup u h ega ding he na ional iden i y
among he communi y membe s whom hey claim o ep esen .
A success ul di usion o he na ional na a i e is a challenging ques ion ha in ol es a se o
mechanisms and a complex p ocess o social ep oduc ion in e e yday li e p ac ices. These
socializa ion mechanisms, anging om amily and schooling o pee leisu e ime ac i i ies,
associa ions, o mass media, con e in o spaces on which se e al de ini ions o u h ega ding he
na ional iden i y compe e wi h one ano he . As obse ed in bo h cases analyzed in his s udy, each
gene a ion o he na ional libe a ion mo emen s bene i s om a ailable social mechanisms hey
conside unc ional in a gi en pe iod o , o he wise, c ea e al e na i e a angemen s o impose hei
iden i y de ini ion on a ge ed sec o s in socie y.
1 This s udy has been conduc ed as a Ph.D. esea ch p ojec unde he co-supe ision o D . Benjamín Teje ina (Uni e sidad
del País Vasco/Euskal He iko Unibe si a ea) and D . Hami Boza slan (École des Hau es É udes en Sciences Sociales).
2
Finally, like hese mo emen s and he poli ico-mili a y s a egy hey pu sue, he social
legi imacy a ibu ed o hem also has a dynamic cha ac e . The suppo by he membe s o he e hnic
communi y on behal o which hese mo emen s claim o exe cise iolen pe o mances depends on
he socio-poli ical condi ions o each pe iod du ing which hese s a egies e ol e. Unde s anding o
ma e ial changes and ans o ma ions hese condi ions pass h ough in each pe iod and he ac o ’s
subjec i e in e p e a ion on hese become an essen ial aspec when i comes o analyzing he
e olu ion o social legi imacy o he use o iolence among he e hnic communi y.
Resea ch subjec , scope, and ou line
This s udy analyzes he social ep oduc ion o poli ical iolence om a gene a ional pe spec i e in wo
long-las ing cases o e hnic con lic in sou he n Basque Coun y (Spain) and no he n Ku dis an
(Tu key)2 led by wo a an -ga de poli ico-mili a y ac o s: Euskadi Ta Aska asuna (ETA, Basque
Homeland and F eedom) and Pa iya Ka ke ên Ku dis an (PKK, Ku dis an Wo ke s’ Pa y). The
compa a i e analysis o bo h mo emen s ha eme ged unde en i ely di e en social condi ions will
be ca ied ou on he pu pose ully selec ed h ee consecu i e pe iods ha pe mi o obse e he ole
ha gene a ional a iables play in he ajec o y o bo h a med con lic s.
Despi e he adop ion o almos an iden ical poli ical discou se in hei ini ial s age, based on
he use o ‘ e olu iona y iolence’ agains Spanish and Tu kish ‘colonial ules’ in he Basque Coun y
and Ku dis an, bo h mo emen s ha e expe imen ed a simul aneous con as in e ms o hei socio-
poli ical in luence and social legi imacy h ough he ollowing pe iods o hei poli ico-mili a y
ajec o y. ETA, he mili a y appa a us o he sel -p oclaimed Basque Na ional Libe a ion Mo emen
(MLNV – Mo imien o de Libe ación Nacional Vasco) ha had been he only signi ican esis ance
agains he F anco dic a o ship since he ea ly 1960s, ell in o decline s a ing om he ea ly 1990s.
This decline con inued h ough he 2000s un il i s laying down o a ms and de ini i e dissolu ion in
2018. The PKK, he leading ac o o he Ku dish Na ional Libe a ion Mo emen (Kü Ulusal Özgü lük
Ha eke i) ha emained as he only signi ican o ganiza ion agains he mili a y egime o 12
Sep embe 1980 coup d’é a launched i s i s gue illa o ensi e agains he Tu kish s a e in 1984,
eaching a massi e mobiliza ion capaci y in Ku dis an h ough he 1990s and 2000s. This con e se
de elopmen o bo h mo emen s in e ms o hei mobiliza ion capaci y and social legi imacy be ween
he 1980s and 2000s cons i u es ch onologically o e lapping wo cases o he same phenomenon,
poli ical iolence, ha o e a sui able g ound o an ex ensi e compa a i e analysis.
2 Sou he n Basque Coun y (Hegoalde in Basque) includes Au onomous Communi y o he Basque Coun y (Comunidad
Au ónoma del País Vasco) and he Fo al Communi y o Na a e (Comunidad Fo al de Na a a), bo h possessing poli ical
au onomy s a us in he Kingdom o Spain. No he n Ku dis an (Baku in Ku dish Ku manji) includes Eas e n and Sou h-Eas e n
egions o he Republic o Tu key which ha e no adminis a i e compe ency (see Appendix 1).
3
No wi hs anding, al hough he e a e ce ain simila i ies in he ini ial phases o hei
ounda ion, s uc u al di e ences be ween he Basque Coun y and Ku dis an and he di e ging ou es
ollowed in Spanish and Tu kish poli ics b oadly impac he adicaliza ion p ocess o he Basque and
Ku dish na ional libe a ion mo emen s. These di e ences o e a sui able g ound o ealize a
compa a i e analysis on bo h cases encou aging he esea che o look beyond mac o heo ies o
na ionalism wi h li le sa is ac o y explana ion on why and how ce ain na ional e i als in his pe iod
e ol ed in o a med s uggle, whe eas o he s pu sued a ela i e paci is ou e. Mic o-le el case-speci ic
a iables whose aces can only be sough in he sociological his o y o bo h cases (Lai in 1995) come
o he o e on . Chap e 2 and Chap e 3 a e, he e o e, dedica ed o he eme gence o Basque and
Ku dish na ionalism, b ie ly co e ing a long pe iod up un il he speci ic gene a ions analyzed in de ail
h ough he ollowing chap e s.
Basque and Ku dish na ionalisms in con ex
An a emp o e alua e he his o ical oo s o Basque and Ku dish na ionalism om he mode nis
pe spec i e d aws an en i ely di e en pic u e. Violen con on a ions wi h he cen al au ho i y in he
pe iod o ansi ion om he impe ial unde s anding o so e eign y o he cen aliza ion o he mode n
s a e appea as one o ew common cha ac e is ics. Ha ing se led on wo dis inc i e con igu a ions in
e ms o social s uc u e, bo h Basques and Ku ds enjoyed a ce ain deg ee o au onomy in hei
dealings wi h he cen al au ho i y, whose emo al an in o a eac ion by pe iphe al ac o s. Violen
con on a ions in he o m o wa s and uphea als in he 19 h cen u y ended up in he ic o y o
mode nis cen aliza ion, which la e appea s in he Basque and Ku dish na ional his o iog aphy as he
beginning o loss. The culmina ion o hese con on a ions and discon inua ion o bo h na ionalis
mo emen s ook place in he i s hal o he 20 h cen u y wi h he end o he Spanish Ci il Wa and
supp ession o Ku dish e ol s. Bo h e en s a e objec i ied as genocidal a emp s in hei espec i e
his o iog aphy (O zi 1975; De simi 1987; Beşikçi 1990; Egaña 1996).
In he Basque case, he his o y o adminis a i e p i ileges (Fue os o o al egime) om he
Kingdom o Cas ile goes back o he pe iod o Spanish colonial ad en u es in which Basque noble
classes pa icipa ed as he key ac o in No h A lan ic comme cial ou es, con e ing he Basque
p o inces in o a hub be ween no he n Eu ope and ‘New Wo ld’. A emp s o emo e his s a us as
pa o Spanish cen aliza ion in he 19 h cen u y p o oked con on a ions be ween hose libe als, who
op ed o he e i o ial uni ica ion o Spain, and hose adi ionalis Ca lis a sec o s in a o o
main aining he Fue os. The g owing Basque bou geoisie and de eloping s eel indus y, which had
been almos exclusi ely dependen on Cas ile, suppo ed u he in eg a ion wi h Spain. In con as ,
conse a i e Basque peasan y and u al seignio s whose economic in e es s we e p ima ily elian on
he Basque o al egime opposed his idea o cen alizing he s a e (Díez Med ano 1999: 30-79). This
10
he s a eless solu ion o he Ku dish ques ion wi hin he scope o he ‘democ a iza ion o Tu key’
(Öcalan 1999) was emb aced by he majo i y o he Ku dish Na ional Libe a ion Mo emen . Al hough
his pe iod also sees he de ac o cul u al ecogni ion o Ku ds as an e hnic iden i y, mos indi iduals
who decided o join he a med s uggle had expe ienced he di ec o indi ec consequences o he
low-in ensi y wa o he 1990s, which shaped hei pe cep ion o eali y. The PKK ac i ism, which
mainly had emained limi ed o Tu key’s Ku dis an, began o ex end o wes e n Tu key h ough
spo adic p o es ac ions in his pe iod whe e he PKK ound g ounds o he poli ical and social
o ganiza ion as a esul o he massi e emig a ion o he 1990s.
The analysis o hese h ee consecu i e gene a ions ocuses on he indi idual’s socializa ion
p ocesses unde he socio-poli ical condi ions co esponding o each pe iod, he mechanisms h ough
which he poli ical socializa ion leading o mili ancy akes place, and, inally, mo i a ions and
jus i ica ions o engagemen exp essed by he mili an s. A i ma ions made by social ac o s wi h his
espec co espond o hei subjec i e pe cep ion o eali y ha e lec s he g oup u h legi imizing
poli ical iolence. Howe e , whe he he b oade communi y on behal o which he g oup ca ies on
a med s a egy also sha es he de ini ion o eali y in e nalized by he g oup membe s emains
unanswe ed. Fo his eason, Chap e s 10 and 11 ocus on he gene a ional analysis o he social
legi imacy o hese g oups and he s a egy hey pu sue in Basque and Ku dish socie ies. These
chap e s illus a e he g ade o social suppo g an ed o ETA and he PKK by basing on a ailable
quan i a i e da a as well as he ac o s’ pe cep ion conce ning he changes in social legi imacy h ough
quali a i e da a ob ained in he cou se o bo h ield esea ch.
Finally, a gene a ional analysis on he social ep oduc ion o poli ical iolence no only does i
pe mi he social scien is o obse e he condi ions and easons o engagemen bu also he g ade o
loyal y o he collec i e g oup and he cause de ended h ough a med mili ancy. This la e is equally
essen ial o an o ganiza ion o su i e. The habi us and mode o belie ansmi ed and in e io ized
by he majo i y o collec i e g oup membe s h ough w i en o unw i en ules a e ela ed o symbolic
elemen s (Le eb e & Sawicki 2006: 42-43) whose ep oduc ion is also a gene a ional ques ion. As he
alue a ibu ed o hese elemen s wi h de ini e symbolic meaning wi hin he poli ical cul u e in which
each g oup eme ges and de elops a e cons uc ed and ep oduced h ough gene a ions, Chap e 12
and Chap e 13, he e o e, analyze hese p ocesses h ough h ee consecu i e gene a ions.
This simul aneous analysis o hose gene a ions in ol ed in poli ico-mili a y s a egy based on
a speci ic g oup u h conce ning social eali y e en ually allows making inal compa a i e ema ks
unde Chap e 14. This las chap e discusses gene a ional a iables in luencing he success o ailu e
o bo h mo emen s in achie ing a conside able deg ee o plausibili y o he g oup u h among he
11
Basque and Ku dish communi ies unde he gi en condi ions o each pe iod. These conclusi e ema ks
will be based on a speci ic esea ch plan, ques ions, and hypo hesis whose de ails a e wo h
men ioning in de ail as he ollowing.
Resea ch ques ion(s) and hypo heses
A e ha ing made a b ie o e iew o he selec ed cases om a gene a ional pe spec i e, i would be
con enien o o mula e he main esea ch ques ion as ollows:
“How do gene a ional a iables a ec he social ep oduc ion and legi imacy o poli ical iolence in
he Basque and Ku dish cases?”
The abo e- o mula ed ques ion e eals he schola ly in e es lying behind he ield esea ch conduc ed
in bo h cases. Ne e heless, an a emp o ind a sa is ac o y answe o his ques ion equi es
o mula ing se e al sub-ques ions ha a e essen ial o his end. The ollowing sub-ques ions o be
b ough abou h ough he upcoming chap e s a e he e o e equally necessa y o answe :
a) Wha a e he key gene a ional a iables behind he eme gence o o ganiza ions ha
eso ed o poli ical iolence in he Basque and Ku dish cases?
b) Wha a e he social mechanisms o he ep oduc ion o poli ical iolence in bo h cases? Do
hey con inue o change in each gene a ional pe iod?
c) How do ac o s in ol ed in poli ical iolence pe cei e social eali y? Does his pe cep ion o
eali y change h ough gene a ions?
d) How do social ac o s om di e en poli ical gene a ions jus i y hei in ol emen and
loyal y o iolen o ganiza ions?
e) Does he social legi imacy o iolence exe cised by ETA and he PKK change h ough
gene a ions? I so, how does his change a ec he ajec o y o hese mo emen s?
These sub-ques ions may a y, and many o he s may be lis ed down. Howe e , bo h e ospec i e
quan i a i e da a, as well as he quali a i e da a collec ed in his s udy, delimi he scope o ques ions.
Apa om p o oking u he in e es o u u e esea ch, he p ima y unc ion o hese ques ions is
o o mula e hypo heses es ed by basing on he accumula ed da a ob ained h ough li e a u e
e ision and he ield esea ch speci ically designed o his end. The main hypo heses ha his s udy
has a emp ed o es ega ding he abo e- o mula ed ques ions a e as ollows:
a) Poli ical iolence exe cised by non-s a e ac o s in he Basque and Ku dish cases de i es
om na ional aumas and hei ep oduc ion by u u e gene a ion na ionalis s.
12
b) Social mechanisms ha p oduce poli ical iolence a y depending on he socio-poli ical
condi ions and a iables o each sociological gene a ion.
c) The social eali y pe cei ed by mili an s is based on he idea o a con inuous s a e o wa
o e hnic su i al, which jus i ies he use o iolence in any pe iod.
d) The decision-making on in ol emen in a med mili ancy is a long p ocess passing h ough
speci ic pa e ns du ing he p ima y and seconda y socializa ion o each gene a ion.
e) The social legi imacy o poli ical iolence depends on socio-poli ical condi ions in a socie y
in a gi en pe iod unde which new coho s eme ge.
Quali a i e da a collec ed o his s udy in he Basque Coun y and Ku dis an, espec i ely, as well as
he e alua ion o p e iously accumula ed da a, will allow conduc ing a sys ema ic analysis h ough he
ollowing chap e s o es he abo e- o mula ed hypo hesis. The esul s ob ained in bo h cases will be
e alua ed compa a i ely in he conclusi e ema ks.
Resea ch me hodology: Implemen a ion and challenges
A schola ly wo k dealing wi h such concep s as na ionalism and poli ical iolence wi hin he con ex o
‘s a eless na ions’ en e s in o a con o e sial a ea as de ini ions ega ding any o hese concep s end
o be subjec o mo al judgmen s. These mo al judgmen s a e ep oduced con inuously in e e yday
li e h ough a a ie y o mechanisms ( amily, schooling, media, and alike), and academia is no exemp
om his p ocess. The social scien is whose in insic posi ion is o a oid alue-o ien ed conduc s upon
he esea ch objec (Webe 1949: 11) may d i apa om ‘wha i is’ and ge close o ‘wha i ough
o be’ ha leads he science o become a se o p ac ices seeking o de e mine he alidi y o alsi y o
a phenomenon h ough empi ical knowledge (Douglass & Zulaika 1990: 242).
The social cons uc i ism adop ed as he gene al me hodological pe spec i e in he analysis o
poli ical iolence ocuses on he p ocesses h ough which human knowledge ega ding his
phenomenon is de eloped, main ained, and ansmi ed h ough gene a ions. In his app oach, he
ep esen a ion becomes he objec o analysis he way i exis s, and such alue judgmen s as goodness
and jus ness a ibu ed o he ep esen a ion o i s scien i ic e aci y a e deemed i ele an (Pé ez-
Ago e 1989: 146). He e a his poin , he social scien is s do no adop a suspicious ole by looking in o
he deg ee o he ealness o he p esen ed ac , sea ching o ‘ eal eali y’ (Go man 1956: 108) o
scien i ic cu iosi y on he weigh o e idence and alidi y o a gumen s used by indi iduals in hei
discou se (Habe mas 1975: 107-108). As basically a i med in Thomas Theo em ha cons i u es he
p emise lying behind his app oach, “i men de ine si ua ions as eal, hey a e eal in hei
consequences” (Me on 1995: 380), and no u he inqui y is necessa y wi h his ega d.
13
F om he pe spec i e o cons uc i is phenomenology, whe he Basques and Ku ds a e
na ions, whe he he Basque Coun y and Ku dis an a e colonies o no , o whe he ETA and he PKK
a e na ional libe a ion mo emen s o e o is o ganiza ions a e no ques ions o which he social
scien is is conce ned. The p ima y ask o a esea che is o unde s and he p ocess ha leads he
social ac o o make such a i ma ions and, consequen ly, ake a speci ic ype o ac ion. The esea che ,
in his case, ocuses on he subjec i ely cons uc ed eali y objec i ied by he social g oup in ques ion,
making i possible o ge back o he s age p io o in e p e a ion o achie e “di ec and p imi i e
con ac wi h he wo ld” ha he is in es iga ing (McGowan 2004: 101). He is no p ima ily conce ned
wi h he deg ee o accu acy o wha social ac o s claim o e alua ing he mo al jus i ica ions hey make
(Alexande e al. 2004: 9) bu ins ead app oaching he de ined eali y as a esea ch objec only because
i is objec i ied and in e nalized as eal by social ac o s.
Implemen a ion o his me hodological app oach in a compa a i e analysis in wo di e en
cases o he same social phenomenon om a gene a ional pe spec i e equi es paying close a en ion
o he empo al and quali a i e cha ac e is ics o he p e iously ealized s udies and a ailabili y o
eliable da a h ough a de ailed li e a u e e ision in each case as pa o he p e- ield esea ch phase.
I would be con enien o a i m be o ehand, he esea ch ajec o y on he selec ed pe iod ollows
explici pa allelism wi h he poli ical pa h o bo h coun ies conce ning Basque and Ku dish ques ions.
Likewise, he same poli ical ajec o y also cons i u es he p ima y ac o in de e mining un o eseeable
challenges in implemen ing he esea ch plan in bo h ields.
Seconda y sou ce consul a ion: Li e a u e e ision and da a a ailabili y
A signi ican amoun o scien i ic wo k has been ealized on bo h he Basque and Ku dish con lic s,
making a wide ange o quan i a i e and quali a i e da a a ailable o new s udies o be designed. Jus
as he subjec s hemsel es, howe e , he ajec o y and e olu ion o schola ly in e es in bo h cases
di e signi ican ly, ollowing a pa allel pa e n o poli ical p ocesses obse ed in Spain and Tu key.
Consequen ly, exis ing s udies o e a ying amoun s and dis inc ypes o accumula ed da a in each
case o be s udied.
The schola ly in e es in Basque na ionalism and he eme gence o a med s uggle has
ex ensi ely been s udied om di e en disciplines in bo h Spanish and in e na ional academia since
he mid-1970s. The a mosphe e o ela i e ease in libe ies in his pe iod encou aged schola s o deal
wi h his ‘delica e’ ques ion and allowed an inc ease in he numbe o wo ks. Those schola s who
in oduced he i s ex s o he Basque neo-na ionalis his o iog aphy in he la e and pos -F anco
pe iods we e ETA-a ilia ed and published hese ea ly wo ks unde hei poli ical pseudonyms (Bel za
[pseu. Emilio López Adan] 1974, 1977; O zi [pseu. F ancisco Le amendia] 1975, 1979). In he same
14
pe iod, howe e , he e we e also plen y o Spanish/Basque (Ca o Ba oja 1971, 1974; La onde 1972;
Fe nández de Pinedo 1974; Linz 1973; Apala egi 1976; E xeza e a 1977; González Po illa 1977, 1981;
Elo za 1978; Ga mendia 1979; Co cue a 1980; A anzadi 1981; Jáu egui 1981) and o eign schola s
(Douglas 1971, 1975; Payne 1975; Cla k 1979, 1984; Heibe g 1982) om di e en disciplines who
ocused on he his o y and poli ical aspec s o Basque na ionalism.
Wha may be quali ied as he golden age o s udies on he Basque na ionalism and ETA
co esponds o he mid-1980s onwa ds, namely he democ a ic consolida ion in Spain. In his pe iod,
Basque and Spanish sociologis s (Pé ez-Ago e 1984, 1987; Gu u xaga 1985, 1990, 1996; Gu u xaga,
Pé ez-Ago e & Unce a 1990; Teje ina 1992; Teje ina & Aie di 1995; Díez Med ano 1995; A iaga 1997),
his o ians and poli ical scien is s (Fusi 1984, 1989; Linz e al. 1986; Iba a 1987; Elo za 1992; Ma a
López 1993; Lle a 1994), and an h opologis s (A e xaga 1988; Zulaika 1988; Douglass & Zulaika 1990;
Alcedo 1996) collec ed a signi ican amoun o quali a i e and quan i a i e da a. Meanwhile, he
in e es by o eign schola s also con inued in his pe iod wi h p es igious wo ks (Sulli an 1988;
Wie io ka 1988; Heibe g 1991; Zi akzadeh 1991; Labo de 1998). Apa om ep esen ing a high-
quali y le el in scien i ic e ms, he impo ance o hese schola ly wo ks also lies in hei con ibu ion
o da a collec ed in his pe iod ha also coincides wi h indi iduals ca ego ized unde he i s and
second gene a ion o he MLNV in his s udy.
Finally, he hi d pe iod o Basque s udies poin s o a di ided scien i ic posi ioning be ween
he o icial u h and he g oup u h in which i is he alue judgmen o social scien is s om bo h
poles ha shape he de ini ions and concep s. While some schola s con inued p oducing objec i e
analyses on he Basque poli ics (Teje ina 1999, 2001, 2015; Con e si 2000; Mees 2003; Lecou s 2007;
de la G anja & Mees 2008; Pé ez-Ago e 2008; Mu ua 2016), a biased posi ion conce ning one o wo
de ini ions o eali y is no ed in he Spanish and Basque academia. The comple e a icula ion o Spanish
poli ics o wes e n democ acies, as well as he con o e sial ac ions by ETA since he mid-1990s, seem
o ha e deepened he pola iza ion among Basques, including academia. Some o me (Azu mendi
1998; Elo za 2005; Lle a 2013) and younge gene a ion social scien is s (Reina es 1998, 2001; Casque e
2009; Fe nández Solde illa 2016; Leonisio, Molina & Mu o 2017) adop ed he o icial u h on he
Basque ques ion, which was he synonym o ‘ETA e o ism’. This scene y d aws a simila pic u e o
hose o me gene a ions (Lo enzo Espinosa 1997; Le amendia 2002, 2013) as well as younge
gene a ion in ellec uals (Egaña 1996, 2009, 2013, 2017; Casano a 2007, 2012) who emb ace a
di e en in e p e a ion ep oduced as he g oup u h among abe zale le ci cles.
Among s udies on Ku dish na ionalism and he adicaliza ion o he Ku dish mo emen in
Tu key, howe e , he e y same poli ical ajec o y condi ions he academic li e a u e in a qui e
15
con a y manne . Fo eign diploma s assigned o Ku dis an (Taylo 1868, e.g.) as well as Russian
Ku dology schola s in he ea ly 20 h cen u y p oduced he i s sys ema ic a ailable sou ces on Ku ds.
The pe iod be o e he 2000s wi nessed he in ol emen o o eign schola s o hose Tu kish and
Ku dish schola s and in ellec uals who pu sued hei academic ca ee ou o Tu key (Boza slan 1988,
1993, 1997; Olson 1989; Pica d 1991; Van B uinessen 1992, 1994; Ba key & Fulle 1998) wi h ew
excep ions (M.E. Boza slan 1964, 1966, 1967; Beşikçi 1969, 1970, 1990, 1991, 1992; Bay ak 1993, 1994)
as well as some no able jou nalis ic wo ks (Ku sche a 1979, 1997; Ma o ell 1991). Legal challenges
and di icul y in access o e ain ha became especially appa en a e he 1980 coup d’é a and
unin e up edly con inued un il he la e 1990s, a c i ical imeline o his s udy, made i ha dly possible
o collec eliable and sys ema ic da a du ing hese pe iods.
This si ua ion has g adually changed beginning om he ea ly 2000s, and he e has been
subs an ial academic in e es in he subjec by bo h Tu kish and Ku dish schola s om di e en
disciplines (N.A. Özcan 1999; Yeğen 1999, 2006; Kah aman 2003; Vali 2003; Özoğlu 2004; A.K. Özcan
2006; Çağlayan 2007; Hepe 2007; Boza slan 2009; Da ıcı 2009; Kese 2010; M.S. Kaya 2011; Sa açoğlu
2011; Güneş 2012; Aydınoğlu 2014; Demi 2015; O han 2016; Tezcü 2019) and jou nalis ic wo ks
(Cemal 2003; 2014; Çakı 2004). Quan i a i e and quali a i e da a collec ed h ough ield esea ch
ca ied ou by some o hese schola s ha e made a signi ican con ibu ion o he ield. Along wi h he
ongoing in e es by o eign schola s (Van B uinessen 2000; Whi e 2000; Romano 2006; Jonge den
2007; Casie & Jonge den 2011; G ojean 2017) and expe s on he subjec (Ku sche a 2000; Ma o ell
2005; 2016; Ma cus 2007), he e has been ema kable p og ess in his ield. A e his pe iod, and wi h
in e als depending on he poli ical conjunc u e in Tu key by which he ield esea ch o his s udy in
Ku dis an has been a ec ed, he da a collec ion p ocess has g abbed a signi ican impe us.
The li e a u e e ision on bo h cases e eals ha , howe e , he e has no been much schola ly
in e es in poli ical gene a ions ega ding he Basque and Ku dish con lic s. Excep o a ew a ailable
sou ces ha conce n hemsel es wi h he ques ion o gene a ions (A iaga 1997 and pa ly O han
2016), he impac s o gene a ional a iables ha e ha dly been subjec o analysis. Despi e a signi ican
amoun o scien i ic wo k on bo h Basque and Ku dish na ionalisms and con lic s in gene al, and ETA
and he PKK in pa icula , a sys ema ic analysis o di e en gene a ions o hese mo emen s,
he e o e, lacks in he li e a u e. A compa a i e coho analysis on hese mo emen s, in his sense, no
only does ill his gap in each case bu also helps o unde s and he impac s o gene a ional a iables
on poli ical iolence compa a i ely obse ed in di e en socio-poli ical se ings.
16
Da a collec ion p ocess in he Basque and Ku dish ields
The di e en ia ion in da a a ailabili y in each case p ima ily condi ions he esea ch design and
me hodology applied in his s udy. As in he case o li e a u e e ision o e he seconda y sou ces,
da a consul a ion h ough independen esea ch cen e s esul s in pa ly sa is ying da a collec ion in
each case. In he Au onomous Communi y o he Basque Coun y, Euskoba óme o, conduc ed by he
Depa men o Poli ical Sciences a he Uni e si y o he Basque Coun y (UPV/EHU), which has been
collec ing sociological da a since he Spanish T ansi ion pe iod, is he p ima y sou ce along wi h Basque
S a is ics O ice (Eus a – Euskal Es a is ika E akundea) o he Basque Go e nmen , which has been
p o iding eliable s a is ical da a on economic, social and linguis ic a eas since he mid-1980s. The
a ailabili y o egula ly collec ed scien i ic da a since he pos -F anco pe iod o e s an ideal s a ing
poin o design a coho analysis ha coincides wi h hese pe iods.
In Tu key, on he o he hand, esea ch ini ia i es o e Ku ds and he Ku dish con lic a e qui e
ecen , and he da a collec ion p ocess is mos ly i egula as he ajec o y o he ongoing con lic
p ima ily condi ions hese p ac ices. P ominen esea ch cen e s like Diya bakı Ins i u e o Poli ical
and Social Resea ch (DİSA in i s ini ials in Tu kish), T u h Jus ice Memo y Cen e (Hakika Adale Ha ıza
Me kezi), and KONDA Resea ch and Consul ancy ha e been collec ing quan i a i e and quali a i e da a
on Tu key’s Ku dish ques ion, including physical and symbolic iolen p ac ices exe cised by bo h pa s
o he con lic . Ne e heless, due o he limi a ions as men ioned abo e, o he ele an indica o s such
as elec o al esul s and census a e o be aken in o conside a ion despi e a se ies o a iables (judicial
in e en ion in elec o al p ocesses, elec o al secu i y, and he ban on Ku dish poli ical pa ies, among
o he s) which make hei eliabili y ques ionable.
P ima y sou ce consul a ion
O icial publica ions, communiqués, and decla a ions issued by he o ganiza ions cons i u e essen ial
p ima y sou ces as hey e lec he g oup u h in each pe iod. These publica ions make ch onological
acking possible conce ning s a egical changes hese o ganiza ions ha e gone h ough. These sou ces
a e also ele an as hey e eal he eali y cons uc ed by he g oup a a ce ain poin in ime and make
i possible o obse e he e ospec i e econs uc ion o he same eali y by indi iduals du ing in-
dep h in e iews made a he ime ha his s udy is ealized. The p ima y sou ces a e a ailable and
ela i ely easy o access h ough a ailable physical and elec onic a chi es.
In bo h ETA and he PKK, hose a chi es a e accessible. Howe e , he excessi e amoun o
in o ma ion obliges he esea che o ca y ou a selec i e wo k: he Ho dago Edi o ial eam compiles
ETA’s collec ed publica ions un il 1978 in an 18- olume wo k, a ailable bo h in Fo al Lib a y o Bizkaia
(Biblio eca Fo al de Bizkaia) and he Basque Sec ion o he UPV/EHU. Addi ionally, he collec ion
17
‘Euskadi E a Aska asuna’ by edi o ials Txalapa a and Aise Libu uak o e an 11- olume ch onological
wo k based on he o icial documen s issued by ETA. Fo any u he consul a ion, he comple e a chi e
o ETA is a ailable in he lib a y o Lazkao Benedic ine Founda ion (Lazkaoko Benedi a en Fundazioa)
led by Fa he Juan José Agi e in Lazkao illage (Gipuzkoa).
In he case o he PKK, al hough he e is no speci ic physical a chi e a ailable in Tu key, he
Lib a y o İsmail Beşikçi Founda ion (Is anbul) o e s a modes collec ion. Likewise, a pa o he ini ial
sou ce consul a ion o his s udy co esponds o he Ku dish Ins i u e o Pa is (Fonda ion Ins i u Ku de
de Pa is) as well as he Ku dish Cul u al Cen e o Ahme Kaya (Cen e Cul u el Ku de Ahme Kaya) in
Pa is. Addi ionally, he PKK o e s mo e com o able and as e access o he elec onic a chi e o i s
o icial publica ions Se xwebûn om 1982 on (up o 2020 + special edi ions) and Be xwedan, published
be ween 1983 – 1995, which can be consul ed h ough he o ganiza ion’s o icial web page. Likewise,
o he ele an publica ions as Şehi le Albümü (Ma y s’ Album) and impo an e e en ial books o
he o ganiza ion and Öcalan a e also a ailable on he same web sou ce.3
Finally, one las ele an ca ego y conside ed a p ima y sou ce is es imonies, in e iews, and
au obiog aphic memoi s w i en by hose indi iduals who ha e been in ol ed in mili ancy in he
Basque and Ku dish mo emen s a di e en imes. Some o he leading igu es o he Basque (Beña an
O deñana 1978; Ál a ez Enpa an za 1997; Idigo as 2000; Zumalde 2004; González Ka a ain 2009; O egi
2012) and Ku dish (An e 1991, 1992; Öcalan 1995; Bayık n.d.; Ku lay 1998; Se dî 1994; Ko an 2003;
Zana 2004, 2014; Büyükkaya 2008[1992]; Ekinci 2010; Yıldı ım 2010; Cansız 2014; D . Şi an 2014
[1970]; Ka ayılan 2014) mo emen s, who belong o di e en coho s, p o ide essen ial in o ma ion.
No wi hs anding, while he abo e-s a ed da a o e s a signi ican amoun o in o ma ion ha
se es as a s a ing poin , a compa a i e coho analysis o he social ep oduc ion and legi imacy o
poli ical iolence equi es designing a sys ema ic esea ch implemen a ion ha ocuses explici ly on
gene a ional a iables in bo h cases. Fo his eason, i would be con enien o go h ough he p ima y
da a collec ion p ocess used in his s udy.
Field esea ch and quali a i e da a collec ion
Due o he p e iously explained easons in ela ion o he poli ical pa h o bo h coun ies in ques ion,
he quali a i e da a collec ed in he Basque case is mo e di e se and sys ema ized and includes all
h ee gene a ions analyzed in his s udy (Pé ez-Ago e 1984; Zulaika 1988; Ma a 1993; Alcedo 1996;
Reina es 2001) whe eas he da a on Ku dish case is i egula , mos ly based on jou nalis ic p ac ices
3 Please see h ps://www.pkkonline.com/ o h p://www.se xwebun.o g
18
(Ku sche a 1997; Ma o ell 2005; Ma cus 2007) and, he e o e, di icul o sys ema ize. This dis inc i e
cha ac e o he a ailable da a condi ions he quali a i e da a collec ion design in each ield.
A sys ema ic analysis o poli ical iolence om a gene a ional pe spec i e equi es an
addi ional p ocess o speci ic da a collec ion. In a s udy aiming o obse e he socializa ion p ocesses
o he membe s o a pa icula g oup in a longi udinal o m, beginning om amily ansmission o
schooling and coe al ela ions, a li e-his o y analysis based on selec ed samples p o ides mo e
sa is ac o y ou comes han o he a ailable esea ch echniques (Be aux 2010: 84). To his end, wo
di e en longi udinal esea ch designs based on in-dep h in e iews wi h ac o s om di e en
gene a ions ha e been conduc ed o compa a i e li e-his o y analysis. Semi-s uc u ed
ques ionnai es o in-dep h in e iews a e designed o bo h cases and de eloped h oughou ield
esea ch (see Appendix 2.1 and 2.2). Due o he di e en ia ion in a ailable da a and, mos impo an ly,
he a iables speci ic o each case (e.g., social s uc u e, e hnic/ eligious di e si y, geog aphic
ex ensi eness), each ield esea ch has been designed acco dingly.
The Basque ield (Spain and F ance) consis s o a o al numbe o 24 in e iews wi h hose
mili an s who joined ETA-m as well as o he s who joined la e ou lawed Basque you h mo emen s o
Ja ai and Segi, which exe cised low-densi y u ban iolence, allegedly unde ETA command. By aking
he p e iously made s udies and a ailable da a since he Spanish T ansi ion in o conside a ion, 18
in e iews ha e been selec ed o he analysis seeking an e en dis ibu ion in e ms o age, sex, and
geog aphic egion in h ee pe iods. Addi ionally, an exclusi e in e iew om he ounding gene a ion
o EKIN/ETA, codi ied as B-F, is also included as conside ed a aluable asse . All ansc ip s a e
anonymized as ag eed wi h he indi iduals who olun a ily ook pa in his s udy and codi ied pe
coho s (B-I, B-II, and B-III, espec i ely), as indica ed in he Summa y Cha o in e iews in he Basque
ield (see Appendix 3.1).
The second g oup o in-dep h in e iews consis s o PKK gue illas and u ban mili ias who a e
simila ly di ided in o h ee consecu i e gene a ions, beginning om he ounding pe iod o he
o ganiza ion in he mid-1970s o he 1990s and 2000s. Thi y- ou in e iews ha e been selec ed o
he coho analysis (see Appendix 3.2) ou o some 70 made in bo h no he n (Tu key) and sou he n
Ku dis an (I aq). Each g oup (codi ied as K-I, K-II, and K-III) con ains mo e in e iews han hose in he
Basque case o se e al easons. Fi s o all, compa a i ely a less amoun o s udies and less egula ly
collec ed da a obliga es he esea che o ill his gap o make gene alizable in e ences. Secondly,
social condi ions and a iables show a mo e di e se cha ac e in a bigge and mo e complex socie y,
whose geog aphic limi s o e s ep Ku dis an, eaching ac oss wes e n Tu kish ci ies, which hos a
19
conside able amoun o Ku dish mig an communi ies. Such a iables as e hnici y and eligious c eed
in and ou o Ku dis an d aw a mo e complex social ab ic han ha o he Basque Coun y.
Limi a ions in e ms o accessibili y and con olling key independen a iables based on he
demog aphic cha ac e is ics o indi iduals come up wi h essen ial easons in deciding which da a
collec ion echnique o implemen . Focus g oup discussions wi h wo ep esen a i es om each o
h ee gene a ions had ini ially been conside ed adequa e o c ea e a dynamic mic o-uni e se h ough
which i would be possible o obse e in e ac ions among di e en gene a ions (Alonso 1998: 94).
Ne e heless, a e ini ial con ac wi h bo h e ains, i was ealized ha he implemen a ion o his
echnique would be p oblema ic o wo main easons. Fi s o all, in he case o ETA, minimal
condi ions o mobili y ha mili an s aced in unde g ound and p ison/exile came up as a p ac ical
di icul y o b ing wo ep esen a i es om all h ee gene a ions oge he in he same physical place.
This challenge was especially appa en in he case o hose hi d-gene a ion mili an s, mos o whom
ound hemsel es unde one o hese h ee condi ions.
The imp ession no ed in encoun e s wi h he PKK mili an s in gue illa bases in sou he n
Ku dis an (I aq), on he o he hand, d ew a di e en pic u e wi h his espec , and implemen a ion o
ocus g oups among gue illas om di e en gene a ions did no seem as challenging. He e a his
poin , howe e , ano he challenging ques ion came in o sigh . Unlike ETA mili an s, he ela i e
hie a chy among PKK membe s om di e en age g oups and ankings was mo e isible, some hing
ha cas s doub on he ques ion o sel -censu e by younge gue illas in he p esence o highe - anking
membe s. Despi e he equen ly epea ed emphasis on equali y and ‘com adeship’ in in-g oup
en i onmen s, ield expe ience in sou he n Ku dis an occasionally demons a ed con a y examples,
especially in ela ions be ween young gue illas and hose who occupy execu i e posi ions.
In e gene a ional in e ac ions among mili an s, he e o e, ha e emained mos ly limi ed wi h no es
aken du ing in o mal encoun e s and con e sa ions wi h indi iduals in each ield.
Fo hese easons, semi-s uc u ed in-dep h in e iews we e deemed adequa e o collec
sys ema ic da a ha would make a compa a i e li e-his o y analysis possible. To his end, he
esea che designed ques ionnai es by aking he posi ion o he indi idual a he ime (ex-p isone s,
exiled, unde g ound) as well as socializa ion/mili ancy pe iod condi ions in o conside a ion in each
case. A su icien amoun o da a has been collec ed o make a compa a i e analysis despi e ce ain
me hodological de iciencies and p ac ical challenges encoun e ed on he g ound ha would be
con enien o men ion b ie ly be o e making a heo e ical p oposi ion o his analysis.
26
A ‘gene a ional up u e’, ha is, a b eak-up be ween elde and younge coho s in e ms o
in e p e a ion o he change and ac ions aken o deal wi h i s consequences, a ises unde hese
ci cums ances. While he younge coho , ‘ac i e’ o ‘s a egic gene a ion’, makes a gene a i e
con ibu ion o he social communi y and poli y, he olde ‘passi e gene a ions’ end o accep he
gi en cul u e (Tu ne 2002: 16-17). Due o hei pionee ing ole and he signi icance o hei ac i ism
in speeding up he eno a ion o cogni i e bases o socie y (A ias-Don u 1988: 148), ‘dis up i e’
young gene a ions a e usually iden i ied wi h he ‘you h mo emen s’ (Juhem 2009: 193). These you h
g oups and mo emen s a e he ca ie s o he gene a ion en elechy and he ope a o s o ‘gene a ion
s yle’ ha shape he poli ical socializa ion o he ollowing bi h coho s.
A wha s age o li e-cou se his gene a ional up u e akes place a ises as an impo an
ques ion in unde s anding his p ocess and de eloping a model o analysis. Piage ’s heo y o cogni i e
de elopmen (1936) sugges s ha al hough child en begin o concep ualize poli ics and c ea e a sense
o iden i ica ion wi h poli ical symbols in hei amily en i onmen , hei in e p e a ion o poli ics un il
he ea ly adolescence pe iod emain a a udimen a y le el. I is only a wha he schola labels ‘ o mal
ope a ional s age’ (13 yea s and o e ) ha child en can hink abou abs ac concep s (Pe e son 1983:
271-272). Al hough some o he s (Jennings & Niemi 1981: 21-22) indica e la e yea s o adolescence as
a c i ical pe iod o he de elopmen o he indi idual’s poli ical ideology, e e ing o hei empi ic
coho analysis, Ba els and Jackman unde line a b oade age spec um, om childhood o
adolescence, du ing which sensibili y owa ds poli ics inc ease (2013: 10). A gene a ional up u e by
he coho ha expe iences he social change, he e o e, a guably akes place in ea ly adul hood,
du ing which he in e es in poli ics begins. Howe e , he pe iod ha pa es he way owa ds he
up u e in ol es a b oade pe iod, beginning wi h ea ly adolescence.
Finally, when a gene a ional up u e akes place and he younge coho es ablishes an
al e na i e poli ical s ance, he e s a s a new ansgene a ional socializa ion sequence ha las s up
un il he ollowing gene a ional b eak-up. Cha ac e is ics o he coho ha b eaks up om he olde
age g oup a e ansmi ed o subsequen coho s, and he ideas and a i udes once conside ed
‘di e en ’ g adually ex end o e he popula ion unde a ce ain age (Spi ze 1973: 1385). The new
gene a ion s yle and en elechy de elop a endency o con inui y h ough upcoming bi h coho s. In
his case, new cul u al and social no ms a ising along wi h he la es coho gene a ion a e also
expec ed o ans e h ough subsequen bi h coho s.
Howe e , his does no mean ha olde gene a ions a e exemp om hese changes and
ans o ma ions in ideas and s yles b ough by he new gene a ion en elechy. Unlike he ‘ esh con ac ’
a gumen o new coho s wi h he social change, de ended by bo h Mannheim (1928) and Ryde
27
(1965), Edmunds & Tu ne a i m ha i olde age g oups ind he ideas and a i udes p omo ed by he
new coho a ac i e enough, hey end up in accep ing hem (2002: 50).6 A guably, he capaci y o
pe suasi eness and e isimili ude o new ideas and a i udes a e p ima y ac o s in u ning he
ansgene a ional ansmission pa e n in o an in e gene a ional one. The salience o he e en ha
p o okes gene a ional up u e also appea s o be an essen ial a iable in he eac ion by di e en bi h
coho s (Riggs & Tu ne 2000: 74-75) ha should be u he examined.
1.1.3. Collec i e aumas, iolence, and gene a ional eac ions
In s udies on gene a ions, majo -scale e en s ha ha e le hei ma ks on he o ma ion o mac o
gene a ions in his and p e ious cen u y come o he o e on . T auma ogenic e en s like he G ea
Dep ession, wo ld wa s, he all o he Be lin Wall, and he Sep embe 11 a acks a e equen ly
selec ed when exempli ying he magni ude o socio-poli ical changes a a mac o le el (B okaw 1998;
Edmunds & Tu ne 2005; Alwin & McCammon 2007; Whi e 2013). Ne e heless, he la ge -scale
impac and popula i y o hese miles one e en s in wes e n socie ies esul in unde es ima ing he
ele ance o smalle -scale auma ogenic e en s ha p o oke simila gene a ional up u es in mo e
local se ings. Ci il s i es, in asions, and ebellions po en ially p oduce a mic o-le el poli ical
gene a ion among he young coho o a speci ic communi y o iden i y g oup.
Unlike ‘psychic aumas’ ha ha e di ec de as a ing e ec s on indi iduals, la ge -scale e en s
ha e he capaci y o p o oking ‘collec i e aumas’, e e ing o se e e consequences due o he
dis up ion o communal ne wo ks and e anescence o ‘we sense’ among he membe s o a speci ic
communi y. While hose who su e an indi idual auma con inue o exis despi e se e e damages,
collec i e aumas cons i u e a h ea o he exis ence o a collec i e iden i y (E ikson 1976: 153-154).
Fundamen al elemen s o social issue (e.g., amily and pee g oups) gi e up unc ioning he way hey
do in he p e- auma pe iod. Ca as ophic e en s wi h mul iples loss o li e and p ope y and memo ies
based on hem p o oke o e -dis up ed amily dynamics (Figley & Klebe 1995: 83).
Those schola s who analyze he gene a ional e ec s o e en s p o oking collec i e aumas
(Maye 1988; Tedeschi 1999; Edmunds & Tu ne 2002; Alexande e al. 2004; Hi sch 2008) include
iolen human in e en ions such as wa s, e olu ions, and ebellions among hem. As in he case o
na u al disas e , hese human-made iolen e en s also h ea en he collec i e iden i y o a communi y
by p o oking a sense o loss o meanings and collapse i s symbolic uni e se (Elias 1996: 351).
Addi ionally, unlike na u al disas e s wi h no speci ic pe pe a o , he eac ion gi en by ic ims ends
6 Using he da a collec ed by De oi A ea S udies (1971), Dowd p ecisely a i ms ha he e is no signi ican empi ic e idence
showing a ela ion be ween age ac o and ole ance owa ds ci il libe ies (1980: 221-222). F esh con ac a gumen may be
alid in he ini ial s age o an eme ging coho , whe eas he mid and long- e m gene a ional impac s on olde bi h coho s
a e ela ed o quali a i e a iables o he change as well as o ms and ideas ep esen ed by he new coho .
28
o be di e en in human-o igina ed ins ances in which he disas e is caused by an indi idual, g oup,
o en i y o whom ic ims collec i ely eac in a ious manne s. As poin ed ou be o e, such esponses
be o e auma ic episodes a e obse ed mo e isibly among he young coho who a e mo e likely o
become he en elechy o his pionee ing p ocess:
“T auma ic episodes like wa and e olu ion may become he oci o c ys alliza ion o he men ali y o a coho .
The d ama ic impac may ma k indelibly he ‘naï e eyes and i gin senses’ o he coho in he angua d and
change hem in o an en elechy wi h an explici mission, a i ual communi y o hough and ac ion. […] A new
coho p o ides a ma ke o adical ideas and a sou ce o ollowe s, and hey a e mo e likely han hei elde s
o c i icize he exis ing o de . […] The di ec ion o change may be o he le o o he igh , owa d democ acy
o owa d o ali a ianism, bu wha e e he end, i is mos mani es in you h.” (Ryde 1965: 850-851)
This a i ma ion, howe e , cons i u es only he eac ion by a speci ic bi h coho o majo -scale iolen
e en s. An a emp o inqui e he e ec s o inciden s caused by majo -scale iolence on di e en bi h
coho s equi es a wo-sided obse a ion among he membe s o di e en age g oups: a) hose who
ha e pe sonally been subjec ed o auma ogenic e en i sel and; b) hose who ha e no expe ienced
he inciden di ec ly, bu ha e o deal wi h i s consequences. I would be con enien o dwell in bo h
cases o unde s and he eac ion gi en by bo h gene a ions.
a. Expe ienced auma: Social change and gene a ional silence
The p o ound changes e lec he immedia e impac s o a auma ogenic e en on p e-exis ing
pa e ns o belie s, goals, iden i y, and in e pe sonal beha io s. Sz ompka a i ms ha hese social
changes on axio-no ma i e and symbolic belie sys ems o socie y happen sudden and apid in e ms
o ime; wide and comp ehensi e in e ms o i s scope, including a wide ange o aspec s o social li e;
and adical, deep, and undamen al in e ms o i s con en (Alexande e al. 2004: 158-159). These
impac s cons i u e a comple ely di e en p ocess ha is ha dly co ela ed wi h he ajec o y o
ansgene a ional ansmission o cul u al no ms and social pa e ns. In such cases, collec i e auma
i sel becomes a socializa ion mechanism ha decons uc s he p e- auma pe iod social eali y and
upon which a new collec i e eali y is cons uc ed.
T auma ic expe iences aced by a communi y a e in e p e ed unde he exis ing mo al alues,
and o e coming auma consequences is no limi ed o indi iduals who ha e been subjec ed o
auma ic p ac ices (e.g., o u e, ape, disappea ance, dea h). S ill, i is ins ead a ques ion o ‘cul u al
be ea emen ’ (Summe ield 1995: 20-22). Smelse indica es ha hose socie ies ha expe ience la ge-
scale auma ic iolence a some poin in ime de elop wo p incipal eac ions: a) ‘we mus emembe ’
based on collec i e public campaigns o ; b) ‘le us o ge ’ eso ing o delibe a e mass omission
(Alexande e al. 2004: 51-54). A guably, he p esence o he pe pe a o and he posi ion o he ic im
in he pos - auma pe iod appea highly ele an o hese eac ions upon which he auma na a i e
is cons uc ed. In case he pe pe a o con inues o occupy an absolu e powe posi ion, he gene a ion
29
who li es h ough he auma is mo e likely o emb ace he unwillingness o emembe he causes
leading o he auma ogenic e en , which c ea es a s a e o social silence.
Schola s wo king on collec i e aumas unde line wo easons when explaining he causes ha
lead o social silence obse ed igh a e a iolen inciden . While some membe s o he socie y all
in o silence o assuage su i o guil (B ende & Pa son 1986: 128), some o he s ake a simila a i ude
in he o m o pos auma ic a oidance o p e en eoccu ence o a simila ca as ophe (Ellio 1997:
812). Social silence in ol es he p e e ence o hose bi h coho s who expe ienced he auma ogenic
e en o con ine hei aumas o he ‘language o he amily’, which consis s o non e bal and non-
cogni i e ac s p ac iced exclusi ely in he p i a e sphe e (Hi sch 2008: 112). Upcoming gene a ions
who do no li e h ough he inciden bu ins ead ace i s se e e social consequences may po en ially
ake a somewha di e en a i ude by b eaking he social silence h ough a public s and agains he
auma pe pe a o . Eye man makes he ollowing s a emen wi h his espec :
"I a collec i e memo y is oo ed in a po en ially auma ic e en , which by de ini ion is bo h pain ul and also
open o a ying so s o e alua ion, i may ake a gene a ion o mo e om g oup memo y o public memo y.
Some imes i may ake e en longe ; some imes i may ne e happen a all." (Eye man 2002: 66, emphasis added)
This ansi ion om collec i e silence o collec i e emi ing a he end o which he cul u al auma
inds a social exp ession and cons i u es a pa o he collec i e memo y o he communi y in ques ion
is also whe e he p e iously men ioned ‘gene a ional up u e’ s a s. In such cases, he younge
gene a ion akes a a he c i ical a i ude owa ds he lack o eac ion and silence adop ed by hei
pa en s and begin o cons uc a comple ely di e en social eali y based on auma na a i e.
b. New coho gene a ion and he social ep oduc ion o auma na a i e
The auma caused by iolence po en ially igge s a s ong sense o solida i y wi hin he communi y
as well as a e ulsion om socie al a angemen s ha es upon en o cemen me hods (Cose 1967:
88). The o ms o hinking and ac ing adop ed by he new coho , he e o e, a e based on a eac ion
owa ds he social and cul u al o ms imposed upon socie y, and he passi e s ance, silence, and
immobili y by olde gene a ions a e conside ed be ayal (Smi h 1999: 218). Wi hin he auma
na a i e cons uc ed by he gene a ion en elechy, he new coho is asc ibed a leading ole claiming
ha he adop ed ideas and a i udes will se e bes o eco e auma consequences.
A gene a ional up u e poin s o a social p ocess h ough which he auma na a i e is
objec i ied in he public ealm. The auma acqui es a le el o social ecogni ion a he han emaining
as a sum o pe sonal expe iences old by olde gene a ions in he p i a e sphe e (Olick 1999: 345). In
o he wo ds, om he pe spec i e o cons uc i is phenomenology, when a auma ogenic e en
akes place wi hin a collec i i y, he sine qua non o quali y his e en as a collec i e auma lies in i s
30
cons uc ion by he poli ical gene a ion a he han he objec i e dimension o he c isis i p o okes.
The dis inc ion be ween po en ially auma ic expe iences and he way hey a e ep esen ed as a
na a i e becomes appa en wi h his espec :
“T auma ic s a us is a ibu ed o eal o imagined phenomena, no because o hei ac ual ha m ulness o hei
objec i e ab up ness, bu because hese phenomena a e belie ed o ha e ab up ly, and ha m ully, a ec ed
collec i e iden i y. […] T auma is no he esul o a g oup expe iencing pain. I is he esul o his acu e
discom o en e ing in o he co e o he collec i i y's sense o i s own iden i y. Collec i e ac o s 'decide' o
ep esen social pain as a undamen al h ea o hei sense o who hey a e, whe e hey came om, and whe e
hey wan o go." (Alexande e al. 2004: 9-10, emphasis added)7
Telling and e- elling hose s o ies based on s e eo yped and dis o ed auma ogenic e en s whose
causes and consequences a e deba ed h ough language and o he symbols c ea e a collec i e
memo y based on he auma (Neal 1998: 202). A success ully na a ed auma acqui es di e en
spa ial and empo al pa ame e s, anscending he limi a ions o he o iginal e en , o e lowing he
indi iduals’ minds, and sp eading o e objec s o cul u al a i ac s (Eye man 2001: 130). Spa ial aces
o a agedy and mul i old p ac ices h ough which i s ‘sociod ama’ is ep oduced e-ac ualize he
auma ic e en h ough new gene a ions, ale ing hem abou he p esence o he h ea ha caused
he agedy (Kelle man 2007: 35-36).
A success ul na a ion o auma, howe e , s ill depends on ce ain objec i e condi ions unde
which he sociod ama is pe o med. The sociocul u al con ex o a socie y de e mines whe he i is
mo e auma p one han o he s. A his poin , Smelse emphasizes ha he memo y emembe ed and
made o emembe mus be cul u ally ele an o he socie y in ques ion wi h subs an ial ad e se
e ec s, disgus , shame, o guil (Alexande e al. 2004: 36-37). No his o ical e en is au oma ically –
and necessa ily- quali ied as a ‘collec i e auma’ despi e he magni ude o i s agic impac . I is s ic ly
ela ed o objec i e condi ions unde which he sociod ama unc ions. This p ocess begins wi h he
claim-making o he e en and demand o he epa a ion o ha assmen ha is la e aken o he
public ia ca ie g oups consis ing o eli es, in ellec uals, eligious leade s, o ma ginalized classes who
a e he ‘meaning make s’ o he na a i e. Finally, a b oade audience in e nalizes he auma
na a i e. F om social ac o s o he schola ly wo ld, legal bu eauc acy and mass media o e a wide
ange o mechanisms o his p ocess o ‘ auma izing’ he communi y (Alexande 2012: 15-24).
Re isi ing he p inciple app oaches owa ds gene a ions as a p oduc o his o ical and social
loca ions, i has been a emp ed o emphasize he eme gence and poli iciza ion o gene a ions om a
7 This a gumen cons i u es exac ly he opposi e o he Mannheimian app oach which p io i izes ‘pe sonally acqui ed
memo ies’ and unde es ima es ‘app op ia ed memo ies’, insis ing ha indi iduals only possess di ec ly expe ienced
memo ies (1952[1928]: 296). The cons uc i is app oach owa ds collec i e auma in gene a ional e ms does no a ibu e
a p ima y ole o he auma ic e en i sel , bu a he o he deg ee o e isimili ude in i s na a ion as a auma, which is
no abou he pe sonally acqui ed memo ies bu a he he na a ion o auma ogenic e en .
31
sociological pe spec i e, wi h a pa icula accen on he ole o collec i e aumas and he cons uc ion
o he memo y. In he las pa o his sec ion, i would be con enien o e ise some o hose s udies
which ocus on gene a ions and in e gene a ional in e ac ions in speci ic cases.
1.1.4. Designing a coho analysis: Gene a ions as a social me ic
Empi ical ques ions on he ambiguous de ini ion and scope o gene a ions cas a shadow on hose
s udies ha analyze speci ic social phenomena om a gene a ional pe spec i e. I gene a ions al eady
cons i u e a challenging empi ical ques ion, designing a me hodology based on his concep as a
empo al uni is u he compelling. A conside able numbe o s udies e eal a s ic ela ionship
be ween he esea ch ques ion and he phenomenon and he scope o gene a ion o be applied when
designing a ui ul esea ch me hodology.
Fi s o all, i is necessa y o dis inguish wo ypes o schola ly wo k in ol ed in he subjec o
gene a ional esea ch: he i s g oup o schola s (e.g., Elde 1974; Wohl 1979; Schuman & Sco 1989;
Roseman 1995; A iaga 1997; Chau el 1998; B annen & Nilsen 2002; Eye man 2002; B is ow 2015)
choose a speci ic case s udy and implemen ing a coho analysis hey demons a e why he app oach
owa ds he concep o gene a ions hey emb ace is he mos con enien o his pa icula case. The
second g oup (Jansen 1974; Ke ze 1983; B aunga & B aunga 1986; B annen 2003; Bu ne 2010),
on he o he hand, ocuses di ec ly on he me hodological use o gene a ions as a empo al uni
ollowing empi ical ou comes p o ided by he i s g oup. Bo h g oups p o ide essen ial insigh in
e ealing speci ic cha ac e is ics o gene a ional analysis and de eloping a p ope esea ch design o
a pa icula social phenomenon.
A gene a ional analysis, no ma e i i ocuses on a speci ic o a ious bi h coho s, is always
an in e gene a ional analysis as he impac s o a social change on a pa icula gene a ion a e only
obse able in compa ison wi h he ideas and a i udes o olde bi h g oups. In many case s udies,
schola s choose speci ic pe iods by aking a signi ican e en ha p o okes p o ound social changes as
a e e ence, which also de e mines he concep s o include in he analy ic amewo k. I one ca ies
ou a longi udinal analysis on he gene a ional impac s o he G ea Dep ession on a ious bi h
coho s, such pa ame e s as he le el o economic dep i a ion, change in income, and unemploymen
a es a e ela ed o he capaci y o adap a ion and eac ion among di e en bi h coho s (Elde
1999[1974]). Simila ly, in a c oss-sec ional s udy ha aims o measu e he impac s o signi ican e en s
on he collec i e memo y o se e al bi h coho s (Schuman & Sco 1989), he empi ical da a ob ained
on a speci ic coho is meaning ul only i i is compa able wi h ha o olde bi h coho s.
In some o he cases, in e gene a ional in e ac ions a e si ua ed a he cen e o esea ch
in e es ha ocuses on he ansmission and ep oduc ion o oles, no ms, and o ms o poli ical
32
a ilia ion and engagemen wi hin a speci ic social s uc u e such as amily (B annen, Moss & Mooney
2004; Jennings, S oke & Bowe s 2009) o eligion (Williams & Da idson 1996; Pé ez-Ago e 2012).
These s udies pay close a en ion o he socializa ion p ocesses o each coho and hei impac s on
ans o ma ions obse ed wi hin hese s uc u es. They also p o ide clea insigh conce ning
gene a ional con inui ies in each pe iod and he ole o ele an independen a iables in his p ocess.
In he ecen pe iod, he e is a no iceable inc ease in s udies designed o analyze he condi ions
unde which speci ic mac o gene a ions come in o being. Following he pa h opened by Wohl’s
comp ehensi e mul i-coun y s udy on he ‘los gene a ion’ (1979), he mo e ecen pe iod his o ians
and sociologis s (Ca lson 2008; Monhollon 2010; Henge & Henge 2012; B is ow 2015) examine he
socio-poli ical a iables ha impac he ideas and o ms o ac ions ha new coho gene a ions
de elop in o he cases. As p e iously men ioned, hese s udies ocus on he p o ound economic and
social changes expe ienced in he wes e n wo ld, pa icula ly No h Ame ica, ollowing majo -scale
e en s wi h ca as ophic esul s, such as wo ld wa s and economic dep essions. The la e pe iod
gene a ions, namely gene a ions X, Y, and Z, a e a he associa ed wi h consump ion endency in
ma ke ing s a egies and esea ch (Me edi h & Schewe 2002).
Finally, some schola s show in e es in he ole o gene a ional a iables in a ilia ion and
disa ilia ion o conc e e g oups ha ep esen a speci ic gene a ion uni . Ideological in luences o a
pe iod on he socializa ion o a coho whose membe s ge in ol ed in you h/s uden mo emen s
(Whalen & Flacks 1984; B aunga & B aunga 1991; Cohen 1994) and engagemen /disengagemen
in an o ganiza ion (Elias 1996: 229-299; A iaga 1997) p o ide essen ial insigh ega ding he
pe cep ion o ex e nal a iables and in-g oup loyal y. This las g oup is especially c ucial as hey
sc u inize he impac s o gene a ional a iables on ans o ma ions in a pa icula g oup and he
ela ionship be ween objec i e condi ions and subjec i e in e p e a ions.
Some ema ks on he me hodology o gene a ional analysis
A e ha ing b ie ly e ised a ious case s udies based on gene a ional analysis, i would be con enien
o cas an eye on some ema ks conce ning he implemen a ion o gene a ions as a social me ic.
Al hough i is di icul o d aw a ypology o gene a ional analysis applicable in any case8, based on he
p e ious empi ical esea ch in di e en ields, some schola s poin ou ce ain aspec s ha need
conside a ion when designing a esea ch model.
8 A a e example o es ablish a ypology owa ds he pa e ns o change and con inui y in in e gene a ional amily
ansmission has been a emp ed by B annen and he colleagues (2004: Ch. 7), who limi hemsel es o wo s uc u al ac o s
(occupa ional and geog aphic mobili y) ha hey ha e ound o shape in e gene a ional ela ions wi hin amilies.
33
Fi s and o emos , he di icul y in dis inguishing h ee e e en ial ac o s, ha a e age, pe iod,
and coho e ec s as independen a iables, cons i u e he co e p oblem in he analy ical use o
gene a ions. The endency o sepa a e on ogene ic change (biological ma u a ion), pe iod, and coho
e ec s (Juhem 2009: 190) has been a p oblema ic issue, and a comp ehensi e explana ion o a li e-
cycle phenomenon is ela ed o all h ee ac o s (Dowd 1980: 214). Majo -scale e en s ha po en ially
c ea e new coho gene a ions a ec indi iduals’ e e yday li e and habi us by de eloping a s ong
sense o own cul u e (Edmunds & Tu ne 2002: 15-16), and li e-cou se elemen s o m pa o his
p ocess. Unde lining he same ques ion, B aunga and B aunga sugges conduc ing a combined
quali a i e model in which aging, pe iod, and coho e ec s a e included, linking he li e-cou se
de elopmen o indi iduals o his o ical expe iences based on socie al and global cycles (1986: 225).
As p e iously no ed, he sociological signi icance o a gene a ion goes beyond he concep o
aging. Al hough age g oups s ill cons i u e a undamen al pa ame e used in coho analysis,
unde s ood as a loca ion o an indi idual o a social g oup in ime, a coho pu s he emphasis on he
impac s o his o ical e en s on human de elopmen (Alwin & McCammon 2007: 234). The esea che
iden i ies bounda ies dema ca ing a coho as a social uni by including only speci ic age g oups based
on his o he knowledge and expe ise on he his o ici y o he esea ch subjec (Bu ne 2010: 47-48).
This cha ac e is ic o coho analysis, he e o e, comes in o c i icism as coho iden i ica ion is
conside ed highly a bi a y and di icul o jus i y (Spi ze 1973: 1357; Ke ze 1983: 138), which makes
a coho come in o p ominence as long as i ca ches schola ly a en ion.
No wi hs anding, he iden i ica ion o a coho is no a andom p ac ice. Fo ma i e e en s and
he magni ude o changes ela ed o he esea ch subjec a e aken in o conside a ion when
delimi a ing he age g oups o a gene a ion coho , assuming ha indi iduals wi hin he selec ed age
ca ego y ha e gone h ough simila expe iences. A his s age, which me hodological design o apply
depends on he esea ch ques ion and objec i es. I , o example, he esea ch aims o measu e he
impac o one o mo e e en s a one poin in ime on di e en bi h coho s (e.g., Payne e al. 1973;
Ta eggia & Ross 1978; Schuman & Sco 1989), c oss-sec ional esea ch design p o ides a su icien
amoun o da a o ob ain ui ul esul s. Howe e , i i seeks o measu e a social g oup a a ious
poin s in ime, a longi udinal design bes sui s his end (Buss 1974: 56). Depending on he speci ic
in e es s o he esea che , hese designs include a ious esea ch echniques (panel s udy, li e-his o y
analysis, e.g.) o ob ain desi ed ou comes (B aunga & B aunga 1986: 222-224).
Finally, an analysis ocusing on he ela ionship be ween signi ican social e en s and speci ic
age g oups who sha e simila li e expe iences depends on he a ailabili y and accessibili y o da a. Any
e en -based coho analysis add esses a se ies o concep ual ques ions ega ding he measu emen o
34
a de inable e en . The empo al loca ion o he o ma i e e en in ques ion ( a pas , pas , nea
p esen o p esen ), and he du a ion o i s impac s, lead he esea che o ecas he ele an
e ospec i e and p ospec i e da a (Elde & Pelle in 1998: 272-273) in designing a esea ch s a egy. A
esea ch p ojec based on comp ehensi e coho analysis, o his eason, equi es a ho ough
li e a u e e ision on he esea ch subjec . Those s udies based on an ex ensi e su ey da a se
sys ema ically collec ed by esea ch cen e s in di e en pe iods (e.g., D ouin 1995; Jennings, S oke &
Bowe s 2009; Ba els & Jackman 2013) enjoy he oppo uni y o o mula e a wide ange o esea ch
ques ions and hypo hesis ha a e possible o es h ough a ailable da a.
Ha ing e ised he main aspec s o gene a ions as well as p ima y ques ions ega ding he
gene a ional me hodology, now i is ime o ocus on wo social phenomena, na ionalism and poli ical
iolence, o which his s udy sugges s a compa a i e coho analysis model. In he ligh o heo e ical
app oaches owa ds gene a ions explained so a , he eme gence and e hnic e i al o na ionalisms
and he adicaliza ion o e hnona ional mo emen s will be discussed om a gene a ional pe spec i e.
1.2. A gene a ional app oach owa ds na ionalism and poli ical iolence
This sec ion ocuses on he poli ical adicaliza ion o e hnona ional mo emen s ha lead o he use o
iolence seeking o achie e poli ical objec i es. As analyzed h ough he ollowing chap e s o his
s udy, wo speci ic cases co esponding o his phenomenon, sel -p oclaimed Basque and Ku dish
na ional libe a ion mo emen s, de i e om a gene a ion en elechy based on an almos iden ical
poli ical discou se a he beginning o he 1960s and ollow simila o ms o ac ion in a la e pe iod.
Two undamen al ques ions need add essing in ques o a easonable heo e ical explana ion:
a) why do some e hnic g oups esis assimila ion by he na ion-s a es, whe eas o he s end up adop ing
he o icial de ini ion o he na ion? b) Why does a small po ion o e hnic g oups eso o iolence,
whe eas mos o he s pu sue non- iolen epe oi es o simila demands? The mode nis heo ies on
na ionalisms based on he ela ion be ween capi alis de elopmen and na ion-s a e o ma ion and
na ion-building p ocesses only p o ide pa ial explana ions o hese ques ions. The e a e cases whe e
capi alis de elopmen pu sues simila pa e ns, and na ional e i als ake somehow di e en o ms.
Some speci ic si ua ions, like Ca alans and Basques ha expe ienced an e hnic e i al in a ep essi e
en i onmen in wo indus ial egions o he same coun y bu somehow de eloped wo di e en
ajec o ies ega ding he use o iolence, also ule ou he ole o au ho i a ian egimes as he sole
independen a iable o collec i e iolence (Lai in 1995: 6). In e ences made ou o s uc u al
di e ences in capi alis de elopmen and he di e gence in he o ien a ion o na ionalis eli es (Linz
1973, 1985; Med ano 1999) o he e e ences o di e en componen s o a na ional iden i y
(Guibe nau 2007) need o a end in his ques o con incing answe s.
35
To his end, he i s s ep is o e isi some heo e ical app oaches owa ds he phenomenon
o eme gence, su i al, and eawakening o na ionalisms among s a eless na ions om a gene a ional
pe spec i e. The second and mo e compelling phase is o examine some app oaches owa ds he
phenomenon o poli ical iolence ha eme ge ou o e hnona ional mo emen s. Finally, he hi d and
las pa sugges s an analy ical design h ough which a compa a i e coho analysis be ween Basque
and Ku dish cases will be ca ied ou h ough he upcoming chap e s o his s udy.
1.2.1. Na ionalism and na ion-building in he s a eless na ions
The e m ‘s a eless na ions’ (McC one 1992; Kea ing 1997) e e s o hose communi ies which ha e
no a ained s a ehood bu possess a ce ain deg ee o na ional awa eness and seek o accomplish
speci ic na ional objec i es (Guibe nau 1996: 100).9 The eme gence o s a eless na ions is in insically
due o wo main ac o s ha ha e o see bo h wi h hose e hnically di e en communi ies as well as
he na ion-building p ocess o hose s a es in which e hnic communi ies su i e. A heo e ical ques
o a comp ehensi e explana ion o his phenomenon, he e o e, mus lean on bo h ac o s.
When Gellne aises he c i ical ques ion o why some e hnic g oups do no en e in o na ional
o ma ion and op o spli ing up and o ming hei na ion-s a e, he conce ns himsel wi h only one
side o he coin. Lea ing he mo i a ions o e usal by e hnic g oups wi h s ong loyal ies o hei
adi ions and symbolic uni e se aside, he schola ocuses on he ailu e o he dominan na ion in
homogenizing he a ge ed popula ion as a esul o poo ly o ganized na ion-building (1994a: 60). A
success ul cen aliza ion o e he na ional e i o y aims o accomplish a ‘cul u al con ol’ based on
he c ea ion o a single linguis ic, his o ical and a is ic adi ion by es ablishing a na ion-wide
educa ional sys em, imposing na ional languages, building museums, in en ing na ional lags,
an hems, holidays, and i uals ha se e o make his ‘homeland’ less he e ogeneous and c ea e a
uni ied na ion ou o a popula ion (Tilly 1994: 140). A pa ial ailu e in his complex p ocess ends up
o ming a ious na ionalis p ojec s unde he same na ion-s a e (B euilly 1993: 367). In hose s a es
wi h mul i-e hnic impe ial he i age, he ailu e o na ion-building esul s in lumps whe e he co e
componen s o na ional iden i y ind i challenging o pene a e o he popula ion.
The p emise lying behind his a gumen de i es om he mode nis app oaches owa ds
na ionalism based on he une en cha ac e o he sp ead o weal h due o an agonis g ow h and
expansionis endencies o capi alism. The une en g ow h o capi alism p o okes wha Kohn (1946)
concep ualizes as wes e n-s yle ‘ e i o ial na ions’ wi h clea -cu bounda ies and obus ins i u ions.
9 In a la e s udy speci ically dedica ed o hese na ional g oups, Guibe nau uses he e m ‘na ions wi hou s a es’ (1999),
e e ing o na ional mino i ies li ing wi hin he adminis a i e bo de s o one o mo e na ion-s a es. Al hough he mino i y
posi ion o hese communi ies includes demog aphic ac s in e ms o popula ion, i is p ima ily ela ed o he posi ion o he
communi y in e ms o access o powe (Ri ze 1986: 292) ha a ies in he case o each na ion wi hou a s a e.
42
"The cha ac e is ics o one's g oup as a whole (such as i s s a us, i s ichness o po e y, i s skin colou o i s
abili y o each i aims) achie e mos o hei signi icance in ela ion o pe cei ed di e ences om o he g oups
and he alue conno a ion o hese di e ences. [...] he de ini ion o a g oup (na ional, acial o any o he ) makes
no sense unless he e a e o he g oups a ound. A g oup becomes a g oup in he sense o being pe cei ed as
ha ing common cha ac e is ics o a common ai h mainly because o he g oups a e p esen in he en i onmen ."
(Taj el 1981: 258, emphasis added)
In his new social composi ion, encoun e s be ween di e en de ini ions o each iden i y g oup cause
a pe cep ion o h ea in he mind o social ac o s p o oking a na ional sel -awa eness among he
ci cles who ha e no ealized he di e ence be ween he imposed cul u al and symbolic codes and
hei own (S aub 2012: 206).13 The poli ical socializa ion o a new coho is ela ed o his decisi e
his o ical p ocess. The new en elechy socialized unde hese condi ions b eaks wi h he kinship cycle
o he p e ious-gene a ion e hnic g oup membe s coming up wi h such ideas as sel -de e mina ion
and independence, he means gua an eeing hei su i al and de elopmen as a na ion.
The s a e o con lic in hese iden i y encoun e s becomes a ques ion o p ese ing an
imagina y homeland cons uc ed h ough a my hical pas , sha ed adi ions, and memo ies.
Main aining cul u al bounda ies and boundedness owa ds he ‘o he s’ conside ed o eigne s
h ea ening he secu i y and in eg i y o he homeland becomes an essen ial elemen o conse ing
cul u e and iden i y (Mo ley & Robins 1995: 89-90). Na ionalis eli es o s a eless na ions pu a se o
mechanisms in o p ac ice o mobilize he masses in a o o he idea o he de ense/p ese a ion o
he homeland as hei success is s ic ly ela ed o hei capaci y o mass mobiliza ion o common
na ionhood (Conno 1990: 99). To his end, his o ical my hs owa ds which he p e ious gene a ions
de eloped s ong emo ional ies a e elabo a ed selec i ely o c ea e an e hno-his o y based on he
idea o ‘chosen people’ o be in e nalized h ough he ollowing gene a ions (Smi h 1999: Ch.4).
Ne e heless, a emp s o di use na ional iden i y in he absence o undamen al na ion-
building mechanisms, i.e., ins i u ions con olled by a na ion-s a e, is a challenging ask, and he s a es
seeking hei na ional consolida ion usually a e no ole an owa ds such aspi a ions conside ed a
di ec h ea o hei in eg i y (Guibe nau 1996: 103). Fu he mo e, as Kedou ie emphasizes, he
es ablished na ional sys em o he wo ld o de does no lead o peace and s abili y as expec ed, bu
con lic s and ensions wi h equen ca as ophic consequences (1960: 138) ha impac hose
e hnona ional mo emen s nega i ely in hei ambi ions owa ds an own na ional p ojec . The
eme gence o a new en elechy wi h new ideas and o ms o ac ion in he ea ly 1960s cons i u es
ano he his o ical loca ion wo h analyzing om he same gene a ional pe spec i e.
13 The ins umen alis app oach a ibu es a u he posi i e ib a ion o he con lic as an e ec i e social mechanism o
iden i y ep oduc ion. Hos ili ies be ween wo g oups se e o p e en he bounda ies sepa a ing hem om disappea ing
(Simmel 1955: 18), and hanks o pa e ned enmi ies and ecip ocal an agonisms, hese bounda y lines a e cons an ly
ea i med as long as he con lic con inues (Cose 1956: 38). Fo his eason, once he con lic i e social ela ion be ween
di e en na ional iden i y de ini ions is es ablished, i is unlikely ha i comes o an end unless he co-exis ence is o e .
43
1.3. E hnic e i al, gene a ions, and collec i e iolence
The e m e hnic e i al employed by he leading schola s who ha e made c i ical con ibu ions o he
s udy o na ionalisms (Conno 1970; Smi h 1981; Hu chinson 1987; Hobsbawm 1990; Gellne 1994)
e e s o a esu gence o e hnona ional mo emen s in plu ina ional s a es wi h ambi ions o an own
na ional p ojec based on he igh o sel -de e mina ion. Like hei eme ging phase in he la e 19 h
cen u y, hese mo emen s om he 1960s onwa ds also a ise as a esul o a gene a ional up u e
ollowed by collec i e aumas and silence expe ienced among p e ious coho s.
Reso ing o iolen epe oi es o achie e he poli ical p ojec o na ional libe a ion ha goes
accompanied by a social plan o he u u e egime comes up as a speci ic gene a ion s yle de ended
by a gene a ion uni . The e o e, he p e iously o mula ed ques ion abou why some s a eless na ions
(e.g., Basques, Co sicans, Ku ds) adop ed he use o iolence whe eas mos o he s (e.g., Ca alans,
Galicians, Flande s, Quebecois) emb aced non- iolen epe oi es mus be e o mula ed om a
gene a ional pe spec i e. Why, among some e hnic communi ies, does he use o iolence as a speci ic
gene a ion s yle ind social g ounds and suppo whe eas o he s ail o do so? Indeed, hese
mo emen s such as Exè ci Popula Ca alà (Ca alan People’s A my), F on d'Allibe amen Ca alâ
(Ca alan Libe a ion F on ) and la e Te a Lliu e (F ee Land) in Ca alonia o se e al a med o ganiza ions
ha la e o med Resis ência Galega (Galician Resis ance), F on de Libé a ion de la B e agne (B e on
Libe a ion F on ) o F on de Libé a ion du Québec (Quebec Libe a ion F on ) came up in he same
pe iod as o he consis en examples. S ill, hey ailed o ind g ounds o become s ong poli ico-mili a y
ac o s con incing a pa o hei espec i e socie ies o he necessi y o he use o coe cion.
As unde lined by some schola s who ha e ealized compa a i e analyses on speci ic cases o
na ional e i als, mo e conc e ely, Basque and Ca alan na ionalisms ha o e a compelling example
o wo di e en ou es ega ding he use o a ms unde he same egime (Payne 1971; Lai in 1995;
Con e si 1997, Med ano 1999), i is ha d o p opose a gene al explana ion o his phenomenon. The
inconsis ency among di e en cases eme ging unde simila socio-poli ical condi ions encou ages
social scien is s o incline owa ds mic o-le el analyses ocusing mo e on case-speci ic his o ical,
s uc u al, and cul u al ac o s. A gene a ional pe spec i e based on coho and pe iod e ec s
po en ially o e s a help ul ool in analyzing e hnic e i als and hei a med adicaliza ion.
1.3.1. Gene a ion o e hnic e i als: Re olu iona ism ou o silence
The eme gence o a coho gene a ion ha led o e hnic e i als in he ea ly 1960s has o see wi h
consecu i e auma ogenic e en s ha he na ion-s a e sys em p o oked h ough he i s hal o he
20 h cen u y. An icolonial s uggles e up ed du ing he pos -Wo ld Wa II, and he wa es o le -
libe a ian social mo emen s in he 1960s shaped he ideological componen s o gene a ion en elechy
44
o e hnic mobiliza ions. New ideas and o ms in oduced by his new en elechy e e o ano he
gene a ional up u e om he p e ious coho o ‘silen gene a ion’ (Bu ne 2010) ha had eme ged
as a esul o he pos -wa pe iod c ises, aumas, and dep essions.
14
Tilly qui e igh ly con i ms ha since he ini ial s ages o na ion-s a e o ma ion in Eu ope,
da ing back o he T ea y o Wes phalia (1648), wa s and wa se lemen s ha e played a de e mining
ole in es ablishing he na ion-s a e sys em (1975: 74-75). Ne e heless, he consolida ion o he
na ion-s a e sys em in he wes e n wo ld has also p oduced mo e wa s and con lic s based on he
poli ical and economic in e es s o hese s a es. The 20 h cen u y undoub edly wi nessed he mos
ex eme cases o hese auma ic expe iences. As Con e si unde lines, he mode nis amewo k and
discou se on which na ionalism depends p oduced wo wo ld wa s, he Holocaus , he A menian
genocide o 1915, as well as o he a oci ies. E hnic mino i ies ha e o en been he ic ims o ‘e hnic
Wes e niza ion’ endency based on he obsession wi h na ional pu i y and elimina ionis a i udes
(2012: 15). The impac s o hese collec i e aumas, as well as hei p o ound social consequences, also
de e mined he poli ical ajec o y o e hnona ional mo emen s.
The e hnic e i als obse ed om he 1960s onwa ds a e based upon he p e iously
men ioned e hnona ional mo emen s ha eme ged by he end o he 19 h and ea ly 20 h cen u ies.
Smi h poin s ou ha despi e hei dis inc i e o ms, he esu gence o hese mo emen s is conside ed
a con inua ion o ea lie e hnona ional poli ical and cul u al o ganiza ions as obse ed h ough a b oad
ange o examples, including ini ial poli ical and cul u al mobiliza ions in B e on, Basque, Ca alan,
Co sican and Ku dish cases (1981: 21-22). Indeed, conside ing he p esence o commonly sha ed
undamen al e hno-symbolic elemen s, he a i ma ion lea es no oom o doub s.
No wi hs anding, when he pe iod be o e wes e n na ional e i als a e analyzed, he e
appea s a his o ical loca ion o ‘discon inui y’ in e ms o he de elopmen o na ional p ojec among
hese p e iously ounded cul u al and poli ical o ganiza ions. As no ed by hose schola s who analyze
B e on (Nicolas 1982), Flemish (Nielsen 1980), and Co sican (Dominici 2004) na ionalisms, in he
Eu opean con ex , Nazi occupa ion du ing Wo ld Wa II and he a e ma h o he de as a ing e ec s
o he wa condi ioned a pe iod o silence du ing which e hnona ional poli ical ac i i ies diminished
d as ically. A simila s a e o gene a ional silence is also no ed in Basque (Pé ez-Ago e 1984) and
Ca alan (Guibe nau 2004) cases due o pos -ci il wa dic a o ship in Spain, and in he case o Ku ds
(Boza slan 2009) a e he supp ession o consecu i e e ol s be ween 1925 and 1938. The lack o
14
I is su p ising o no e ha besides Bu ne , who di ec ly e e s o he Silen Gene a ion o pos -WW-II, only a ew schola s
ci ed in his s udy (Roseman 1995; Chau el 1998; B annen, Moss & Mooney 2004) e e men ion gene a ional silence in hei
app oach owa ds he gene a ional con lic . I may well be a i med ha gene a ional s udies a e mo e in e es ed in hose
bi h coho s who la e ge in ol ed in ac i ism han he p e ious bi h coho ha adop ed a posi ion o inac i i y.
45
poli ical ac i ism and mobiliza ion beginning by he la e 1930s in ol e a wo-decade silence h ough
which he new gene a ion en elechy o e hnic e i als socialized.
Silence as he main componen o he pe iod e ec s on he socializa ion o he new coho
appea s o be a p oduc o di ec ly expe ienced aumas o p e en simila consequences.15 Olde
gene a ions expe iencing he ‘enemy’ iolence end o belie e ha hei opp esso s a e in ini ely
powe ul, and, as a esul , hey op o a mo e passi e s ance (Gu 1970: 206). This ‘collec i e sel -
doub ’ ed by expe iences o sha ed auma, su e ing, and humilia ion, on he o he hand, e eals he
ex ao dina y capaci y o na ionalism in con lic i e si ua ions h ough loyal y and 'sel -sac i ice' (S aub
1989: 252). His o ical memo y based on he idea o a pas golden age and a na ion ha had su i ed
coun less disas e s, no ma e cons uc ed on ac s o ic ion, appea s as an inspi ing ool o he new
en elechy o ake he lead and call o ac ion o he na ional cause (Hu chinson 2005: 53). This a i ude
is also a e usal o he passi e posi ion aken by he p e ious gene a ions.
The gene a ion s yle in oduced by he new na ionalis leade ship is a esul o he in luence
o majo -scale coe aneous mo emen s and e en s ha ha e a p o ound impac on he eme gence o
he new coho gene a ion. E olu ion and de elopmen o ‘le -libe a ian mo emen amily’ s a ing
om he 1960s on (Della Po a 1995: 85), as well as a che ypal na ional libe a ion mo emen s as he
leading ac o s o decoloniza ion and an i-impe ialis esis ance in a ious pa s o he wo ld, come up
wi h such ideas as libe a ion, equali y, and jus ice, in luencing he ideological o ien a ion o young
gene a ion na ionalis s (Hobsbawm 1992: 149-150). In hose cases whe e he e hnona ional
mobiliza ion esu ges unde au ho i a ian ules wi h no o li le ole ance, he young na ionalis
leade s ind i ela i ely easie o iden i y hei posi ion wi h ha o he colonized peoples and emb ace
he idea and o ms o an icolonial libe a ion.
The in ensi ied social con lic be ween dis inc i e iden i y de ini ions also se es o embody
he na a i e o coloniza ion. Disloca ions, s ains, g ie ances p oduced by he apid social change play
a igge ing ole in escala ing he exis ing social con lic among he membe s o di e en na ionalis
g oups (Obe schall 1993: 152-153). The pe cep ion o la ge-scale P o es an emig a ion as ‘England’s
ga ison in I eland’ in he eyes o I ish Ca holic na ionalis s (Hu chinson 2005: 100) o unwelcomed
Spanish-speaking labo mig a ion o he indus ial Basque Coun y in he 1950s embodying he claims
o ‘Spanish occupa ion’ (Linz 1985: 232-234) cons i u e no ewo hy examples in his ega d. These
15 Elias explains he impac s o collec i e auma ic expe iences in he a i ude o wha he labels as he ‘ ansi ional
gene a ion’ ha seized powe a e he de ea o Na ional Socialism and op ed o an a i ude o o ge ing he Nazi in e lude.
The schola unde lines ha he eme gence o he Baade -Meinho g oup (RAF) is no hing bu a long- e m a e -e ec o
Na ional Socialis auma as a esul o his mass o ge ing by he p e ious gene a ion (1996: 431-432).
46
encoun e s make he e hno-symbolic elemen s o each iden i y g oup in e ac mo e closely and
consolida e he hos ili y owa ds he ou side .
Finally, a ious ‘conc e e g oups’ conside ed essen ial o he o ma ion o gene a ion uni s
(Mannheim 1952[1928]: 307) de elop di e en esponses o pa icula e en s and aumas (Edmunds
& Tu ne 2002: 98-99) by op ing o di e en o ms o ac ion as gene a ion ‘sub-s yles’. The idea o
he use o iolence o he na ional libe a ion and social e olu ion cons i u es one o hese sub-s yles
ha eme ges ou o e hnona ional mobiliza ions.
1.3.2. New gene a ion en elechy: Cons uc ion o auma, wa , and enemy
The new coho conside s ha gene a ional silence as a eac ion o auma ogenic e en s by he
p e ious gene a ions h ea ens e hnic su i al. Collec i e auma and i s consequences a e
inco po a ed in o he na ional na a i e based on an ‘an icolonial wa ’ agains he ‘enemy’ in which
he leade ship is a ibu ed o he new en elechy. The des iny o his wa depends on he g ade o
in e naliza ion o his na ional na a i e by he b oade public among he communi y.
Al hough na ionalis ideology ollows a simila pa e n o di usion o a speci ic social eali y
(Guibe nau 1999: 93; Pé ez-Ago e 2008: 13), unlike social mo emen s, na ionalism in i s essence
dis inguishes i sel as a a he his o ic-poli ical mo emen bo n ou o an agonism agains a de ined
enemy a he han a social opponen (Tou aine 1985: 167). Na ional libe a ion mo emen s, in his
sense, o e s eps he limi s o social mo emen s as hey cons uc a na a i e based on a ‘s a e o wa ’
agains a na ion-s a e a he han p o es ing due o social indigna ion (Le amendia 1997: 287-288). In
his na a i e, he enemy cons i u es a cen al igu e o en depic ed in a con igu a ion in which a
colonial o impe ial powe symbolized wi h he name o i s capi al ci y, and an iden i y g oup ha does
no ega d i sel as pa o he la ge s a e a e p esen (Ba ke 2007: 105). Na ional libe a ion is
conside ed possible only wi h he o e h own o he colonial powe ou o ‘na ional homeland’ by
using o ce as in he case o a che ypal an icolonial s uggles in o he pa s o he wo ld.
Recons uc ion and econ igu a ion o he na ional na a i e by he new en elechy may
signi ican ly di e om he p e iously exis ing ones. S ill, i is usually based on he eplacemen o he
subjec who unde akes he his o ical esponsibili y o e hnic su i al and accomplishmen o he
long-desi ed na ional p ojec . The p esence o he enemy a ises as a sine qua non agains whom he oic
igu es had achie ed glo ious ic o ies in he ‘golden age’ (Smi h 1991: 127-128). The name o he he o
who li he i e by con on ing he enemy becomes a synonym o ‘ ebellion’ (Ba ke 2001: 97-98). In
he his o iog aphy o he s a eless na ions, howe e , he golden age is o e wi h he in asion o he
enemy, and glo ious ic o ies a e eplaced by ‘glo ious su e ings’, which a e usually eal o in en ed
aumas p o oked by he same enemy who iniqui ously con inues o occupy he claimed homeland.
47
Leade s and a an -ga de o ganiza ions o med among he membe s o new en elechy iden i y
hemsel es wi h his he oic igu e and ake a simila ly his o ical ole.
The success o he cons uc ion o auma na a i e based on su e ing is ela ed o he deg ee
ha he collec i e g oup iden i ies i sel wi h pu a i e auma ic ims. Objec i ica ion o he s o y
based on he ic imiza ion has o see wi h he pe suasi eness o meanings o he communi y a he
han i s accu acy (Alexande 2012: 120). Once he communi y ecognizes he na a i e as eal, i
becomes pa o he collec i e memo y and unc ions as an essen ial o m o my h-making (Neal 1998:
215). The abili y o e hnic su i al om genocidal a emp s, massac es, depo a ions, and expulsions
om ‘homeland’ h oughou he en i e his o y o ‘na ion’ ha goes back o housands o yea s
consolida es he quali y o being a ‘chosen people’. App ecia ion o li e e en mo e a e su i ing om
a li e- h ea ening auma becomes an exis en ial issue (Tedeschi 1999: 322-324), which is s ill a s ake
because he sou ce o he auma, he enemy, con inues o h ea en he e hnic su i al. The young
coho assumes he his o ical ‘na ional du y’ based on de o ion and sac i ice ha hei ances o s had
allegedly exe cised in he pas .
1.3.3. Poli ical iolence in e hnona ional mo emen s
The use o iolen epe oi es by pa icula you h g oups o poli ical ends a ises as one o he o ms
o con en ion ha become conside ably popula in he pe iod o e hnic e i als and adop ed by some
e hnona ional mo emen s. Poli ical iolence as a o m o ac ion appea s as one o he dis inc i e
elemen s o gene a ional up u e, a gene a ion s yle in oduced by a speci ic gene a ion uni .
Reso ing o iolen epe oi es o na ional and social ambi ions is backed by a conside able amoun
o people wi hin some communi ies, whe eas among some o he s inds no social g ounds, making
hese g oups exe cising such p ac ices emain as ly ma ginal.
Reso ing o iolence among e hnona ional mo emen s is no a widesp ead phenomenon. I
is ins ead an excep ional means obse ed only in a ew cases compa ed o a high numbe o peace ul
g oups wi h simila objec i es. Na ional iden i y is less salien , na ionalis poli ics is less cen al, and
e hnona ional iolence is less p e alen han i is assumed (B ubake 1998: 273). Despi e he empi ical
ou comes ha unde es ima e he alleged link be ween na ional aspi a ions and collec i e iolence,
he o e emphasis o hese cases by schola s and jou nalis s c ea es a con a y image (Lai in 2007: 23).
Al hough he use o coe cion o poli ical ends becomes popula among some you h g oups o he
1960s and, consequen ly, ca ches schola ly a en ion16, i pe sis s among a iny pe cen age o esu ging
e hnona ional mo emen s.
16 I is o no coincidence ha pionee ing schola ly wo k ha speci ically handle he ques ion o poli ical iolence (Feie abend
e al. 1966, 1969; Smelse 1968; Niebu g 1969; G aham & Gu 1969; Da ies 1969, 1971; Gu 1970; Hun ing on 1971; Snyde
48
The ac ha o ganiza ions eso ing o iolence a e ew in numbe s among e hnona ional
mo emen s also has o see wi h he g ade o hei accep ance among he communi y membe s in
ques ion. As poin ed ou be o e, e en he mos paci is cases o e hnona ional mobiliza ions unde
democ a ic (e.g., Quebec and B e agne) and undemoc a ic egimes (e.g., Ca alonia, Galicia) expe ience
he eme gence o a med na ional libe a ion o ganiza ions in his pe iod. Thei lack o pe sis ence,
he e o e, should be sough in hei capaci y o con ince a conside able pa o he na ionalis
segmen s o he necessi y o he use o iolence o na ional libe a ion. This ques equi es
dis inguishing he jus i ica ion o coe cion by he g oup membe s and he legi imacy a ibu ed o he
g oup by he communi y i claims o ep esen .
a. G oup u h and jus i ica ions o iolence
Ins umen al app oaches owa ds collec i e iolence based on cos -bene i calcula ions ega ding he
poli ical objec i es and he cha ac e is ics o he poli ical egime assume ha g oups compe e o
sca ce goods a ionally (Kau man 2001: 17). S emming om he a ional choice heo y17, hese
app oaches base on he opinion o he social ac o abou he e ec i eness o he use o iolence in
ela ion o bene i s and he con ic ion abou he achie emen o ul ima e goals h ough iolen
p ac ices. In he case o na ional libe a ion mo emen s led by a pa icula g oup, he ‘ a ional’ on which
he na ional s uggle is cons uc ed has a se o pa ame e s objec i ied and ep oduced as he g oup
u h in which emo ional elemen s weigh signi ican ly.
In his pionee ing s udy on he in ol emen in iolen g oups, Gu pu s a socio-psychological
emphasis on indi iduals’ mo al judgmen o e he pe cei ed dep i a ion h ough which iolence is
jus i ied.18 Acco ding o he schola , g oups eso ing o iolence jus i y hei ac ions ia a) no ma i e
jus i ica ions, ha a e he “a i udes and belie s men hold abou he in insic desi abili y o aking o
h ea ening such ac ion” and; b) u ili a ian jus i ica ions ha a e abou he “belie s men hold abou
he ex en o which he h ea o use o iolence in poli ics will enhance hei o e all alue posi ion
and ha o he communi y wi h which hey iden i y” (Gu 1970: 157). While he i s ca ego y is abou
he co e sou ces o us a ion ha de e mine he le el o commi men o poli ical iolence, he
& Tilly 1972; G undy & Weins ein 1974; Tilly 1976, 1978) co espond o a pe iod du ing which he use o iolen epe oi es
by an i-colonial and e olu iona y mo emen s in he wo ld impac ed a speci ic coho in wes e n Eu ope.
17 Ini ially pu o wa d by neoclassical economis s, he a ional choice heo y is la e ex ended o he ield o sociology and
poli ical sciences (Homans, 1961; Coleman 1973; F iedman & Hech e 1988) by ocusing on he social ac o ’s p e e ence
hie a chy ( alues, u ili ies) ins ead o he social sou ces behind hei o ma ion (Ri ze 2011: 417).
18 De i ing om ‘ us a ion-agg ession’ heo y (Dolla d e al. 1939) which a gues ha agg essi e beha io p esupposes a
sou ce o us a ion ha p oduces coun e agg ession (Be kowi z 1989), Gu ’s ela i e dep i a ion model explains he
likelihood o iolence in cases in which he poli iciza ion o discon en and dep i a ion based on ac o s’ pe cep ion o
disc epancy be ween alue expec a ions, which consis o condi ions ha people conside hey a e igh ully en i led, and
alue capabili ies, ha is abou wha people a e ac ually able o ge . The in ensi y and scope o ela i e dep i a ion among
he membe s o a collec i i y a ise as p incipal a iables ha de e mine he po en ial o collec i e iolence (1970: 24-29).
49
u ili a ian jus i ica ions ha e o see wi h he deg ee o u ili y people a ibu e o iolen s a egy in
ge ing wha hey wish o. This la e is mo e ela ed o cos /bene i calcula ion and, he e o e, linked
wi h he pe sis ence o commi men (Klande mans 1997: 97).
Al hough Gu unde lines he ole ha he socializa ion o ex a-puni i e a i udes and he
exis ence o cul u al adi ions play in shaping people’s collec i e memo y conce ning he iolen pas
(1970: 168-171), he does no ge in o u he de ails on wha in luences o e he social ac o ’s alue
expec a ions and alue capabili ies as well as mo al judgmen s. These a e di ec ly ela ed o he ac o ’s
subjec i e pe cep ion o social eali y in a gi en cul u al and poli ical con ex beyond he a ional
e alua ion o he ac s. The emo ional s a e o indi iduals in a g oup is ela ed o he mo e o less
commonly sha ed biog aphic expe ience o each social ac o who li es in sel -cons uc ed subjec i e
wo lds (Ri ze 2011: 272). E e yday li e encoun e s and in e subjec i e in e ac ions h ough
socializa ion c ea e wha Collins labels as a ‘ i ual chain’ in which indi iduals ake pa and look a he
wo ld h ough a common hole.19 The o e all le el o long- e m emo ional ene gy accumula ed h ough
e e yday in e ac ion i uals plays a decisi e ole in indi iduals’ subsequen unc ioning in hei dealings
wi h episodes o ex eme ange , ea , o shame (Collins 2004: 130). Accumula ed emo ional ene gy
among he membe s o a disad an aged g oup con ibu es o he cons uc ion o g oup a ionale.
In s a eless na ions, he pe cep ion o dep i a ion ega ding he na ional iden i y is based on
an emo ional a achmen wi h a cons uc ed na a i e o pas su e ings and aumas. His o ical
adi ions o iolen con lic and he p esen loyal y o he na ional iden i y lead o a posi i e e alua ion
o he use o iolence in he cogni i e cons ual o he na ionalis sec o s (Bandu a 1998: 163; Con eh-
Mo gan 2004: 74). Pas ebellions by he e hnic g oup and he iolen esponse gi en by he ‘enemy’
se a cul u e o iolence in he g oup’s collec i e memo y ha c ea e a socially pe missi e p econdi ion
o he use o coe cion by he u u e gene a ions (M. C enshaw 1981: 381-382). The emo ional seal
based on lo e o he homeland and he idea o he eco e y o he los pas , idealized and na a ed
as he golden age, he e o e occupies he cen e o a ionale on whe he he use o iolence is
necessa y and bene icial o achie e he ul ima e objec i e o na ional libe a ion.
The ede ini ion o he enemy ollowing he new ideological pa ame e s and concep s o he
g oup u h a ises as ano he ea u e o e hnic e i als. Young gene a ion en elechy a icula es hese
componen s o a cul u e o opposi ion agains he ‘colonial ule ’ wi h such e hno-symbolic elemen s
as local my hs, legends, epic s o ies, olk belie s, and his o ical memo ies o s uggle ha u he
19 These in e ac ions and i ual chains co espond o he p ocess o knowledge p oduc ion h ough ex e naliza ion and
objec i ica ion o subjec i e meanings ha a e ollowed by he in e naliza ion o he objec i ied social eali y by indi iduals
h ough socializa ion p ocesses (Be ge & Luckmann 1991[1966]: 69-74, 149). Ri uals as objec i ied u hs a e cons uc ed as
a esul o in e subjec i e in e ac ions and in e nalized by he ollowing gene a ions.
50
s eng hen his cul u e o opposi ion (Fo an 1997: 229-236). Apa om being an opp essi e powe
seeking o ex e mina e he e hnic g oup, he enemy is now also quali ied as a ‘colonial o ce’ backed
by local collabo a o s/ ai o s ha exploi he colonized na ional communi y.
20
E hnic clea age in he
socie y is ex ended o e o he iden i y de ini ions such as class and gende ha cons i u e he new
componen s o ‘e hnopoli ical ebellion’ (Gu & Moo e 1997), which expand he in luence o he
mo emen on o he social g oups, including hem in he s uggle agains a common enemy.
21
Whe he
his new de ini ion o na ional eali y based on a na a i e o a colonized na ion ha aces he h ea
o assimila ion and ex e mina ion is adop ed by he b oade sec o s o he socie y in ques ion
de e mines he u u e ajec o y o he mo emen .
b. The legi imacy o poli ical iolence: Regime, g oup, and communi y
S udies on he heo y o he s a e equen ly e e o he concep s o legi imacy and legi ima ion.
Whe he a poli ical en i y o o ganiza ion is quali ied as legi ima e depends on he e ec i eness o
legi ima ion, which is he p ocess o asc ibing legi imacy (Ba ke 2001: 22). Speci ic du ies a ibu ed
o he mode n s a e, anging om ax collec ion o o de ing go e nmen al a ai s (Dunlea y 2012:
793), esul om i s ecogni ion and accep ance as a legi ima e au ho i y by people. When non-s a e
g oups imi a e his au ho i y by pe o ming simila in e en ions and con ol wi h he h ea o use o
coe cion (Le amendia 1997: 232), he s a e is challenged in e ms o legi imacy.
The use o coe cion cons i u es a undamen al componen o legi ima e poli ical au ho i y. In
he Webe ian unde s anding, he s a e is de ined as a human communi y ha ‘success ully’
22
claim o
be he sole sou ce ha ing he igh o ‘ he legi ima e use o physical coe cion’ in a dema ca ed
e i o y (Webe 1946: 78). The monopolis ic cha ac e as he key quali ica ion a ibu ed o he s a e,
howe e , is no delimi a ed wi h he use o physical coe cion bu also includes o he unc ions and
compe encies. In his e e en ial wo k Economy and Socie y, he schola also a ibu es o he s a e
holding he monopoly o con ol o e he land o he iscal obliga ions (Webe 1978[1922]: 145),
egula ing he mone a y sys em o mone a y ansac ions (Ibid. 166-167), c ea ion o he ules o
de ine he limi s o au ho i y, g an ing he necessa y means o adminis a i e unc ion (Ibid. 271-272)
20
Della Po a a gues ha such de ini ions a e due o he es angemen s o a med ac i is s in unde g ound condi ions ha
p o oke an “un eal image o he ex e nal wo ld” (1995: 180). This ‘un eal image’, howe e , e e s o he g oup u h
objec i ied as ‘ eal’ by he g oup and adop ed by a conside able pa o he communi y. This de ini ion o eali y is he e o e
independen o any schola ly judgmen as i s ealness o alsehood does no necessa ily co espond o he objec i e ac s.
21
When he e is a con lic among di e en g oups seeking he same objec i e (e.g. oppling a egime), objec i ica ion o he
con lic plays a uni ying ole by c ea ing new in e ac ion oppo uni ies (Cose 1956: 117-119, 128). Simmel p ecisely a i ms
ha con lic agains a common enemy s icks g oups oge he which ha e o he wise no hing o do wi h each o he (1955: 99).
22
Mo is’s in e p e a ion o e he ambiguous use o he ad e b is o dis inguish he s a e om gangs and p o ec i e agencies
who use ‘o dina y’ iolence (1998: 44). These po en ial challenge s o he au ho i y in he o m o bandi s, ma aude s, and
pi a es in adi ional s a es wi h an insecu e hold o he powe cen e o e he means o iolence (Giddens 1987: 182)
con inue as he s a e-sponso ed bandi g oups (Hobsbawm 1959: 13) in mode n socie ies as long as he s a e consen s hem.
51
and, inally, he monopoly o he ci izenship h ough he ansgene a ional low o he socio-economic
p i ileges (Ibid. 690). The s a e gua an ees i s legi ima e posi ion as he sole ac o ul ima ely eligible
o comply wi h hese du ies and compe encies. The monopoly o he use o coe cion plays a p ima ily
unc ional ole in o cing any o he po en ial ac o s o obey his o de .
Ne e heless, in some cases, he s a e ails o es ablish his monopoly due o se e al easons:
geog aphic obs acles, challenging e ains, po e y (Lai in 2007) and in as a e con en ions and
wa a e (Ho owi z 1985; Hu chinson 2017) may p e en he s a e om elimina ing non-s a e ac o s as
al e na i e powe cen e s wi h signi ican capaci y o coe ci e powe . When o he g oups claim his
monopoly ou o consen , i supposes a h ea o he absolu e con ol o he s a e o e he co e
unc ions and compe encies on he na ional e i o y.
Al hough he e is no empi ical e idence ha e hnic ac ionaliza ions and disc imina i e
policies lead o iolen con on a ions (Fea on & Lai in 2003: 83-85), egime ype and ole ance
cons i u e wo a iables ha condi ion he ans e o legi imacy be ween he s a e and i al g oup.
Tilly sugges s ha he g ade o ole ance owa ds non-s a e g oup demands is di ec ly linked wi h
hese a iables. Rep essi e and o ali a ian egimes show limi ed ole ance owa ds g oup demands.
In con as , ole an and weak egimes acili a e he eme gence o solid g oups showing a wide ange
o ole ance owa ds hei ac i i ies (Tilly 1978: 109-110). In egimes wi h inclusi e policies owa ds
e hnic mino i ies, he s a e accep s e hnic dis inc ions h ough cul u al ecogni ion o e en concede a
u he deg ee o decen aliza ion h ough poli ical au onomy and ede alism. Con a iwise, in egimes
de ining he na ion as a homogeneous uni y, exclusionis policies owa ds e hnic mino i ies a e based
on denial and ep ession h ough cul u al and ins i u ional imposi ion (Guibe nau 1999: 35-64).
In e ening in al e na i e na ionalis claims conside ed de ian by egimes is pa o ‘in e nal
paci ica ion’, in which he limi s o ole ance depend highly upon he de ini ion o ‘de iance’ in a gi en
coun y (Giddens 1987: 327).23 The pe cep ion o de iance de e mines he cha ac e o policing, which
may be: a) ep essi e e sus ole an ; b) selec i e e sus di use in e ms o he ange o g oups subjec
o ep ession; c) p e en i e e sus eac i e in e ms o iming o police in e en ion; d) ha d e sus so
in e ms o he deg ee o o ce in ol ed and; e) di y e sus law ul in e ms o legal and democ a ic
p ocedu es (Della Po a 1996: 66). Indisc imina e and disp opo iona e coun e insu gency ac ics and
iolence by go e nmen s a e pe cei ed as unjus i ied sanc ions aliena ing he ci ilian popula ion and
making he g ounds mo e sui able o b oade suppo o insu gen g oups (Obe schall 1993: 172-173).
23 Tilly oughly classi ies ypes o public pe o mances acco ding o he deg ee o ole ance by he au ho i y: a) P esc ibed
pe o mances include ypical ce emonies o allegiance and ans e o esou ces o s a e con ol; b) ole a ed pe o mances
ha e o see wi h legal claims and o ganized esponses o mo al o ende s and; c) o bidden pe o mances include physical
iolence on go e nmen al esou ces (Tilly 2003: 47). In his sense, he ques ion o whe he an ac i i y/demand is conside ed
de ian has o see wi h he limi s o ole a ed pe o mances in any egime.
58
and pe iod e ec s on each case. Sys ema ic in eg a ion o a ime dimension in analysing a social
phenomenon is belie ed o se e a be e unde s anding o changes and ans o ma ions in he social
ep oduc ion and legi imacy o poli ical iolence in a mul iple-case s udy. E en ually, such an a emp
also cons i u es ano he example o a ecen ly g owing numbe o analyses ha encou age he use o
gene a ions as a social me ic in explaining complex social phenomena, pa ing he way o u u e
s udies o be conduc ed by nex -gene a ion schola s.
59
2. Gene a ional De elopmen o Basque Na ionalism
2.1. Eme gence and ea ly pe iods o he adi ional Basque na ionalism
The eme gence pe iod o he mode n Basque na ionalism co esponds o he indus ializa ion p ocess
du ing he mid and la e 19 h cen u y cha ac e ized wi h he une en iumph o he libe al s a e in Spain,
aboli ion o he Basque o al egime, and apid indus ial g ow h, as well as he subsequen d as ic
social ans o ma ions (Bel za 1974: 68). The idea o c ea ing a Basque s a e on a de ined pa ia ( o be
named Euskadi o Euzkadi) and he o ma ion o i s ins i u ional d i ing o ce, he Basque Na ionalis
Pa y (PNV/EAJ - Pa ido Nacionalis a Vasco/Euzko Alde di Jel zalea), a e he wo majo his o ic poin s
when i comes o he eme gence o he Basque na ionalis doc ine. This his o ical pe iod shaped by
he poli ical con ex o he s a e-building p ocess in Spain h oughou he 19 h cen u y and i s socio-
poli ical consequences in he Basque Coun y and Na a e is, he e o e, essen ial o unde s anding he
gene a ional de elopmen o Basque na ionalism(s).
2.1.1. S a e-building and he ques ion o cen aliza ion in Spain and he Basque Coun y
a. The cen aliza ion issue in he o ma ion o he Spanish s a e
The hesis o ‘weak na ionalism’ e e s o he lack o bu eauc a ic capaci y and e iciency o social
channels as undamen al ools o expand he na ionalis doc ine h oughou he 19 h cen u y in Spain
despi e he en husias ic launching o na ion-s a e building h ough he Cádiz Cons i u ion, which
equally lacked a po en cons i u i e powe (Villacañas 2015: 387)26. This a gumen claims ha he
s a e-building p ocess in Spain launched be o e ha ing accomplished he e i o ial in eg a ion o
na ion-building p o oked a lack o legi imacy o he s a e in some egions whe e local powe s
mani es ed hei opposi ion o he idea o cen aliza ion o p ese e hei p i ileges (Linz 1973: 33, 99).
The i s signs o ea ly cen aliza ion a emp s in Spain ocus on he o ma ion o a s able
symbolic uni e se: making he Cas ilian language he o icial language o he Ibe ian Peninsula, as well
as ha o emo e colonies, he in oduc ion o he na ional lag ( ojigualda) in 1785 du ing he eign
o Ca los III, he c ea ion o he Royal Ma ch (Ma cha de G anade os), as well as he ounda ion o he
Real Academias o language and his o y, a e conside ed long-delayed s eps in he cen aliza ion
p ocess o he Spanish S a e (Pas o 2012: 70-71). The in asion o he Ibe ian Peninsula by he
Napoleonic A my cons i u ed a u ning poin in he cons uc ion o he idea o Spanish na ionalism
26 The hesis o a ‘weak s a e’ in he Spanish con ex was i s employed by Linz in his Ea ly s a e-building and la e pe iphe al
na ionalism agains he S a e: The case o Spain (1973) in which he schola explains he p oblema ic s a e-building p ocess
in Spain. This app oach was la e e o mula ed by he ollowing schola s: de Rique , B. (1994) "La aiblesse du p ocessus de
cons uc ion na ionale en Espagne au XIXe siècle" in Re ue d'his oi e mode ne e con empo aine, nº 41(2), Ap il - June, pp.
353-366; Fusi, J. P. (2000) España. La e olución de la iden idad nacional, Mad id: Temas de Hoy; and in he mos
comp ehensi e manne by Ál a ez Junco, J. (2001) Ma e Dolo osa. La idea de España en el siglo XIX, Mad id: Tau us.
60
(Ál a ez Junco 1996: 91-93); he pos e io symbolic ep oduc ion o he esis ance deemed as Gue a
de Independencia (Independence Wa ) is commonly ecognized by Spanish his o iog aphy.
Ne e heless, he lack o e iciency in undamen al mechanisms, mos impo an ly, an e icien
educa ional sys em, esul ed in only limi ed e ec s o e he p edominan lo dship egimes a a local
le el. Ha ing lacked a genuine Enligh enmen e olu ion in he 18 h cen u y, Spain en e ed he pe iod
o indus ializa ion wi hou an e icien s a e appa a us in a con ex o a chaic inequali ies and hos ile
app oaches owa ds he idea o mode ni y (Gine 1986: 440).27 Mo eo e , he exis ence o clien elism
in poli ics, he indi e en a i ude o poli ical eli es owa ds any adical change, and he dispe sion o
cul u al, poli ical, and inancial cen e s we e among he main ac o s o he ailu e in achie ing a
subs an ial na ional p ojec and cul u al homogenei y (Lecou s 2007: 20). Weak go e nmen al and
e i o ial a icula ion e en ually p o oked a low le el o legi imacy o he s a e in hose egions whe e
he p imi i e accumula ion o symbolic capi al (Pé ez-Ago e 1984: 11) o o he e hnic iden i ies had
de eloped a ce ain deg ee o loyal y.
Ha ing ailed in playing an in eg a ing ole wi h s ong na ional cohesion and a om
p epa ing easible g ounds o indoc ina ing he popula masses wi h he e hno-symbolic elemen s o
Spanish iden i y, Spanish na ionalism la gely emained a a he o ical le el ep oducing he my hs o
glo y om disas ous and exhaus i e wa s (Ál a ez Junco 1997: 46). The consequence o his ailu e
made i possible o he eme gence o i al e hnic mo emen s in some egions, including he Basque
Coun y, which was incompa ible wi h he social cohesion imposed by he s a e.
b. Resis ance, loss, and auma in he Basque Coun y: Ca lis wa s and he aboli ion o he Fue os
The imposi ion o libe al measu es dic a ed om a poli ical cen e upon emo e e i o ies was a
challenging issue in Spain o wo easons. The local au ho i ies had long been adminis a i ely
disconnec ed om he cen e , and he highly eligious and adi ional social ab ic was in no way
esponsi e o such mode n and secula s eps. These we e also he main easons o he collision
be ween libe als, who sough o es ablish a cen alized and uni o m mode n Spain, and conse a i e
and adi ionalis Ca lis a sec o s, who de ended a mona chic and Ca holic Spain (Es eban de Vega
27 This si ua ion is due o impossibili ies a he han an awkwa dness in policymaking by he Spanish eli es. Following an
impo an phase o cul u al de elopmen h oughou he 18 h cen u y h ough which he na ional symbolic uni e se had
made conside able p og ess, he de as a ing e ec s o he Napoleonic in asion; addi ionally, he e i o ial loss o he Spanish
Empi e in he Ame icas and i s se e e e ec s on he colonial economy, he incapaci y and inabili y o go e nance due o he
ul a- eac iona y cha ac e o he egime o Fe nando VII liquida ed he s a e s uc u es. The long-las ing inancial incapaci y
du ing he 19 h cen u y, om which Spanish Mona chy had been su e ing, ine i ably a ec ed i s capaci y o p o ide decen
public se ices, especially in he ield o educa ion, which had been con olled by Ca holic Chu ch hie a chies, which p o oked
a lack o cohe ence in a weak public educa ion sys em wi h local and p o incial de iciencies (Fusi 1989, 2001: 97-102).
61
2003: 127). Wi hin a ew decades, his collision p o oked he e up ion o a se ies o ci il s i e and
iolence in he 19 h cen u y, named as Ca lis Wa s (Gue as Ca lis as) be ween 1833 - 1876.
The Ca lis ideology ecei ed he mos signi ican suppo in he Basque Coun y and Na a e,
whe e he Second Ca lis Wa exclusi ely ook place. The iscal sys em c ea ed by Fue os28 in he
Basque Coun y sui ed he in e es s o he Basque peasan y, as well as au onomous jaun xos ( u al
seignio s) while causing de as a ing e ec s on he economic bene i s o he Basque bou geoisie and
small indus ial acili ies (O zi 1975: 74-76). This social di ision acili a ed none o he han o choose
one o wo con lic i e sides. The newly eme ging Basque bou geoisie (a e losing colonial ade, mo e
eage o eso o comme cial ac i i ies inside Spain) and he u ban wo king class in he de eloping
me allu gy indus y, as well as he uppe Basque a is oc acy, we e in a o o mode niza ion and,
he e o e, suppo ed libe al ideas. The low- anking Basque cle gy and u al peasan y, along wi h small
u al gen y, on he o he hand, we e sha ing a con e gence o in e es s due o a high le el o eligiosi y
among hose social ci cles and opposing he cen aliza ion o he s a e. Libe al and secula policies
such as he concession o eligious eedoms, access o ci il ma iage, and he aboli ion o manda o y
i hing we e a beyond hei conse a i e limi s (Díez Med ano 1999: 69-79).
Unde he condi ions o such isible social di isions based on ensions be ween he u ban and
he u al, he libe al and he adi ional, he ich and he poo , and inally, cen alis s and absolu is s,
he achie emen o he mode niza ion o he s a e wi h a obus na ional cohesion was a challenging
a emp . The ine i able social and poli ical consequences o his di ision also shaped he men ali y o
he i s gene a ion o Basque na ionalism ha eme ged once he o al egime was abolished.29
c. The pe iod o pos -Ca lis Wa s and he social g ounds o he ea ly Basque na ionalism
The Second Ca lis Wa ha concluded wi h he ic o y o he mode nize s b ough he de ini i e
aboli ion o Fue os, gene a ing di e en eac ions in Basque socie y. Fo he gene al popula ion, he
o al egime mean ela i ely less iscal con ibu ions and exemp ions om compulso y mili a y
se ice. In con as , o uppe -class sec o s such as manu ac u e s and ade s, he aboli ion o Fue os
b ough ce ain economic ad an ages. T adi ional poli ical ins i u ions now we e subs i u ed wi h
mode n ones, and he p oclama ion o Economic Ag eemen s (Concie os Económicos) in 1882
changed hei a i ude owa ds he o al egime and inc eased hei loyal y o Spanish poli ical pa ies.
28 The e m Fue os, o o al egime, e e s o a peculia sys em o au onomy in e ms o iscal, mili a y, adminis a i e, and
legisla i e means wi hin a poli ical o ganiza ion based on a ede a ion-like sys em consis ing o local municipali ies (de Pablo,
de la G anja & Rubio 2011). Fo he his o y and s uc u al analysis o Basque o al egime in Spain, please see Díez Med ano,
J. (1999) Naciones Di ididas. Clase, Polí ica y Nacionalismo en el País Vasco y Ca aluña, Mad id: CIS.
29 The aboli ion o Fue os is a miles one as i cons i u es one o he main pilla s o he Basque na ionalis his o iog aphy in
which he Law da ed 25 Oc obe 1839 ecognizing he cons i u ional uni y o e Fue os is depic ed as he loss o Basque
so e eign y by he ounding gene a ion o Basque na ionalis s whose ul ima e goal was o ge back o he si ua ion p io o
his ‘un o una e da e’, eco e ing he p i ileges o Fue os (O zi 1975: 82-83).
62
The suppo o Spanish na ionalism his way became he main cha ac e is ic o he local Basque
bou geoisie (Díez Med ano 1999: 85-87). The lowe -class sec o s, pa icula ly he Basque peasan y
who had los hei p i ileges, on he o he hand, p oduced a g ea sense o esen men owa ds
capi alism and u ban cen e s whe e he new eli es we e li ing.
The apid and une en indus ializa ion ha accele a ed a e he aboli ion o Fue os p o oked
a signi ican wo k o ce low om o he pa s o he Ibe ian Peninsula, mo e speci ically owa ds he
municipali y o Bilbao, he c adle o Basque indus ializa ion (Payne: 1975: 61). Wi h he new indus ial
p og ess and consequen u baniza ion, he ci ies in he Basque Coun y became a eas whe e he
popula ion came o expe ience he social changes de i ed om he indus ializa ion di ec ly. New
o ms o li e we e becoming appa en in hose ci ies, whe eas he old ways began o su e e osion
(Pé ez-Ago e 1984: 60).
The expo a ion o sou ces om he i on- ich Bizkaia egion, and he accumula ion o capi al
as a consequence, no only allowed o he c ea ion o an i on and s eel indus y bu also de e mined
a peculia indus ializa ion model in Bizkaia h ough an inc easing pe cen age o manu ac u ing
concen a ion in a speci ic pa o he capi al Bilbao. The le bank o he Ne ión i e became known
as he indus ial e i o y. In con as , he igh bank con e ed i sel in o a esiden ial space and he
capi al ci y, G and Bilbao, became an o ganiza ional and adminis a i e cen e , p o oking a no able
physical gap be ween he new indus ial p ole a ia li ing in socially isola ed neighbo hoods and he
apidly en iching bou geoisie in Bilbao (Gu u xaga 1996: 59-60). In a socie y whe e he popula ion
doubled be ween 1877 and 1900, he sense o de ea a e he Ca lis Wa s ex ended o many
segmen s o socie y, mani es ing i sel as a di ec h ea o he au och honous e hnic cha ac e is ics.
Table 1: Demog aphic g ow h in Bizkaia be ween 1779 - 1900
The sense o ‘in asion’ had al eady been isible in he eyes o Basques du ing he Ca lis Wa s. Mos
oops igh ing in libe al a mies in he Basque Coun y had o be ec ui ed in o he pa s o Spain due
o he high le el o suppo o Ca lis ideology in Basque p o inces (Co e dale 2014: 238-240). The
Yea
Bizkaia Mining and Ri e Ne ion a ea Bizkaia (ag icul u al a eas)
1779 111,603 24,995 96,608
1810 112,92 26,138 86,782
1826 112,275 27,566 84,709
1843 143,012 31,631 111,381
1857 160,579 40,159 120,42
1877 189,954 62,437 127,517
1887 235,659 105,728 129,931
1900 311,361 167,68 143,681
Sou ce: González Po illa 1981: 104
63
pos -wa gene a ions sensed a simila pe cep ion in e e yday li e among newly eme ging c oss-iden i y
en i onmen s such as indus ial p oduc ion ins alla ions. Spanish immig an s, wi h hei symbolic
uni e se and language, we e in cons an con ac wi h adi ional Basques. The la e had al eady had
hos ile eelings owa ds capi alism as well as i s ep esen a i es, he e e -g owing comme cial and
indus ial Basque bou geoisie. Unsu p isingly, he i s gene a ion o Basque na ionalism ook a
eac iona y and acis shape as a esponse o massi e mig an communi ies ‘in ading’ Basque land.
Being ano he apidly indus ializing egion, Gipuzkoa showed a dis inc i e cha ac e in e ms
o indus ial de elopmen wi h i s widely dispe sed manu ac u ing acili ies in compa ison wi h Bizkaia,
whe e he indus ial p oduc ion was heaped a ound he capi al Bilbao. As a esul , he egion saw a
mul i-pola immig a ion and u baniza ion p ocess as he dispe sed cha ac e o indus y did no pe mi
he c ea ion o la ge p oduc ion cen e s bu ins ead de eloped a di e si y o p oduc ion h ough
mos ly small and medium businesses (Gu u xaga 1996: 55-56). As a consequence, di e en social
g oups we e in cons an in e ac ion wi h one ano he in a educed physical space.
As a esul o his dis inc i e indus ial g ow h model and expansion, he na ionalis
bou geoisie in Gipuzkoa adop ed a li es yle widely de e mined and sha ed by o he exis ing social
g oups, o e whelmingly consis ing o wo king-class people. The consump ion le el and ashion ha
he Gipuzkoan bou geoisie ollowed, in his sense, did no necessa ily co espond o i s economic
po en ial. Consequen ly, unlike he Bizkaia, social in e ac ions among di e en classes we e no
con ined o isola ed spaces (Pé ez-Ago e 1984: 65-66). This spa ial di e en ia ion in in e class
in e ac ions also appea ed as one o he key ac o s o he di e en posi ions aken by he Basque
bou geoisie owa ds na ionalism in di e en egions o sou he n Basque Coun y.
2.1.2. The eme gence o Basque na ionalism: Doc ine, cha ac e is ics and social componen s
The b ie ly desc ibed social ans o ma ions ollowing consecu i e wa s and economic de elopmen s
cons i u e he p ima y g ounds on which he i s gene a ion o adi ional Basque na ionalism
eme ged. Basque na ionalism a ose as a eac ion o social ans o ma ions due o massi e wo king-
class Spanish immig a ion pe cei ed as a des uc i e h ea agains Basque iden i y and cul u e and an
exp ession o disenchan ed middle-class Ca holic Basques acing labo ensions and dispu es (A iaga
1997: 29). The la e is especially ele an in Bizkaia, whe e he Basque bou geoisie ailed o show
in e es and capaci y when i came o pene a ing he eme ging Basque na ionalism as a esul o
close comme cial ies wi h he Spanish na ional ma ke wi h con inuous demands in hea y-indus y
p oduc s (Díez Med ano 1999: 51). These wo undamen al mo i a ions a e also signi ican o
analyzing he main cha ac e is ics o he doc ine in oduced by he ounding a he o adi ional
Basque na ionalism Sabino A ana Goi i and his Basque Na ionalis Pa y (PNV/EAJ).
64
a. The ounding gene a ion o he PNV and he ea ly pe iod Basque na ionalis doc ine
Being he i s poli ical o ganiza ion p omo ing and de ending he Basque iden i y, he PNV has had an
almos unin e up ed pionee ing ole in ep esen ing and ep oducing Basque na ionalism. Sabino
A ana, who shaped he pa y’s poli ics in his ea ly pe iod, also became he in en o o co e elemen s
o he Basque na ional symbolic uni e se. The Basque lag, Iku iña, he na ional day, Abe i Eguna, as
well as he PNV’s pa y an hem we e also adop ed by all Basque na ionalis mo emen s and inhe i ed
un il oday. He also concep ualized he independence and e i o iali y o he Basque na ion, which
ini ially ocused on Bizkaia and, o e ime, ex ended h ough o he emaining six p o inces labeled
Euzkadi o Euskadi (Con e si 2000: 53-54).
As emphasized be o e, A ana’s na ionalis doc ine a ose as a eac ion o he Spanish
immig an communi y in he Basque u ban a eas whe e he social encoun e s be ween au och honous
Basques and Spanish immig an wo ke s we e a mo e isible han any o he pa s o he Basque
Coun y (Pé ez-Ago e 1984: 60). Re e ing o he inc easing p esence o Spanish immig an s
pejo a i ely denomina ed as make os (A ana Goi i 1980: 627-628), Sabino A ana also became he i s
Basque na ionalis who de ined he si ua ion in his na i e Bizkaia as ‘colonial’ and sugges ed he
sepa a ion o he Basque communi y om Spania ds:
“I is essen ial o isola e ou sel es om make os in all walks o li e. […] We can say ha in hese imes o sla e y,
we ha e a la ge numbe o Spanish colonies in Bizkaia, bu le ’s ne e ge con used wi h make os” (Sabino A ana
quo ed om De la G anja 2006: 197)
The equen in e ac ions wi h Spanish immig an s and hei cul u al uni e se, bo h pe cei ed as a
h ea agains Basque acial pu eness, emphasized he de ense o genuine Basque based on ances al
descendan s as he mos ema kable componen o A ana’s na ionalis doc ine. He s essed he
au hen ici y o su names inhe i ed om ances al lines, a ea u e aimed a di e en ia ing ‘us’ om
‘ hem’ in his na ionalis code (Gu u xaga 1985: 422). He e lec ed his acis componen in a hos ile
discou se owa ds Spanish immig an s, in ade s o an in e io ace who would des oy supe io Basque
alues and adi ions o Old Law (Vieja Ley). Al hough A ana was clea ly in a o o e i o ial uni y and
independence o Euskadi, he p ese a ion o Basque acial pu i y was a p io i y:
“...Ley Vieja (Old Law), he main de ining elemen o he na ion because: Is he soil on which we walk he only
hing which cons i u es he Homeland? Is i impo an o us o ha e a ee Bizkaia he e in hese moun ains, like
ha ing i elsewhe e? I i happens o occu o ha e a Bizkaia, yes, ee, bu cons i u ed by he Spanish ace, would
i eally be Bizkaia?” (Sabino A ana quo ed om Co cue a 1980: 384)
A ana depic ed he Basque ace as a di ine cause; eligion, he lo e ha one eels o God and Jesus
Ch is , appea ed o be he p ima y equi emen o be called a pa io (La onde 1990: 94). Basque
eligious sal a ion h ough independence combined he abo e-quo ed ‘Old Law’ wi h ‘God’ (A ana
Goi i 1980: 192) as syn hesized in ha mony in he amous mo o o Jaungoikoa e a Lege-Za a (God
65
and he Old Law) p onounced in he ounda ion o he PNV. Independence o he Basque homeland
(Euzkadi/Euskadi), conside ed unc ional o he di ine glo y, would also mean independence om
make os who had al eady los hei genuinely Ca holic mo al alues (De la G anja 2006: 193). P o ound
eelings o Ca holicism in A ana seemed e en mo e c i ical han he Basque na ional eedom:
“Be ween wi nessing a ee Euzkadi bu away om Ch is and seeing i ensla ed bu ai h ul o Ch is , he Basque
Na ionalis Pa y would op o he la e .” (Sabino A ana, quo ed om Co cue a 1980: 324)
This app oach also becomes appa en in he a i ma ions by p ominen igu es o he ollowing
gene a ion o Basque na ionalis s, like F ay E angelis a de Ibe o (Ramón de Goicoechea y O oquie a,
alias Ibe ), he i s ideologis o he Basque na ionalism in Na a e. Desc ibing himsel as a loyal
s uden o A ana, whom he i les as ‘ he ma y o God and Euzkadi’ in his amous wo k Ami Vasco, he
emphasizes he cen al place ha eligion occupies among Basques:
“The Basque people lo e hei eligion mo e han he land hey li e on, mo e han hei eedom, mo e han hei
ue os, mo e han hei language. [...] he Basque pu he ai h in Ch is as he basis o he es o a ion o hei
homeland, and i , mi aculously, he e is a Basque who denies he ai h in Ch is , soon, hank God, he would no
also be la e in denying his homeland. [...] In conclusion, e en hough i is some hing mo e han o he sake o
ou ace, we mus igh o God. Do no o ge ha I am [only] alking o Basques.” (F ay E angelis a, quo ed om
Ga alda 2001: 169-170)
The con adic i e poli ical posi ioning be ween he Episcopal hie a chies and he popula Basque
cle gy e e s o a b eaking poin in explaining he ole o eligion as a d i ing o ce o A anis
na ionalism. While he o me opposed any o m o na ionalism excep ha o he o icial chu ch
doc ine, he la e posi ioned close o Basque na ionalism wi h i s c i ical s ance agains ‘libe alis
sins’ (Delgado 2007: 188). Inc easing suppo by he popula chu ch h ough subsequen gene a ions,
especially a e he i s elec o al success o Basque na ionalism in 1917, illus a ed he g owing
in eg a ion o he low- anking Basque cle gy in o A anis na ionalism.
Finally, he Basque language, Euske a, which is he mos signi ican elemen o he Basque
e hno-symbolic uni e se by a wide ma gin, appea ed as a componen se ing o di e en ia e ecen ly
a i ed Spanish mig an communi ies and he au och honous Basque. I was mos ly he case among
hose peasan s who emig a ed om he u al pa s owa ds g owing indus ial cen e s, lea ing hei
adi ional base i cul u e30 behind and expe iencing new iden i y encoun e s in big ci ies. In hese new
u ban a eas, he a i al o Spanish immig an s consolida ed he long-con inuing decline in he use o
Euske a among Basques (Teje ina 1992: 87). This si ua ion also explains he hos ile a i ude o i s -
30 In he comp ehensi e s udy on base i (hamle , u al house), E xeza e a pu s special emphasis on he issue o language
and he di icul y ha base i a ak ( u al Basques) ha e in a icula ing in o Spanish-domina ed cul u al en i onmen . The
schola con i ms cases whe e he euskalduns (Euske a-speake s) do no eel com o able in unde s anding and exp essing
hemsel es in Spanish and, he e o e, eel a ce ain deg ee o ‘in e io i y’ in Spanish-domina ed u ban cul u e (1977: 169).
66
gene a ion Basque na ionalis s owa ds mos ly e daldun (Spanish-speaking) Basque bou geoisie
quali ied as ‘domes ic enemy’ (Co cue a 1980: 144).
The posi ioning o ea ly Basque na ionalis s owa ds Euske a is bes obse ed in he my hical
cons uc ion o his language as he mos ancien in he Ibe ian Peninsula, an app oach inhe i ed by
Fue is heo is s, who conside ed Euske a ‘ he language o Pa adise’ (Le amendia 1997: 94). A ana’s
conce n o he ansmission o he Basque symbolic uni e se o upcoming gene a ions (Co cue a
1980: 398) and his o e a ing o Euske a as an elemen o di e en ia ion (Gu u xaga 1996: 73) by
cha ac e izing i as ‘ he seal o he Basque ace’ (A ana 1980: 1713) also a i m he place conceded o
he linguis ic ques ion.
No wi hs anding, A ana’s posi i e app oach owa ds he language ne e unde es ima es ace
and eligion as he key componen s. A ana himsel clea ly exp esses ha a make o speaking Euske a
is a less welcome han a Spanish-speaking Bizkaian (1980: 404). The impo ance o Euske a in
adi ional na ionalism cons i u es a signi ican elemen despi e some o A ana’s s a emen s ha
migh be conside ed con adic o y wi h his espec .31 The linguis ic pa icula i y o he A anis
iewpoin is mo e likely o be a mechanism o in eg a ion, di e en ia ion, and, inally, an essen ial
e e ence o social cohesion (Teje ina 1999: 82) a he han a cen al doc inal elemen .
b. O he Basque na ionalis ac ions be o e he Spanish Ci il Wa
The PNV’s en y in o poli ics a ose an al e na i e p ojec o he idea o a uni ied Spanish na ion-s a e,
which had aced se ious –and iolen - esis ance by Ca lis sec o s in he Basque Coun y and Na a e,
he la e being a dispu ed e i o ial ques ion e en oday.32 This p ojec was based on a clea
exp ession demanding he eco e y o he ‘his o ical s a e o eali y’ be o e he aboli ion o he Fue os
in 1876 (A egi 2000: 106-107), which simul aneously cons i u ed he my hical cons uc ion o A ana’s
Basque na ionalis his o iog aphy.
Ne e heless, he poli ical p ojec ha seeks o achie e his eco e y and he con inui y o his
‘his o ical eali y’ wi hin he same PNV di ided he pa y in o wo lines. The adi ionalis sec o s led
by he A ana b o he s (Sabino and Luis) main ained hei p o-independence, ex emely Ca holic, and
31 Conside ing A ana’s w i ings on he Basque language such as E imologias Euské icas (1980[1887]: 31-42), Lecciones de
O og a ía del Euske a Bizkaino (1980[1897]: 810-982), Pliegos euske á ilos (1980[1888]: 43-68) and Pliegos euske alógicos
(1980[1892]: 91-106), i is ou o doub ha A ana pu emphasis on he linguis ic ques ion. Howe e , A ana's e a ic
compa a i e s yle on wha he conside ed essen ial o be a ‘Basque’, in his sense, migh be he cause o con usion wi h espec
o his posi ioning owa ds he language. In he inal analysis, i is unde s ood ha o A ana, Euske a's pa amoun
conside a ion had o do wi h i s s eng hening ole o he mos undamen al componen o his na ionalism, ace.
32 Among Basque na ionalis s om bo h he igh and le -wing, he egion o Na a e is conside ed one o ou egions o he
Basque Coun y unde Spanish ule, namely Hegoalde o Hego Euskal He ia (‘Sou he n Coun y’ o ‘Sou he n Basque
Coun y’). As a sepa a ed au onomous communi y, Na a e enjoys economic and iscal p i ileges due o ‘his o ic igh s’ in
acco dance wi h he Na a e Economic Con en ion o 1990: h p://www.lexna a a.na a a.es/de alle.asp? =88
67
an i-mode niza ion posi ion. In con as , he bou geois sec o s led by Ramón de la So a ollowed a
a he capi alis , mode a ely eligious, and p o-au onomis line (Lecou s 2007: 56). Al hough he
ideological disc epancies be ween hose sec o s, which would p o oke in a-pa y dispu es and a
consequen sepa a ion, we e di icul o econcile, he a - e ched uni y s eng hened he elec o al
capaci y o Basque na ionalism, which yielded ema kable esul s in he pos -A ana pe iod.
Table 2: Elec o al esul s in he Basque Coun y in gene al elec ions be o e he Spanish Ci il Wa
A e he ounding gene a ion o adi ional Basque na ionalism, plen y o di e en na ionalis
app oaches wi h qui e limi ed elec o al ma gin also came in o being hanks o he poli ical and social
conjunc u e o he i s decades o he 20 h cen u y. In an e a o inc easingly g owing Basque capi alism,
now mo e connec ed wi h he Spanish economy han e e , A ana’s an i-mode ni y discou se did no
seem sus ainable o he Basque na ionalis capi alis s a ilia ed wi h he PNV (To o icagüena 2004:
37). A mo e mode a e egionalis pe spec i e ecei ed conside able suppo , c ea ing a new poli ical
o ganiza ion in a o o au onomy s a us, Basque Na ionalis Communion (CNV - Comunión
Nacionalis a Vasca). The CNV de ended he in eg i y o an au onomous Basque egion in a con ede al
Spain, a oiding in a-Basque sepa a ism (de la G anja 2008: 20). Speci ic ideas de ended by he pa y
signi ican ly di e ed om he second gene a ion o adi ional A anis na ionalis s ( he Abe i g oup)
conce ning he linguis ic issue and con ol mechanisms o he na ionalis p ess in Euskadi.
An excep ional igu e was he leade o he Abe i g oup, Elias Gallas egui, who ep esen ed
he second gene a ion o A anis adi ion wi h a b oade pe spec i e owa ds issues such as social
jus ice and class s uggle. Gallas egui caugh he a en ion o Bilbao’s p ole a ia sec o s wi h his
explici suppo o iolen ac s and b eaking laws agains opp essi e economic condi ions, which led
1907 1931 June 1936 Feb ua y
Righ -wing
Conse a i e pa ies 64.07 12.40 16.23
T adi ionalis s 23.51 10.32 12.31
Na ionalis s
PNV 2.15 28.48 35.06
ANV 6.27
Cen e and Le -wing
Republican 4.27 22.56 13.24
Socialis 6.00 16.79 14.73
Communis s and POUM 3.18 8.44
Abs en ions 37.93 19.19 22.37
Pa ies and poli ical endencies
Pe cen age o o es in a o o speci ic pa ies o e he o al dis ibu ion o o es
Sou ce: Díez Med ano 1999: 105
74
“In 1936, hose om my gene a ion we e se en, en, o i een yea s old. To pu i ano he way, we we e bo n,
and we we e bo n in he Basque wo ld, he e o e, in he middle o a wa and opp ession. Because when we could
begin o make sense o hings, e e ywhe e in ou s ee s, we came ac oss mili iamen, ed-ha Moo s, and Nazis
wea ing comba boo s. As he yea s passed by and F anco died in 1975, we we e 45, 50, 60 yea s old. Then ou
en i e li e had lown by. Those om my gene a ion we e bo n and g ew up in ha his o ic en i onmen . And
his, undoub edly, shaped and condi ioned us o e e .” (Ál a ez Enpa an za 1997: 7)
Unde such condi ions, egime iolence i sel seems o ha e become a social mechanism de e mining
he g ade o Basqueness; he mo e indi iduals we e subjec ed o s a e ep ession, he mo e a ilia ion
o he Basque iden i y hey el . The ollowing example ci ed om one o he discussion g oups (G-I,
PNV a ilia es) ha Pé ez-Ago e conduc ed in he mid-1970s co esponds o he gene a ion ha
expe ienced he Ci il Wa and socialized unde he F anco egime:
“The ep ession is e y impo an . Du ing F anco’s imes, i eached ex eme dimensions. Many people became
Basque when hey expe ienced ep ession. Yes, he ep ession has been e y impo an . Many o us ha e had
child en, ela i es, o child en o iends in jail, police s a ions, e c. Many imes, i seemed ha i hey ep essed
us, we we e Basques, and i no , we we e no .” (Discussion g oup G-I in Pé ez-Ago e 1987: 78)
Regime iolence, in his sense, came up wi h he p incipal elemen o daily li e, poli icizing he Basque
you h who began o ques ion he ongoing ep essi e clima e (Reina es 2001: 87-88). The silence
adop ed by hose gene a ions who expe ienced he Ci il Wa and he new o de imposed du ing he
pos -wa pe iod also played a de e mining ole in he socializa ion p ocesses o he ollowing
gene a ion. Indisc imina e egime ep ession agains any exp ession conside ed de ian om he
o icial u h and se e e punishmen by he au ho i ies as a consequence pushed many young Basques
wi h no clea ly de ined ideological s ance owa ds di e en o ms o mili ancy (Zumalde 2004: 66-68).
In he absence o PNV, hen leading he Basque Go e nmen in exile wi h limi ed poli ical
in luence and a lack o mechanisms o esis he s a e’s monopoly o symbolic and physical iolence,
he new gene a ion o Basques came up wi h a new o m o esis ance. This mobiliza ion ini ially
eme ged in he cul u al ield and, wi hin a sho pe iod, e ol ed in o a poli ico-mili a y mo emen
which played a signi ican ole in he ollowing decades o Basque and Spanish poli ics.
2.2.2. The gene a ional up u e wi hin he Basque na ionalis uni e se
Unde he F ancois ule, he new socio-poli ical con ex p o oked a eac ion by he gene a ion bo n
and socialized unde he condi ions o dic a o ship. This oughly wo-decade pe iod, as in he case o
he eme gence o adi ional Basque na ionalism in he la e 19 h cen u y, once again wi nessed
signi ican social changes whose cha ac e and consequences p ima ily a ec ed he eme gence and
de elopmen o o he poli ical de elopmen s. The eme gence o Euskadi Ta Aska asuna (ETA - Basque
Homeland and F eedom) in he la e 1950s was no only he eappea ance o Basque na ionalism in he
75
public sphe e, some hing exclusi ely con ined o he p i a e ealm o wo decades bu also he
beginning o an ideological b eak-up om he o me ly es ablished Basque na ionalis code.
37
a. The bi h o EKIN/ETA and he ini ial pe iod o Basque neo-na ionalism
Ha ing eme ged ou o he PNV’s you h o ganiza ion Euzko Gaz edia (EGI), EKIN was bo n as a cul u al
mo emen , wi h a speci ic conce n on he linguis ic ques ion unde he s ic condi ions o dic a o ship.
The mo emen symbolized an in a-na ionalis secession based on a clea sense o us a ion among
young gene a ion in ellec uals in disag eemen wi h hei pa en ’s silence and immobili y in he ace
o he imposed ‘o icial u h’ (A iaga 1997: 36-38). Discon en wi h he PNV’s ine icien diplomacy
and limi ed ac i ism in exile (Unzue a 1988: 95) and disappoin men wi h Wes e n powe s’ pe missi e
s ance owa ds he F anco egime (Zi akzadeh 1991: 147) mo i a ed he new gene a ion o ad ance
in ideological and p ac ical e ms. ETA summa izes his us a ion and passi e posi ion o he olde
gene a ions in he o m o social silence in an o icial documen published in 1970 o he i s
anni e sa y o he loss o one o i s ea ly ideologis s, Txabi E xeba ie a:
“Fo decades, he e was no hing excep silence. We belong o a gene a ion bo n in pa en heses, and only now
we ha e begun o wake up and unde s and. […] …i all was abou b eaking he icious ci cle: no hing is done
because he e a e no condi ions, and he e a e no condi ions because no hing is done so ha he condi ions
come o ligh and he people become awa e o hei e olu iona y opp essed condi ion. I was abou , in a wo d,
waking he people up. In a si ua ion in which e e y hing was o be done (o ganiza ion and agi a ion, p opaganda
and consciousness- aising, heo y, and p ac ice), we ha e chosen he ac ion and be on he people.” (Documen
eleased by ETA on 7 June 1970 ci ed om Euskadi E a Aska asuna 1993, Vol. 3: 32-33)
Re o mis demands on a mo e ac i e posi ioning o he PNV agains s a e ep ession aced i m
disag eemen by he pa y membe s, which concluded in he expulsion o Beni o del Valle, a leading
igu e o he EKIN g oup. Simila ac ions by olde gene a ion na ionalis s who con olled he pa y’s
discipline mechanism also accele a ed he new impulse o young na ionalis s backed by he pa y's
you h (Jáu egui 1981: 75-80). The ec ui s o Euzko Gaz edia, who ga he ed in es ic ed social
en i onmen s a ailable ( olklo ic g oups, scou s, and in ellec ual ci cles), showed e iden p oximi y
owa ds he EKIN g oup (San Sebas ián: 1984: 89). In he absence o he PNV’s execu i e, he newly
eme ged gene a ion en elechy unde EKIN/ETA o e ed an imma u e bu decisi e al e na i e,
becoming he only ac i e an i-F ancois Basque na ionalis g oup in he Basque Coun y:
“A ha ime, you did no ha e many hings whe e you could in eg a e. The e was e y li le. The PNV was
p ac ically unseen. Tha is o say, he only na ionalis o ce wi h mili a y possibili ies and possibili ies o doing
hings in hose yea s was ETA. The PNV exis ed, bu i did no eally a ac us, he younge gene a ions [...] In
37
Schola s in Basque and Spanish academia emain di ided o e whe he he e hno-na ionalis wa e ha eme ged in he
la e 1950s can be conside ed a up u e om he PNV. Some claim ha he new le is abe zale Basque mo emen led by
ETA is simila o he PNV’s acis na ionalism based on he exclusion and ha ed o Spain and any hing Spanish (Jua is i 1984,
1997; Azu mendi 1998; Lle a 2003; Elo za 2005; Reina es 2001, Casque e 2009, Fe nñandez Solde illa 2016). O he abe zale
le -a ilia ed schola s (O zi 1979; Bel za 1974, 1977; Apala egi 1979; Iba a 1987), howe e , claim ha he pa e ns, ideology
and p ac ices ca ied ou by abe zale le ci cles indica e a clea up u e om adi ional ace-based componen s.
76
hose yea s, young people needed some hing mo e. We needed somewhe e whe e we could exp ess ou eelings
and ca y hem ou .” (In e iew Nº 26 quo ed om Reina es 2001: 175)
No wi hs anding, he PNV had an o e whelmingly solid epu a ion due o i s my hical ole; i was he
ounding o ganiza ion o Basque na ionalism ha accomplished he Basque poli ical au onomy unde
he condi ions o he Ci il Wa and enjoyed an absolu e ideological and emo ional monopoly o e he
Basque na ionalis mo emen (Alcedo 1996: 57). The Basque schola Bel za, whose mili ancy in ETA
coincided wi h his pe iod, makes he ollowing s a emen wi h his ega d:
“In a si ua ion o ambigui y conce ning he ‘old’, Ekin was uni ied wi h he Euzko Gaz edia, he you h o ganiza ion
o he PNV, c ea ing Euzko Gaz edi ha yea . On he one hand, he e was an exp essed desi e o b eak wi h he
ype o ac ion aken by he PNV o , ins ead, i s lack o ac ion; while on he o he , hose o Ekin did no wan o
b eak wi h ha old na ionalism ha was s ill ull o p es ige om he Wa and he 1940s.” (Bel za 1977: 94)
Despi e he sha ed poli ical ambi ions be ween he PNV and EKIN/ETA conce ning he u u e o he
Basque people, he app oach adop ed by new gene a ions o he social p ojec p o ided he i s signs
o clea ages. Resembling he ANV’s app oach o he iden i y ques ion o Spanish immig an s, he
pe spec i e adop ed by EKIN/ETA, a leas heo e ically, was mo e inclusi e and ole an . This
app oach was a icula ed wi h linguis ic and cul u al conce ns, gi en he mul i-e hnic cha ac e o
Basque socie y in his pe iod (Sulli an 2015[1988]: 38). The gene a ional up u e wi h he PNV was
conside ed an obliga ion, as unde lined by Txilla degi la e on:
“The same way ha Sabino A ana ceased wi h he Ca lis Pa y, o Lenin wi h he II In e na ional, we conside ed
ha we also had o do he same wi h he Basque Na ionalis Pa y, o which we could no be pa .” (Txilla degi
ci ed om Euskadi E a Aska asuna, Vol.1: 19)
Ideological clea ages be ween he dominan ac o o Basque na ionalism and he new gene a ion
Basque na ionalis s widened o e ime and, in he absence o he o me ’s ac i e poli ical in ol emen
and wi h he de eloping s a egy o he la e , Basque neo-na ionalism led by ETA soon became he
p ima y challenge o bo h he PNV jel zalism as well as he F ancois egime.
b. Theo iza ion o he e olu iona y wa and he use o iolence by he new gene a ion en elechy
Ambigui y conce ning poli ical iolence among he i s gene a ion o ETA membe s was be ween
hose who op ed o he Gandhian s yle non- iolen esis ance and hose an i-colonialis s who a o ed
he calcula ed use o de ensi e iolence agains he ‘occupying enemy’ (Zi akzadeh 1991: 152).
38
The
ini ial p io i y, in any case, was no necessa ily gi en o high-impac mili a y ac ions bu a he c ea ing
a eac ion o wha was conside ed Basque cul u al ex e mina ion unde he F ancois ule.
38
The deba e on whe he o use iolen means appea s in ETA’s o icial publica ion Zu ik nº 7 and 8 da ed 1962. While hose
who we e unde he Gandhian in luence de ended non- iolen s uggle by showing clea sensibili y owa ds he common
alues o Ch is iani y, o he s led by Mada iaga we e de ending and jus i ying he use o coe ci e ac ions wi h he ollowing
a i ma ion: “Le us be clea : we a e no he ones who p o oke iolence. While we a e an an il, we will endu e; bu as soon
as we become he hamme , we will hi .” (ETA 1979, Vol.2: 295, 301)
77
Al hough ETA openly decla ed he adop ion o physical esis ance in i s amous Lib o Blanco
(Whi e Book) published in he o ganiza ion’s o icial mon hly Zu ik Nº 6, Ap il 1961 (ETA 1979, Vol.1),
he concep o ‘poli ical iolence’ in ETA’s epe oi e un il 1964 was based on me ely symbolic ac ions.
Schola s who ha e s udied he poli ical s a egy o ETA’s ini ial pe iod also a i m ha e en he ea ly
high- isk ac ions we e a esponse o he symbolic imposi ion o he Spanish na ionalism in he Basque
Coun y (Jaú egui 1981: 87; Iba a 1987: 57), as he ounding membe s emphasize:
“Bu ning o a [Spanish] lag in an o icial building, in b oad dayligh in San Sebas ian whe e he summe holiday
ga he ed he mos dis inguished igu es o he Regime and he ascis sys em was hen conside ed a ma u ed
and calcula ed ope a ion wi h a ce ain isk.” (Jon Nicolás in ETA 1979)
“We we e making g a i is wi h he mo o ‘Go a Euskadi Aska u a’ [Long-li e ee Basque Coun y] o ‘Go a ETA’
[Long-li e ETA] o simply ‘ETA’. Ano he impo an ac ion was o make an iku iña and place i on walls o
windows. We we e making hem he e in Ipa alde [No he n Basque Coun y, F ance], and a e b inging hem
ac oss he bo de , we we e hanging hem. […] We we e also ca ying ou some mo e isky ac ions. We placed a
big iku iña on powe cables on he i e Ne ión.” (Julen Mada iaga in Pun o y Ho a, 13 July 1984)
The s a e’s esponse agains hose men ioned abo e, howe e , was in he o m o excessi e physical
coe cion ha se ed he ep oduc ion o Basque neo-na ionalism in wo ways. Fi s , such a eac ion
by he s a e’s secu i y o ces agains symbolic ac ions aken by ETA showed Basque socie y he
se iousness o he na ional ques ion. Secondly, he quali a i e cha ac e o his coe ci e eac ion,
mos ly indisc imina e agains he en i e popula ion, p o oked he ini ial s eps o poli iciza ion h ough
he use o poli ical iolence. The ea ly-pe iod mili an José Luis Zalbide exp esses his obse a ions wi h
his espec in his amous analysis i led ‘Hacia una es a egia e oluciona ia asca’ (Towa ds a Basque
e olu iona y s a egy), w i en unde he pseudonym o K. de Zunbel z:
“The insis ence on illing walls wi h he ac onym ETA is signi ican in ha i s pe iod un il 1964. Ce ainly,
ac onyms mean no hing when hey a e no associa ed wi h some hing ha is in i sel impo an . In hose ea ly
yea s, ew people knew ha he ac onym o ETA co esponded o an unde g ound poli ical o ganiza ion. E en
hough people, in gene al, would no ha e no iced such ype o ac i ism, ep essi e o ces ook cha ge o illing
hose signs wi h hei i s con en . When a ce ain sign appea ed on a wall, he e was a spec acula mobiliza ion
o he Ci il Gua d and Police o ces o co e i , i s , and hen o ind he au ho ; he e was no doub ha he sign
had some signi icance. In case ha he signi icance o ha sign was di icul o unde s and, he same ep ession
also ook place o explain i o whoe e wan ed o unde s and. Lea le s and lags had he same e ec s as he
mu al signs; i was he immedia e ep ession ha con i med he popula con en o esis ance in hose mu als,
lea le s, and lags.” (Zunbel z 1975[1968]: 123-124)
ETA’s i s poli ico-mili a y s a egy, in s ic ly heo e ical e ms a he han any no able signs o
physical ha assmen (Iba a 1987: 63-65), began o de elop wi h he adop ion o he concep o
‘ e olu iona y wa ’, p omo ed in one o ETA’s i s ideologue Fede ico K u wig’s book i led Vasconia
w i en unde he pseudonym o Fe nando Sa ailh de Iha za in 1962. Apa om occupying a cen al
place in he ea ly his o y o ETA
39
, he book made explici e e ences o he na ional esis ance and
39
Vasconia is equen ly labeled as he ‘Bible o ETA’, an a gumen which is bo h a i med (M. Azu mendi 1998: 53) and
denied by some ea ly-gene a ion ETA mili an s like José Félix Azu mendi, who w o e he p e ace o he edi ion o he book
consul ed in his s udy (see Sa ailh de Iha za 2006[1962]: 7-11). While he ques ion o K u wig’s in luence du ing he ini ial
78
decoloniza ion p ocesses in Alge ia, Tunisia, Cyp us, as well as he Cuban e olu ion (O zi 1975: 300-
301, 309). In a socio-poli ical con ex in which he ela ion be ween he egime and Basque people was
based on iolence (see In e iew Nº 14 in Reina es 2001: 89), he idea o a med s uggle as a esul o
he coho e ec was emb aced by he young gene a ion Basques wi h ela i e ease. Ea ly pe iod ETA
mili an Xabie Zumalde (alias El Cab a) na a es his pe sonal expe ience wi h his espec :
“Despi e he sys ema ic ep ession o he dic a o ship, s uden mo emen s and you h, in gene al, launched an
uns oppable ma ch owa ds eedom, in luenced by libe al and an i-impe ialis cu en s igh ing in Alge ia,
Vie nam, Cuba, e c. The my hical igu e o E nes o Che Gue a a was in ec ing he young ebels wi h e olu iona y
a do . […] I el apped by ha e olu iona y cu en . The s ong disappoin men su e ed in he labo s uggle,
and Ca holic mo emen s had c ea ed in me a us a ion caused by impo ence. Besides, we could do no hing
wi h non-exis en o ‘cas a ed’ unde g ound unions. E en ually, I decided o ake up a ms.” (Zumalde 2004: 69).
ETA g adually ook a i me s ance owa ds he le is e olu iona y s uggle as a esul o i s 4 h and
5 h Assemblies wi h he in oduc ion o key concep s om Ma x, Engels, Lenin, and G amsci, o ging
he na ional ques ion wi h a social one.40 In oducing his new ex i led ‘Nacionalismo e oluciona io’
(Re olu iona y na ionalism, 1966), K u wig dis inguished be ween bou geoisie na ionalism and he
e olu iona y one de ended by ETA. Acco ding o he la e , leading igu es o he Basque middle-class
bou geoisie we e he membe s o he Spanish bou geoisie and, he e o e, se an s o a Spanish p ojec
ega dless o hei su names o place o bi h (Euskadi E a Aska asuna 1993, Vol. 2: 84).
The adop ion o a med s uggle as he p ima y s a egy o he na ional libe a ion began o
ha e e lec ions h ough ea ly ekin zas (a med ac ions) ca ied ou by he ollowing gene a ion
mili an s who wen h ough almos he same poli ical socializa ion as he ounding gene a ion
in ellec uals unde he condi ions o dic a o ship. Jokin Go os idi, a membe o ETA’s Execu i e Boa d
a e he 5 h Assembly, a i ms ha he use o poli ical iolence was in a ansi o y phase om symbolic
ac ions o he use o physical coe cion in he la e 1960s, as he de ails he ollowing on he ma e :
“The p ocedu es we e udimen a y, pa icula ly when we ac ed agains ascis monumen s and plaques
dedica ed o he dead on F anco’s side loca ed in all he owns o Euskadi. [...] I also emembe ha he e we e
ekin zas agains in o man s, some o whom a e in he PNV oday, like bu ning hei ca s, e c.” (Jokin Go os idi in
Pun o y Ho a de Euskal He ia, 13 July 1984)
The endency owa ds a mo e sys ema ic use o poli ical iolence g ew s onge a e he nomina ion
o Xa ie Zumalde as he head o ETA’s mili a y b anch. Zumalde op ed o he es ablishmen o a
moun ain gue illa (Las Cab as) in he Basque Coun y and o icially adop ed he spi al o ‘Ac ion-
Rep ession-Ac ion’ as he new mili a y s a egy o he o ganiza ion (O zi 1975: 311). Zunbel z explains
he logic behind his s a egy and he objec i e sough h ough i s implemen a ion:
phase o heo e ical s a egic de elopmen o ETA is deba able, Vasconia cons i u es one o he ea lies examples o Basque
le is abe zale his o iog aphy whose main pilla s emain up un il oday.
40 Fo mo e de ailed in o ma ion on in e nal deba es du ing he ini ial assemblies o ETA, see Mada iaga, Julen “Las cinco
p ime as Asambleas” in Pun o y Ho a de Euskal He ia, 18-24 Augus 1977.
79
“Rep ession and e olu iona y ac i i y g ow oge he and condi ion each o he . Unde ce ain condi ions such as
hose seen immedia ely a e he wa o ’36, ep ession p oduced mos ly e o among he masses. As o ce ain
new condi ions, he measu es o ep ession engende g ea e e olu iona y ac ions; and as he e olu iona y
ac ions a e in u n answe ed wi h e en mo e spec acula measu es o ep ession, a p ocess is p oduced in he
o m o a spi al whe e e olu iona y ac i i y and ep ession a e pushed o highe le els each ime. In his p ocess,
ac ion- ep ession-ac ion, he main ad e sely a ec ed is he opp esso s a e, ha is, he uling class behind i . In
e ec , he means a ailable o a s a e o ep ess he masses, al hough big, a e limi ed. When he s a e ep esses
he ac ion o he people employing ba ons and wa e hoses, i may well boas o keeping i s ba le anks in
ese e; bu when he s a e akes he anks o he s ee s, i has no hing mo e o oppose o he e olu iona y
ac ion o he people.” (Zunbel z 1975[1968]: 82)
While he spi al o ac ion- ep ession-ac ion did no seek la ge-scale physical damage by weakening he
‘in ading enemy’, i b ough he ise o poli ical consciousness o o dina y Basques, a as majo i y o
whom had been supp essed by he social silence. As he highes - anking mili a y commande o ETA
a e he 4 h Assembly, Zumalde emphasizes his c ucial unc ion o ac ion- ep ession-ac ion:
“I belie ed in i [ he a med s uggle], and I hough ha he bes hing abou ou you h was ha hey we e eady
o igh o ha cause. Soon I ealized ha idealis s, d eame s, and gue illas [like us], we we e alone. The people,
ou people, we e le ha gic, and only when we p ac iced he e olu iona y wa , h ough he s a egy o ac ion-
ep ession-ac ion, did we managed o awaken hem.” (Zumalde 2004: 19)
In his gene a ion, ETA began o ob ain i s i s i ea ms con ibu ing o he escala ion o iolence. Txabi
Ex eba ie a, who ca ied ou he o ganiza ion’s i s a al ac ion, also became he ‘ i s e olu iona y
ma y ’ o ETA (Euskadi E a Aska asuna 1993, Vol.2: 101, 109). ETA’s i s planned ekin za, he Saga a
Ope a ion, in which he o ganiza ion execu ed police inspec o Meli ón Manzanas in Augus 1968, was
he engeance o Txabi (Guda i Nº 48, 13 Oc obe 1968) and ETA o icially announced ha he
execu ion o Manzanas was ca ied ou in he name o he Basque People (ETA 1979, Vol. 7: 532-533).
F om his momen , he ac ion- ep ession-ac ion spi al ex ended o he en i e Basque Coun y,
p o oking mo e de en ions and ials, e en ually u ning social silence in o a mass mobiliza ion in he
la e yea s o he F anco egime.
c. Social condi ions du ing he eme gence pe iod o Basque neo-na ionalism
Socio-economic de elopmen s obse ed in F anco’s Spain since he ea ly 1950s con ibu ed o he
con lic on iden i y in Basque socie y. F om his decade onwa ds, he Spanish economy began an
in eg a ion p ocess in o he Eu opean economic sys em, showing a high- a e economic g ow h, a ound
7% be ween 1961 and 1974. This de elopmen , once again, ga e way o mo e immig a ion o he
indus ialized egions o he coun y, mainly he Basque p o inces o Bizkaia and Gipuzkoa, in a pe iod
o inc easing labo mo emen s and s ikes (C uz 1977: 61, 130). Consequen s uc u al ans o ma ions
also played a de e mining ole in shaping he main cha ac e is ics o Basque neo-na ionalism.
The apid socio-economic ans o ma ions and hei social consequences appea as he
p ima y causes o adicaliza ion in he Basque Coun y in his pe iod. The massi e mig a ion low om
o he pa s o Spain owa ds he local labo zones in hese egions c ea ed new con lic i e iden i y
80
encoun e s (Gu u xaga 1985: 435; Hobsbawm 1992: 140-141). Wha made hese encoun e s mo e
isible had o see wi h ans o ma ions in he adi ional mode o p oduc ion in u al a eas. The c isis
in he adi ional base i p oduc ion sys em ell a behind he new echnologies and, as a
consequence, b ough u al sec o s o wo k in he newly-de eloping indus ies, g adually elimina ing
he u al mode o p oduc ion and i s socio-cul u al cha ac e is ics (E xeza e a 1977: 173). This
ans o ma ion signi ican ly a ec ed domes ic mig a ion by pushing he young Basque popula ion
om u al su oundings owa ds indus ial owns and ci ies whe e he co e elemen s o hei na i e
Basque symbolic uni e se came o collide wi h he new u ban demog aphic eali y.
Table 3: Ne immig a ion lows o he Basque Coun y be ween 1920 - 1981
These de elopmen s made he disad an aged posi ion o Basque na ional symbols e en mo e isible
in he public sphe e, p o oking an immense sense o discon en , anxie y, and, inally, a eac ion by he
new gene a ion who ound hemsel es ea ing hei cul u al ex e mina ion. Ini ially, his ep oduced
a hos ile a i ude owa ds Spania d make os, who had long been depic ed as a se e e h ea iola ing
he essen ial dis inc i e e hnic cha ac e is ics o Basques:
“Especially a he beginning, when we we e in EGI, we we e p e y acis . We we e acis because hey inculca ed
us acism in some way. Then yes, we el uncom o able wi h hese people because, su e, on he one hand, hese
we e he e y same people ha you saw ha hey we e coming he e and s epping on wha we hough we e ou
hings, igh ? Ou land, ou language, and such, igh ?” (In e iew Nº9 quo ed om Reina es 2001: 164)
In a social en i onmen whe e class s uggle became isible, e hnic iden i y encoun e s among
wo king-class people made ela ions e en mo e con lic i e. This con lic i e en i onmen also b ough
abou a challenge o Basque na ionalis s who sough o unnel hei ene gy o he na ional s uggle.
As such, he younge gene a ion en elechy began o conside he ela ionship be ween class and
na ion (Linz 1985: 232-233). Unlike he PNV’s exclusionis app oach owa ds Spanish immig an s, he
Basque neo-na ionalis s g adually adop ed a di e en policy owa ds people o non-Basque o igin. The
ep ession and esis ance du ing labo s ikes had signi ican impac s on ETA de eloping he ques ion
o how o handle he wo king-class issue, which e en ually emb aced an inclusi e app oach owa ds
Yea s
1921 - 1930
1931 - 1940
1941 - 1950
1951 - 1960
1961 - 1970
1971 - 1981
Ne immig a ion lows (exp essed in housands)
Basque Coun y
31.1
12.2
25.6
174.0
159.6
21.0
Sou ce: Elabo a ed om Díez Med ano 1999: 149
81
non-Basque wo ke s (Jaú egui, 1981: 170; Ga mendia 1995, Vol. 1: 185). B-F, a his o ic ounding-
gene a ion EKIN/ETA membe , explains hei ini ial pe spec i es on na ional and social ques ions:
“In hose ea ly yea s, we had a clea na ional consciousness among us; he social conscience was jus waking up.
And among us, he e we e di e ences in e ms o he knowledge on class s uggle. Some o us, hey we e -o we
we e, su e, i depends on who wi h espec o whom, people like Txilla degi o like Ba andia an had al eady had
conce ns on his ma e be o e o he s. Beni o del Valle o Albisu, La amendi, Agui e, and I mysel , we would
ealize la e he new dimension o socie y, om he pe spec i e o social s uggles.” (B-F)
This new app oach, along wi h he u he in eg a ionis a i ude o Basque capi alis eli es owa ds
he F ancois cen al s a e and he Spanish ma ke , also poin s o he p og essi e adop ion o le is
ideas e lec ed in he o ganiza ion’s poli ical discou se (Pé ez-Ago e 1984: 82). The ising domes ic and
o eign demand o capi al goods, p o oked by bo h he Ci il Wa and Wo ld Wa II, bene i ed he
Basque hea y indus y based on me allu gy p oduc ion in he hands o he Basque bou geoisie
(González Po illa & Ga mendia 1988: 46). The Basque acial pu eness, a u opic d eam o A ana, unde
he exis ing socio-poli ical con ex , was g adually abandoned in his pe iod. ETA explains he new
a i ude owa ds he de ini ion o Basque iden i y in i s i s in e iew wi h Enba a, he mon hly
abe zale publica ion in he F ench Basque Coun y, h ough he ollowing a i ma ion:
“ETA does no de ine he condi ion o being Basque acco ding o bi h c i e ia; being Basque is o li e in he
Basque, ha is, de ending he Basque cul u e and Basque people. Bea ing his in mind, we see Basque capi alis s
who speak Basque and who, in 1936, posi ioned hemsel es along wi h he eac iona y o ces which ook sides
agains he Basque people. Those a e he same people who occupy execu i e posi ions in he Spanish S a e and
p ac ice genocide in sou he n Euskadi.” (Euskadi E a Aska asuna 1993, Vol. 2: 148-149)
The adop ion o his new pe spec i e owa ds he na ional ques ion esul ed om a social eali y in
which de ining he Basque h ough acial elemen s ell sho in achie ing a ealis ic objec i e o
na ional uni y. Al hough i would ake a longe ime o ETA mili ancy o in e nalize his poli ical
pe spec i e41, i con inued o e ol e h oughou he ollowing gene a ions.
d. Socializa ion mechanisms o he gene a ional ansmission o he Basque na ionalism
The social silence du ing he pos -wa pe iod did no necessa ily mean ha he ‘Basque na ionalis
code’ was comple ely dissol ed o disappea ed bu ins ead con ined o limi ed space. These limi s
es ablished speci ic ela ion o ms o communal li e: us, hose who sha ed he code o he na ionalis
unc ioning, and o he s who ollowed he o icial egime doc ine. (Gu u xaga 1985: 130). In a social
con ex based on cons an ep ession o which esponses o his ep ession began o lou ish, hose
ela ions also acqui ed a con lic i e cha ac e consolida ing he limi s be ween us and o he s.
41 The e is ha dly any eliable in o ma ion on he gene al p o ile o i s -gene a ion EKIN/ETA membe s excep a a ely
a ailable bookle i led Euskadi ala hil (Euskadi o dea h), allegedly w i en by Zumalde and published in he F ench Basque
own Sain -Jean de Luz in 1976. The i s pa o he bookle p o ides limi ed da a on ea ly losses, acco ding o which he
gene al p o ile o ea ly ETA membe s appea ed o be male and e hnically Basque (excep o Juan Pa edes Mano [alias Txiki]),
and in e ms o social class, hey we e mos ly s uden s and wo king-class people (Euskadi ala hil 1976: 9-48).
82
Being he smalles social g oup in which p ima y socializa ion begins, he Basque na ionalis
amily has a signi ican in luence on he ansmission o he na ionalis code h ough gene a ions (Ma a
1993: 237; Ga mendia 1995, Vol.1: 48, 298). Du ing he pe iod o social silence, he Basque na ionalis
amily, on he one hand, limi ed i s unc ioning o a signi ican ly educed en i onmen and, on he
o he , ook a skep ical a i ude in ep oducing his code ansgene a ionally. The eme gence and
adicaliza ion ha new na ionalis en elechy wen h ough was no only a eac ion o he F ancois
poli ics based on ep ession up un il he end o he 1950s bu also o hei espec i e amilies due o
he silence and s agna ion hey adop ed in esponse o ep ession (Pé ez-Ago e 2008: 116).
F om his pe spec i e, i may well be a gued ha he eme gence o EKIN/ETA as an ini ially
cul u al esis ance mo emen is a ques ion o gene a ional up u e a he han con inui y. In he
absence and passi eness o he ounding ins i u ion o he Basque na ionalism, he PNV, and wi h
ambiguous a i udes by Basque na ionalis amilies, he new gene a ion en elechy conce ned abou
he Basque cul u al ex e mina ion emb aced a mo e ac i e o m o esis ance which, sho ly a e ,
e ol ed in o a med s uggle unde he coho e ec s o an icolonial mo emen s. B-F, one o he
e en de ende s o he Basque an icolonial s uggle among he ounde s o EKIN/ETA agains he
Spanish and F ench s a es, makes he ollowing s a emen wi h his espec :
“[Unde he condi ions o dic a o ship, did you amily alk much abou wha hey had expe ienced?] In ou house,
yes. Bu , in gene al, he immense majo i y o amilies did no da e o do so. Once he Spanish oops en e ed and
occupied all o Gipuzkoa, all o Na a e, all ha we call Hegoaldea, [sou he n Basque Coun y], Basque amilies
did no da e o speak abou he ma e . The Spania ds had sca ed hem ha much. […] I hink we can desc ibe
he s uggle and he b eak-up we had wi h he PNV as an in e nal s uggle wi hin he Basque wo ld. I’m going o
pu i like ha , igh ? I was a up u e ha we could call ‘gene a ional’. They belonged o he gene a ion o Wa ,
and we we e he child en o a di e en gene a ion, di e en people. They had he poli ical and social ideas o a
gene a ion olde han ou s. These people o he PNV we e s unned, de ained in a pa icula phase o na ional
libe a ion, which was he S a u e.” (B-F)
The analysis o he in- amily ansmission o he Basque symbolic uni e se illus a es he impac s o
he pos -wa policies implemen ed in he Basque Coun y. The new poli ical o de con e ed he
pe cep ion o he his o ical decline o he Basque symbolic elemen s in o a sense o o al loss, a
conce n o he ex e mina ion o any hing ela ed o he Basque. EKIN/ETA’s appea ance as a cul u al
esis ance mo emen coincided wi h his p ima y conce n o he new gene a ion. Being one o he
leading membe s o ETA’s B anka g oup (cul u alis as), who dedica ed his en i e li e o he Basque
philology, Txilla degi na a es his childhood memo ies wi hin a Basque na ionalis amily en i onmen
igh a e he end o he wa in he Basque Coun y:
“The Basque wo ld –Basque songs, maps o Euskal He ia, Zabalo, he pos e s o Txiki, he laubu us, mendigoizale
ouse s, no o men ion iku iñas, disappea ed om us. A ew yea s la e , when ou pa en s wen o San
Sebas ian, my b o he and I we e nosing a ound he d awe s o ou mo he and... We ound a hick and elegan
book: ‘Look, look! Look a his p ecious book! Wha co e ! Wha shee s!’ On ha lea he co e , we could ead El
Lib o de la Pa ia (The Book o he Homeland). I appea ed om unde nea h all he clo hes. When i was dinne
ime, a big scolding came: ‘Who ga e you pe mission o s i hose d awe s?’ We did no e en know ha book
83
e e exis ed. And i disappea ed again du ing he ollowing weeks and yea s. Tha subjec was p ohibi ed, e en
wi hin ou house. [...] Along wi h ha wicked sense o p ohibi ion, and also om a e y young age, I in e nalized
he pain ul and deep eeling o being he son o a people in decline. In addi ion o ha ing ou own coun y
p ohibi ed o us, om he beginning, we ealized ha i headed owa ds disappea ance. […] One did no need o
be e y sma o ealize he si ua ion. Looking a ound, as I ha e jus said, we came ac oss he same a i udes. My
pa en s, o example, knew Basque, al hough hey ne e spoke i . I hea d my mo he saying a couple o wo ds
om ime o ime and wi h a single pu pose, lea ing aside some hing ha should no be said: ‘Fede ico, umiak
au ian!’ [Fede ico, he child en a e in on !] And hey changed he con e sa ion. Tha is he unc ional limi a ion
o ou language. In he mo nings, i was used wi h he milkman; e e y single day, his is ue. And ha is all. No
mo e signs in con e sa ions a home.” (Ál a ez Enpa an za 1997: 10-11)
P e ious-gene a ion amily membe s delibe a ely hid he Basque na ional symbolic e e ences
belonging o he ‘his o y’ o p e en hei child en om being he ic ims o he same ‘sin’ ha hei
pa en s had commi ed (Lo enzo Espinosa 1993: 19). Only small hings such as he Ge nika pain ing by
Picasso, Basque na ionalis songs like eusko guda iak (Basque soldie s), o an iku iña ( lag) acciden ally
ound hidden somewhe e cons i u ed he symbolic elemen s ha he ollowing gene a ion Basques
emembe ed. The silence domina ing he public sphe e also a ec ed he p i a e li e o pos -wa
gene a ions, as desc ibed by an ea ly gene a ion ETA mili an :
“My a he had an iku iña, a lag… He had i he e ups ai s. The e we e imes when some o his iends would
ga he up he e o alk. I guess hey we e alking abou hose issues, igh ? Well, a ha ime, my a he belonged
o he Basque Na ionalis Pa y. […] And hey would send us o wa ch ou , o see i anyone was coming up, i
e e y hing was al igh . In sho , you saw ha he e was some hing aking place a he ime he e ha you we e
unable o unde s and. I was du ing hose imes, su e.” (In e iew Nº 28 quo ed om Reina es 2001: 56)42
This ‘in a- amily silence’ (Pé ez-Ago e 1984: 88-89) con inued h ough he ollowing gene a ions.
Al hough ETA had al eady aken ini ial s eps o esis ance agains he imposed silence, he passi e
a i ude o p e ious gene a ions did no change signi ican ly up un il he ea ly 1970s, mo e conc e ely
un il he cause celeb e Bu gos T ial. Analyzing memoi s w i en by leading abe zale le igu es, one
no es ha social silence be o e he Bu gos T ial con inued in he public sphe e whe e he symbolic
imposi ion o Spanish na ionalism was o e whelming. Being a leading igu e o he Basque abe zale
labo mo emen du ing he F anco pe iod, Jon Idigo as na a es he impac s o unila e al silence:
“Those pos -wa yea s we e ha d: hunge , ea , pe secu ions and ep isals, a ioning, and silence, g ea silence...
[…] The ascis s o he own campaigned a ease, and hey we e absolu e owne s o li es and o unes. They we e
oaming a ound ca ying pis ols in a cocky and p o oca i e way. They made us answe he shou ing o ‘Vi a
España!’ wi h ano he ‘Vi a!’ Wi h disgus and pain, we had o aise ou a ms, making he ascis salu e unde
h ea , in case we did no do so, we would be denounced as ‘sepa a is eds’ and su e ha sh consequences o
ebellion along wi h he amily.” (Idigo as 2000: 22)
42 O he in e iews quo ed by Reina es (Nº 15 and 20), howe e , a i m ha hei pa en s made a pa icula e o o speak
and make hei child en speak in Euske a (2001: 58). Focusing on he same subjec , A iaga simila ly emphasizes ha he
ansmission o language had a wide ange o modali ies, mos ly mani es ed h ough wo opposi e eac ions, anging om
no eaching he language o child en as a esul o ea om he egime (In e iew 10) o a d ama iza ion o lo e o he
language and absolu e imposi ion o he language in he p i a e sphe e (In e iews 10 and 11) (1997: 40-41). In a
comp ehensi e e hnog aphic s udy wi h la e pe iod ETA mili an s, Alcedo explains hese opposi e a i udes o Basque
na ionalis amilies by dis inguishing wo ypes o ‘messenge s’; while ac i e messenge s end o main ain he adi ion by
ans e ing i o he ollowing gene a ions; passi e messenge s end o possess he adi ion bu make no e o o di use i
(1996: 48). The schola con i ms ha hose who li ed h ough he wa we e mo e likely o beha e as passi e messenge s.
90
powe s uggles and dynas ic e i o ial dispu es (Boza slan 2009: 26). This au onomous sys em,
howe e , was a well-calcula ed and designed p ojec , which p e en ed Ku dish mi s om es ablishing
a uni ed powe cen e , which had always been a ch onic p oblem o Ku ds. Ha ing main ained his
ch onic lack o poli ical uni y ha c ea ed cons an con lic s, di isions, and i al ies among ashi e s
s uggling o he leade ship o a chie ain, as no ed in he case o Bedi han o he Bo an Emi a e (Van
B uinessen 1992: 178-179), his sys em made i qui e challenging o Ku ds o o m a signi ican
poli ical and mili a y powe in he p esence o s onge ac o s.
The ela i e powe -sha ing o he cen al au ho i y wi h Ku dish mi s and he au onomous
s a us conceded o his la e g adually diminished beginning om he la e 18 h cen u y as a esul o
he ini ial s eps o O oman mode niza ion and he cen aliza ion p ojec o he O oman go e nmen .
The es o a ion o cen al O oman ule in dis an e i o ies and supp ession o co esponding
no ables, among whom Ana olian, as well as A ab and Balkan no ables in incipien s ages o hei
na ional libe a ion mo emen s, we e he main conce n a he beginning o he 19 h Cen u y (H och
2013: 175). The lack o uni y among Ku dish emi a es ga e O oman au ho i ies an ad an ageous
posi ion o ule ou a possible ibal insu gency among Ku ds. O oman cen al au ho i y and go e no s
who had al eady been cau ious o he possibili y ha local Ku dish o ces would ha e cons i u ed one
dominan mili a y and poli ical ac o and had main ained a ce ain deg ee o di ision be ween leading
Ku dish emi a es, knew well ha i was unlikely ha local Ku dish o ces would be able o con on
s ong and mode nized O oman a my (Eppel 2008: 240). Despi e he h ee majo ebellions launched
by leading Ku dish mi s h ough he 19 h cen u y (Muhammad Pasha o Rawanduz, Bedi han Beg, and
Sheikh Ubeydullah) in he o m o ‘e hnopoli ical esis ance’ (Yeğen 1999: 226-232), he O oman
cen aliza ion p ocess achie ed he elimina ion o hose pe iphe al oci o powe in Ku dis an. These
i s a emp s and ailu e o leading Ku dish ibes changed he di ec ion o he ea ly seeds o Ku dish
na ional awakening owa ds diaspo a ac i i ies in he capi al o he O oman s a e.52
b. The eme gence o Ku dish na ionalis en elechy and ea ly ac i i ies
Pa adoxically, he poli ical o ganiza ion and ac i i ies o ea ly Ku dish na ionalism did no eme ge in
Ku dis an bu in Is anbul, whe e he ga he ing o wo nuclei had p epa ed he g ounds. The young
gene a ion membe s o Ku dish ibes, which had unsuccess ully e ol ed agains he O oman
cen aliza ion and, consequen ly, exiled o he O oman capi al, and in ellec ual membe s o Ku dish
ibal amilies who had been educa ed in Eu ope and occupied high- anking posi ions wi hin he
52 Despi e hei de ini i e mili a y ailu e, hese majo ebellions occupy a signi ican place in he mode n Ku dish
his o iog aphy (Hassanpou 1992; Bende 1995; Jwaideh 1999[1961]) as hey a e deemed he i s exp essions o he
dis inc i e cha ac e o Ku dish na ional iden i y. Thei signi icance, howe e , is a he based on he way hey a e na a ed
wi hin he na ionalis his o iog aphy and he impac s hey had, as obse ed on he u u e gene a ions o Bedi han Beg who
played a leading ole in Ku dish na ional o ganiza ion (Özoğlu 2004: 72), on shaping he u u e o Ku dish mo emen s.
91
O oman adminis a ion. Al hough hey we e a om o ming a uni ied na ionalis mo emen , he
ac i e in ol emen o his young en elechy in publishing and associa ion ac i i ies was he i s
conc e e s ep aken in he linguis ic and cul u al ields.
No wi hs anding, p e iously men ioned ibal loyal ies and an agonis ic s ances, which had
been he mos c ucial eason o he lack o uni y and loss in he mili a y ield du ing he ebellions o
he 18 h cen u y, we e also a ypical cha ac e o hese u ban eli e ci cles, cons i u ing a challenge o
es ablish a poli ical and o ganiza ional uni y. These i al ies among leading Ku dish ibal a is oc a
amilies such as Bedi han and Shemdinan, who we e among he ounde s o Kü Tea ün e Te akki
Cemiye i (The Socie y o he Mu ual Aid and P og ess o he Ku ds), we e based on sepa a ed in e es s
and goals unde he O oman cons i u ion egime despi e hei undeniable e o s on cul u al and
linguis ic ma e s as well as Ku dish his o y (Van Bu inessen 1992: 276; Klein 2007: 135-138).
In a pe iod o in e nal u moil among O oman mille s53 due o he s ong desi e o na ional
independence unde he in luence o he na ionalism wa e, Ku dish na ional eli es ad oca ed he idea
o O omanism. Ne e heless, his pe iod also coincided wi h he p og essi e in luence o I ihad e
Te akki Cemiye i (Commi ee o Union and P og ess), which had o i ied hei monopoly on powe
h ough he Young Tu k e olu ion o 1908 (Kansu 1997). In his poli ical a mosphe e and ensions
be ween hese independence mo emen s and he g owing monopolis ic imposi ion o Tu kish
na ionalism in esponse had a signi ican impac on younge gene a ion Ku dish in ellec uals. Nu i
De simi, a young s uden in Is anbul who la e became one o he mos p ominen igu es o Ku dish
na ionalism, de ines he pe spec i e aken among young gene a ion Ku dish in ellec uals who we e
subjec ed o his symbolic imposi ion o he Tu kish na ionalis uni e se unde he Young Tu k egime:
“[Due o Young Tu k policies] he e eme ged an a mosphe e o ha ed and mis us agains he Tu kish s a e
among hose mille s which we e no Tu k. Pu suing such [Tu kish na ionalis ] policies also p o oked se ious
eac ions among us, Ku dish you h [in Is anbul]. E en hose young Ku ds who had mani es ed a non-Ku dis
posi ion un il hen began o quali y Tu ks as ‘enemy’ as a esul o such big exci emen . Among he uni e si y
s uden s in Is anbul hence o h, he e eme ged a qua el and igh s on na ionalism. A school, when we wen o
he class oom a e he b eak, we saw ha i was w i en on he blackboa d in capi al le e s ‘how happy he one
who says I am a Tu k’ and ‘Long-li e Tu ks’. Be o e his si ua ion, we oo el obliga ed o en e he class oom
du ing b eak ime and w i e on he same boa d ‘Long-li e Ku ds, and Ku dis an’ and ‘how happy is he one who
says I am a Ku d’ […] We, Ku dish you h, began o ga he in Diya beki co eehouse in Çembe li aş [dis ic ] in
Is anbul and hold discussions on his subjec . Undoub edly, he goal o Ku dishness and Ku dism had i s impac
en i ely among ou en i onmen day and nigh .” (De simi 1992: 38)
While admi ing ha De simi’s claims we e he ea ly seeds o u u e ull- ledged Ku dish na ionalis
mo emen s, Özoğlu poin s ou ha exis ing Ku dish associa ions, including he s uden socie y He i
53 Du ing he O oman pe iod, he e m mille was used on a eligious basis, acco ding o which only Rums, A menians, and
Jews a e conside ed sepa a e mille in he O oman social s uc u e. A e he p oclama ion o he Republic in 1923, he
concep emphasized a clea ly de ined na ional iden i y in a mode n sense, Tu kishness, including Muslim Ku ds and A abs,
and ecognizing only non-Muslim mino i ies as di e en mille s. (Aydın 1998: 108-109).
92
(Hope), we e a om being na ionalis o ganiza ions seeking o Ku dish na ional independence o
au onomy (2004: 80-81). Howe e , in he p esence o a g owing sense o Tu kish na ionalism and i s
imposi ions by he Young Tu k egime, hose Ku ds who once ad oca ed O omanism began o change
hei minds. Ha ing spen mos o his li e in exile o esis ance agains he opp essi e na ional uni y
policies by Young Tu ks, Me lânzâde Rı a , a leading Ku dish in ellec ual o he pe iod who had once
emb aced O omanism, exp esses his gene a ional p edic ions o he a e o he ‘Eas ’:
“Il- a ed Eas ! Do no be downhea ed! You ha e go child en who will wo k o pu i y you o you exal a ion,
who would cu o you a ogance om he beginning. Be well awa e ha hese [child en] swo e only o you
libe y and independence. They ne e ge exhaus ed; hey do no abs ain om any hing; su ely, one day, hey
will appea on ba le ields o you, o hei homeland. They know e y well ha beyond he da kness he e is
eju ena ion, he e is ligh .” (Me lânzâde Rı a 2009[1912]: 94)
This young gene a ion en elechy, hen g ouped unde He i s uden o ganiza ion, pionee ed he
ounda ion o Kü dis an Teali Cemiye i (Socie y o he Rise o Ku dis an) in Is anbul and pa allel
o ganiza ions in some owns in Ku dis an du ing he las momen s o Wo ld Wa I in 1918, opening a
new pe iod in Ku dish na ional mobiliza ion. Di ec poli ical in e en ions like demanding he
concession o au onomy s a us o Ku ds and he elease o Ku dish p isone s (Van B uinessen 1992:
278) emphasized a mo e de e mined poli ical s ance o Ku ds in his pe iod in compa ison wi h o me
cul u al associa ions. Monopolized by he same a is oc a amilies wi h he same old i al ies, Ku dish
eli es ook a di ec ion owa ds he cons uc ion o Ku dish na ional iden i y, sepa a ing i om he idea
o O omanism as clea ly seen h ough a ious numbe s o Ku dish na ionalis Jîn magazine (Boza slan
2005b: 46). Add essing he Ku dish you h h ough an a icle in his magazine, Si e ekli Hilmi e eals
he dedica ion o he Ku dish eli es o he ime o making na ionalis p opaganda in a o o Ku dish
e nacula mobiliza ion and na ional p ojec :
“The ime o ollowing o he s is passed […] Wo k only o you own people. Do no o ge ha we ha e a language
o ou own, howe e neglec ed, and a ich his o y. He e you ha e a o mula o independence: ac ion and
ini ia i e.” (Jîn, 19 No embe 1918, ansc ibed in o La in alphabe by M.E. Boza slan 1985 Vol. 2: 401, quo ed
om Özğolu 2004: 82)
Poli ical de elopmen s ollowing he end o Wo ld Wa I and he o icial policy adop ed owa ds he
Ku dish na ional ques ion by he ounding cad es o he new epublic in Tu key commenced a new
cycle in Ku dish na ionalism. This new cycle, whose aces had al eady been obse ed in he o m o
Tu kish – Ku dish alliance du ing Wo ld Wa I, mani es ed i sel du ing he wa o 1919- 1923,
denomina ed as he Wa o Independence in he Tu kish o icial his o iog aphy, and sho ly a e
e ol ed in o a s a e o iolen an agonism. Majo auma ogenic e en s o his pe iod also shaped
Ku dish collec i e memo y o be ep oduced h ough he ollowing gene a ions in di e en o ms.
93
3.1.2. Violence and auma in Ku dish collec i e memo y
Di e en o ms and p ac ices o iolence ha e always been a he cen e o Ku dish socie y h oughou
he con empo a y his o y o Ku dis an and ha e been objec i ied as na ional aumas in he Ku dish
na ional his o iog aphy. In he cou se o hese iolen p ac ices, Ku ds ha e mos ly been ic ims,
al hough he e a e also cases in which hey come o he o e on as pe pe a o s, as seen in he case
o he A menian Genocide. The iolence exe cised by he Tu kish – Ku dish alliance on he A menian
communi y changed he demog aphic s uc u e o he egion la e o be claimed by Ku ds and,
he e o e, shaped Ku dish collec i e memo y.
a. E hnic challenges and iolence in he la e O oman pe iod: The A menian ques ion
The e up ion o na ional ebellions agains he long-s anding O oman eign a he beginning o he
20 h cen u y showed ha he cen aliza ion o he s a e h ough mode niza ion policies was no
su icien o econ igu e he cen e -pe iphe y ela ions o he plu ina ional empi e. In he p esence o
na ional mo emen s among G eek, Sla ic, and A menian peoples backed by wes e n powe s (E gil
1975: 40), O oman in ellec uals began o look o di e en ideas o main ain he empi e’s uni y.
O oman e o mis s sough o keep oge he he old mille s h ough a libe al cons i u ional
pa liamen a y sys em, which would open he doo s o plu alis poli ical pa icipa ion o he sake o a
common a an (homeland). The ailu e o his ini ial app oach led he inc easingly Tu kish na ionalis
cad es o implemen ep essi e measu es agains hese communi ies (Ma din 1991: 94).
54
Re o ms aimed a yielding wes e n-s yle libe al mode niza ion policies we e bogged down due
o ine icien ad ances. As a esul , an i on ule was b ough back h ough despo ic cen aliza ion o
he sus ainabili y o he s a e amid e hnic- eligious clea ages ha had sp ung up h oughou he
Empi e (Lewis 1968: 178-179). The e ec s o his poli ical u n came o shape nume ous aspec s o
social and economic li e du ing he h ee-decade ule o Sul an Abdulhamid II, labeled as Is ibda
(Pe iod o Au oc acy). Sul an-Caliph’s au oc a ic in e en ion emb aced Pan-Islamism o end he
empi e’s decline. Possessing he mos signi ican i le in he Muslim wo ld, he Caliph had legi ima e
au ho i y o e a as majo i y o eligious communi ies excep Shi’a and non-Muslim g oups like Jews
and A menians. (De ingil 1991: 346-348). The ine iciency o Pan-Islamism on hese non-Muslim g oups
pushed he egime o eso o ep essi e measu es whe e hese we e dominan , as seen in he case
o he Sunni Muslim Hamidian ligh ca al y egimen s, he as majo i y o whom consis ed o Ku dish
ibal g oups, ca ying ou iolen ac s on non-Muslim communi ies, pa icula ly A menians. The
ela ionship be ween Ku ds and A menians who sha ed he same geog aphic e i o y, Eas e n Tu key,
54
Fo a e ised edi ion o Ma din’s wo k on Tu kish mode niza ion, see Ma din, Ş. (2006) Religion, Socie y, and Mode ni y in
Tu key, NY: Sy acuse Uni e si y P ess.
94
unde he ule o O oman Tu ks, would de e mine he cha ac e is ics o poli ical iolence ha would
ake i s mos ex eme o m in he genocide o 1915 in he hands o Young Tu ks.
55
The Hamidian massac es and especially he A menian Genocide a e pa icula ly impo an o
he no he n Ku ds and Ku dis an o wo undamen al easons: i s o all, in demog aphic e ms, a e
he ex e mina ion o he A menian popula ion in Eas e n Tu key, he Ku ds emained as he sole
signi ican e hnic communi y whose po en ial na ionalis demands supposed a h ea o imma u e
Tu kish na ionalism and i s ambi ions o cons uc a esilien na ional uni y. As Van B uinessen poin s
ou , he ex e mina ion o he A menian people, in his sense, made a po en ial Ku dish s a e mo e
easible han e e (1992: 269, 277) as he e hnically he e ogeneous demog aphic s uc u e o he land
was con e ed in o he land o Ku ds.
Secondly, while he Ku dish – A menian demog aphic co-exis ence was o e , es iges in he
o m o memo ies caused by iolence commi ed du ing massac es by Ku dish ibal bejiks (mili ias)
con inued un il oday. The ole ha Ku ds played du ing he A menian massac es would be di icul o
e ase om he Ku dish collec i e memo y o gene a ions. When ea ly 20 h-cen u y Ku dish na ional
e ol s e up ed, Ku ds i idly emembe ed he agic a e o non-Muslim e hnic A menians agains
whom hey had collabo a ed wi h Tu kish na ionalis s abou a decade ago. Due o he auma o he
A menian Genocide in Ku dish collec i e memo y, Ku ds ea ed being ex e mina ed like he A menians
(Boza slan 2005a: 219-221). The i s conc e e e en o exempla y cha ac e o such a possibili y was
he Koçgi i e ol , which helped Ku ds e esh hei in e io ized collec i e memo y on he A menian
ques ion and made hem se iously conside he possibili y o a simila a e.
56
b. T aces o he A menian Genocide in Ku dis an and Ku dish collec i e memo y
The ea lie A menian massac es and he genocidal p ac ices o 1915 ha e c ea ed wo ypes o
e e ences among no he n Ku ds. The i s ype consis s o spa ial e e ences, which a e obse ed
whe e mass killings o he ci ilian popula ion ook place. In hei comp ehensi e e hnog aphic s udy
55
The ques ion o Hamidian iolence and he 1915 Genocide has always been con o e sial ques ions in bo h poli ical and
academic deba es in Tu key. These ques ions mani es hemsel es wi hin a dicho omic sys em o hough s conce ning
ecogni ion on one pa and he denial on he o he . While mos wes e n and A menian au ho i a i e oices on he subjec
explici ly de ine he c imes as genocide (See Ho annisian 1986; Dad ian 1995; Lewy 2005, Akçam 2006, 2012; Ké o kian 2011;
de Waal 2015), mos Tu kish schola s adop he o icial his o y o he Republic o Tu key, in which he killings a e p esen ed
as a esul o a massi e A menian ehci (O oman Tu kish o depo a ion- eloca ion), a de ensi e ac ion du ing Wo ld Wa
I (see U as 1987; Halaçoğlu 2001; Hikme e al. 2004; Süslü 2011; Çiçek 2016). Despi e his i m s ance agains genocide claims,
Kazım Ka abeki Pasha, one o he op commande s o he O oman a my du ing Wo ld Wa I, ecognizes he de e io a ion
o ela ions be ween Ku ds and A menians s a ing 1895 (Ka abeki 1994: 136, 141).
56
This ision is also mani es ed by Hasan Hişya Se dî, one o he pa icipan s o he Sheikh Said e ol in 1925, as he ecalls
he pos -Koçgi i e ol scene as - “[I ] was no less disas ous han wha had happened o he A menians. Once illage s we e
killed and illages we e bu n down, ba n animals we e culled oo” (1994: 149). As a a e s udy on his subjec based on
comp ehensi e e hnog aphic esea ch in he p o ince o Ma din, Bine p esen s quali a i e e idence ha suppo s
Boza slan’s a gumen s on aces o he A menian Genocide in Ku dish collec i e memo y (2010: 72).
95
on he social memo y o Diya bakı ’s Ku ds, Çelik and Dinç highligh he impac s o iolen p ac ices
commi ed du ing he A menian Genocide. Resea che s poin ou ha a o al o 60 indi iduals
in e iewed men ion 30 places whe e mass killings epo edly ook place and sha e s o ies o iolen
p ac ices as well as he spa ial memo y o hose places whose Ku dish names e lec he genocidal
expe iences: Newala Kuş iya (S eam o he dead), Çala Filehan (A menian well), Ko a Filehan
(A menian pi ), Şike a Xwînî (Bloody ca e), Zanga Filehan (A menian cli ), Zindana Qelecuxê (Qelecûx
dungeon) and Newala Qe lê (S eam o he massac e) among many o he s (2015: 189-190).
Apa om spa ial memo y, which is ansmi ed o younge gene a ions, a oci ies
commi ed a e also aken as empo al e e ences. Anecdo al e idence shows ha his con inues o be
he case o he pos -genocide gene a ion. Ta ık Ziya Ekinci (Lîce, 1926), one o he leading igu es o
Ku dish e hnic e i al in Tu key in he ea ly 1960s, poin s ou ha he Hamidian massac es agains
A menians in he la e 19 h cen u y and he 1915 Genocide we e commonly used as empo al e e ences
among locals in his na i e Lice, a emo e dis ic o he Ku dish capi al o Diya bakı (Amed):
“Those yea s, du ing which A menians we e massac ed, a e e e ed o among hose om Lice as a kind o
his o ical miles one. Two sepa a e A menian massac es a e men ioned. When any inciden om he pas is
ecalled, hey say i ook place du ing he pe iods o Fi s A menian Massac e (Vı guna Fılan a ewili) o Second
A menian Massac e (Vı guna Fılan a paşîn).” (Ekinci 2010: 44)57
Violen p ac ices and memo ies a e also econs uc ed as collec i e auma h ough ecen ly
conduc ed in-dep h in e iews.58 The ollowing is an example o how he subjec i ely cons uc ed
na a ion o iolence is ansmi ed om indi iduals belonging o olde gene a ions. Se ha , a 58-yea -
old Ku d om a illage o Dicle, ano he dis ic o Diya bakı , cons i u es a clea example o his
ansmission as he na a es a s o y old by his la e a he who had wi nessed he e en s as a eenage :
“The e a e hings ha my a he had expe ienced when he was a ound 15-yea s-old, hings ha he wi nessed
and old us. My a he old us ha A menians we e huddled oge he and ca ied o whe e we call Ve li Talay,
whe e hey we e massac ed al oge he . This ook place in Ap il o 1915. Ha ing passed some wo- h ee mon hs,
as he wea he go wa m and bodies o hose A menians killed in Ve li Talay ell apa , hei a begun o mel
down. The a pou ing ou o hei bodies was s eaming down he ocks like a lood. My a he old us he
wi nessed ha .” (In e iew ci ed om Çelik & Dinç 2015: 201)
57 Ekinci’s pe sonal accoun o his na i e Lice is only one example o his empo al e e ence. Being one o he mos in luen ial
igu es o he Ku dish cul u al e i al, Musa An e (Nusaybin, 1920 - 1992) simila ly ells o his illi e a e mo he , who played
a c ucial ole in he o ma ion o his na ional consciousness. When An e asked abou his eal da e o bi h, epo edly he
answe was: “Piş î Fe manê Fileya u ha î dinyayê” (You we e bo n igh a e he A menian Genocide) (An e 1991: 30). Fo
ano he genocide- ela ed memoi om Ku dish ac i is s and in ellec uals and membe s o An e ’s gene a ion, also see
Mi oğlu, O han (2010) He sel Bahçesinde Bi Du Ağacı. Canip Yıldı ım’la Söyleşi, Is anbul: E e es Yayınla ı, pp. 52-55.
58 Basing on his own ield esea ch, Üngö no es he unwillingness o speak o a aboo, eeling shame and guil along wi h he
com o o igno ance and denial commonly obse ed among po en ial in e iewees (2014: 158), whe eas con a y examples
make i possible o conduc ui ul ield esea ch. Bine also exempli ies simila expe iences among Muslim Ku ds and A abs,
alleged pe pe a o s o iolence agains A menians and o he Ch is ian communi ies cohabi ing wi h hem, in an ea lie
e hnog aphic s udy conduc ed in Ma din (2010). E alua ing such ma e ial in sociological e ms, he in e pene a ion o my hs
and ideology, manipula ion o exagge a ion o ac s, o e en silence i sel is o u mos signi icance as hey p o ide a
conside able amoun o in o ma ion on how and why hese na a i es a e (o no ) ep oduced in such a manne and wha
he social consequences o hese in e p e a ions a e in Ku dish socie y.
96
The na a ion o he deg ee o iolence exe cised du ing he Genocide, no ma e o wha ex en i
co esponds o he objec i e ac s, is depic ed by he eyewi ness gene a ion and o ally ep oduced by
he upcoming. While Tu kish genda me ies a e held esponsible o a oci ies commi ed, some o he
na a o s explici ly poin o local Ku dish in ol emen in hese p ac ices. Bo n in 1907 as a membe o
he leading Ku dish na ionalis Ji ki ibe, Hasan Hişya Se dî, who pa icipa ed in he Sheikh Said e ol
(1925), acknowledges ha a i udes among Ku ds owa ds A menians consis ed o wo opposi e poles:
hose who a emp ed o p e en A menians om being massac ed and hose who collabo a ed wi h
au ho i ies in he name o a eligious compensa ion o be gi en in he a e -li e. Se dî u he depic s
Ku dish in ol emen he wi nessed as a child in his na i e Nûze g illage (Diya bakı ):
“Ou illage was loca ed be ween Lice and Hanê. Nea he illage, on he highe side, he e was a 5000-yea -old
dungeon, inhe i ed om he pe iod o Hu îs. The dungeon had been made by ca ing h ough a na u al ca e.
A menians we e b ough oge he , aken o he edge o he cli nea his dungeon, and killed by being h own
down. Co pses we e being ca ied o he dungeon and h own he e, one on he op o he o he . As he dungeon
was deep enough, i did no gi e o an odo .“ (Se dî 1994: 124)59
While a i udes and eac ions such as shame, guil , ea , denial, o legi imizing discou ses conce ning
A menian massac es a y depending on e hnic (A abs, Ku ds, and Tu ks) and eligious g oups (Sunni
Muslims, Ale is, Yazidis, and Ch is ians) li ing in Ku dis an (Bine 2010: 71), he na a ion o iolen
p ac ices commi ed owa ds a speci ic e hno eligious g oup illus a es he bu den o hese massac es
in Ku dis an and Ku dish collec i e memo y. The ea and anxie y p o oked by he collec i e memo y
also become one o he main mo i a ions o Ku dish na ionalis mobiliza ion.
3.1.3. Ku dish esis ance agains Tu kish na ion-building: F om e ol o su ende
A e he abolishmen o he Calipha e by he Kemalis epublic in 1924, adi ional Ku dish eli es, ibal
chie ains, and eligious sheikhs in Ku dis an, who had been unde es ima ed by Ku dish na ionalis s
en elechy in Is anbul, played a mo e p ominen ole in Ku dish na ionalism (Boza slan 2005a: 228).
Possessing a a mo e subs an ial capaci y o esou ce mobiliza ion and a mo e au onomous posi ion
han hose secula Ku dish eli es in Is anbul, in luen ial and espec ed eligious igu es led he na ional
s uggle. The subsequen closu e o mad assas ( eligious schools), highly app ecia ed sou ces o
educa ion o mos Ku ds, as well as s ic penal consequences o discussing he la e calipha e and
eligion in he new poli ical scene, changed he mind o hose Ku ds who had helped Kemalis cad es
be ween 1919-1921 (McDowall 2004: 192), du ing he wa o Tu kish-Ku dish Muslim uni y led by he
59 Üngö exempli ies a simila sequence in an in e iew wi h E dal, an 18-yea -old male om he Ga zan egion, who na a es
wha his g and a he as an eyewi ness had old him when he was a child (2014: 159), which is u he suppo o Se dî’s claim
on wo di e en a i udes o Ku ds (p o ec i e o co-pa icipan ) du ing he A menian Genocide. The silence o genocide
su i o s and esis ance o speaking ou in de ail abou expe iences appea o be a commonly obse ed occu ence, unlike
he willingness o hei g andchild en o ell he s o y o hei elde s.
97
Caliph agains ‘in idels’.60 The e up ion o he Sheikh Said e ol in 1925, a yea a e he abolishmen
o he calipha e, and he unusual esponse o he new egime was a u ning poin and an end o he
long-las ing delibe a i e ela ion be ween Tu ks and Ku ds.
a. The Sheikh Said e ol : The end o he ‘ aci con ac ’
The impo ance o he 1925 e ol led by Sheikh Said, an in luen ial cle ic om he Naqshbandi
eligious o de , s ems om i s dis inc i e cha ac e in compa ison wi h p e ious ebellions. P e iously
expe ienced Ku dish ebellions in he O oman pe iphe y we e a way o demanding ce ain igh s om
he s a e, a peculia o m o a powe ela ion obse ed unde O oman eign. De ining his ela ionship
wi h he e m o ‘ aci con ac ’ (zımni sözleşme) (Ma din 1991: 106-120) be ween he Ku ds and he
s a e, Boza slan a gues ha despi e Sheikh Said’s na ionalis discou se in a o o an independen
Ku dish s a e, he majo i y o pa icipan s in he e ol indeed sough o enew his con ac .
Ne e heless, he eac ion shown by he new Republic o he e ol signi ican ly di e ed om he
eac ions shown by he O oman au ho i ies. The new s a e’s policy was no seeking a balance
be ween he cen al s a e and he pe iphe y (i.e., Ku ds), bu a he he sys ema ic ma ginaliza ion
and assimila ion o he la e (Boza slan 2005a: 224-226). The unila e al e mina ion o he long-
exis ing ‘ aci con ac ’ by he Kemalis egime also ga e a new impe us o he Tu kish–Ku dish con lic .
Addi ionally, he Sheikh Said e ol was o ches a ed by he poli ical o ganiza ion Azadi
(F eedom in Ku dish Ku manji)61 ha b ough Ku dish na ionalism o he hands o adi ional igu es
o Tu key’s no he n Ku dis an, which un il hen had been con ined o Ku dish eli es in Is anbul.
(McDowall 2004: 192). While he leade ship o highly espec ed eligious igu es had posi i e e ec s
in o ganiza ional e ms, i also p o oked debili a ing impac s due o long-exis ing in e - eligious
disc epancies among Ku ds. In sociological e ms, i would be con enien o analyze he e ol in wo
60 A. K. Özcan poin s ou ha he pu pose o bo h sides in his coope a ion was appa en ly di e en om he beginning: While
Ku ds ough o he sal a ion o he Ümme (Muslim uni y), he O oman Tu kish eli es’ main conce n was he sal a ion o
he s a e. The e was a clea con as in he a i ude o Tu ks be o e and a e he p oclama ion o he Republic in 1923: The
idea o Muslim uni y agains in idels was used in o a single-bodied s uc u e based on he ‘Tu kish na ion’ in a mode n sense,
in which he e was no oom o eligious b o he hood (2006: 79-81). F om his poin o iew, i would be con enien o a i m
ha ea ly Ku dish esis ance owa ds his new policy was also a con on a ion be ween he au ho i a ian and ‘mode nizing’
s a e, on he one hand, and a adi ional socie y based on ce ain alues on he o he (Boza slan 1988: 133). This cha ac e is ic
o ea ly Ku dish mobiliza ion agains he s a e o e ed a p e ex o Tu kish na ionalis s o cha ac e ize hem as me ely
eac iona y ebellions led by ana ic undamen alis s agains he mode n secula epublic.
61 Du ing i s i s cong ess in which Sheikh Said also pa icipa ed, Azadi ag eed on wo undamen al ac ions: a) he need o a
well-o ganized and planned up ising o be launched in May 1925 and; b) he need o o eign assis ance, possibly om F ance,
G ea B i ain o he So ie Union among o he op ions (Van B uinessen 1992: 280). Being one o he ac o s who pa icipa ed
in he e ol and ha ing su e ed om i s consequences, Hasan Hişya Se dî quo es Sheikh Said on he objec ions o a possible
Russian alliance due o he ‘a heis ’ na u e o he la e du ing a mee ing: “Some said F ance, some said England, and none
ge s ang y. Once Russia is men ioned, he majo i y o you lash ou o oppose, and some o you wan o ha e a say. We a e
looking o a poli ical ally and someone who backs us. Wha business do you ha e wi h he eligion o he s a es?” (1994: 194)
While eligion was a s ong de e minan among Ku dish na ional eli es o making poli ical decisions, Sheikh Said’s a ionale
appea s o ha e gi en p io i y o na ional in e es s o e eligion.
98
aspec s: a) a ailu e in he mili a y and poli ical sense due o o ganiza ional de iciencies and; b) success
in e ms o na ional consolida ion and cons uc ion o collec i e memo y among Ku ds.
As a highly dispu ed ma e , some schola s claim ha eligious elemen s, mo e p ecisely a e-
es ablishmen o he Calipha e, o e ide na ional conce ns o he Ku dish e hnic iden i y (McDowall
ibid. 197-198). Religious mo i a ion played a undamen al ole bo h in he o ganiza ion as well as he
mobiliza ion o he e ol , and, mos p obably, i would ha e had ce ain poli ical weigh i he e ol
had been success ul. The Calipha e’s symbolic alue was also e lec ed by Sheikh Said himsel :
“P e iously, we had a common Caliph, and his ga e ou eligious people a deep sense o being in a communi y
wi h he Tu ks. Since he Calipha e is abolished, all we ha e le is he eeling o Tu kish ep ession” (Bagdad
Times, 7 Ap il 1925, quo ed om Boza slan 1988: 130)
None heless, i would be e oneous o igno e he na ionalis aspec s o he e ol , as he Ku ds we e
equally wo ied abou assimila ion h ough popula ion exchange policies and linguis ic es ic ions,
disc imina ion o Ku ds in o icial posi ions and du ing compulso y mili a y se ice, equen and
delibe a e in e en ions in poli ical and social issues, and e en ually, he exploi a ion o na u al
esou ces in Ku dis an, all o which e lec ed he ambi alen cha ac e o Ku dish na ionalism a he
ime (Olson 1989: 155). The e was a ce ain deg ee o mis us among Ku dish leading eli es owa ds
he new egime in Tu key, no only because o he abolishmen o he Calipha e bu also, as unde lined
be o e, Ku ds emembe ed well he agic a e o e hnic A menians. Se dî quo es Sheikh Said’s
e lec ions sha ed wi h Ku dish mili ia commande s, ibal chie ains, and in ellec uals in a cong ess
held igh be o e he e ol ha illus a e his na ionalis sen imen s:
“…I we mo e such hal -hea edly, i will no be Tu ks who will end up in disappoin men , bu us. You can be su e
ha hese [Tu ks] will do he same o us as hey did o A menian child en and women, who we e slaugh e ed
wi h he bayone s o Tu kish soldie s. So, do you eally wan his c uel y o happen o he Ku dish na ion oo?
[…] I am olde han 70, holding a asbih [ osa y] in my hand. Now I ha e also h own he asbih away and g abbed
my i le. My weal h, p ope ies, and child en a e mo e han you s. I am eady o sac i ice all o he igh s o my
na ion.” (Sheikh Said quo ed om Se dî 1994: 197)
The eligious ac o in his con ex is essen ial as i di ec ly condi ioned he o ganiza ion, mobiliza ion,
and, e en ually, he a e o he e ol i sel . B inging in a s a egically eligious cause o a planned
na ionalis ic e ol was logical as some eligious Tu ks also opposed he secula policies o Mus a a
Kemal’s go e nmen . By injec ing a eligious cha ac e , one could a ac hose Ku ds whose main
p eoccupa ion was Islam. Fu he mo e, a ebellion pionee ed by a cha isma ic sheikh would a o
success as he sheikhs had signi ican in luence o e Ku ds and, hanks o hei adi ional
econcilia ion oles, hey we e capable o b inging oge he ibes in con lic (Van B uinessen 1992:
99
281-282; Olson 1989: x i).62 The poli ical au ho i y and social p es ige o sheikhdom among Ku dish
ibes and socie y, in gene al, we e conside ed a uni ying ac o o na ional aspi a ions.
Ne e heless, Ku dis an’s mul i- eligious s uc u e, mos e iden ly obse ed in he his o ical
Sunni – Ale i con lic 63, was also a se ious obs acle. The mis us was no only be ween Ku ds and Tu ks
bu also be ween Sunni and Ale i Ku ds; he Sunni sheikhdom ac o did no con ibu e o
s eng hening con idence be ween Sunni and Ale i Ku dish ibes. Despi e a s ong poli ical
o ganiza ion led by in luen ial Naqshbandi pe sonali ies who managed o mobilize hei mu ids
(de o ed ollowe s) (Boza slan 1988: 130), p o ound eligious disc epancies p o oked a disco dan
e ec on he mobiliza ion capaci y and he de ini i e ou come o he e ol . Ha ing been subjec ed o
disc imina ing ea men a he hands o bo h Sunni Tu ks and Ku ds du ing he O oman eign, a call
o mobiliza ion o Ale i Ku ds by a Sunni Naqshbandi sheikh cons i u ed a somewha
coun e p oduc i e e ec . Thei p e e ence be ween wo op ions de e mined he a i ude o
p ominen Ale i ibes: an independen Ku dis an o be led by Sunni sheikhs o a secula Tu key, in
which, a i s glance, all people would be ea ed as equal ci izens (Van B uinessen 1992: 294). Mos
Ale i Ku ds op ed o he second, which sounded mo e bene icial o hei communi y.
An analysis o he consequences o Sheikh Said e ol in Ku dish collec i e memo y
Despi e i s mili a y ailu e, he impo ance o he Sheikh Said e ol is linked wi h he ollowing policies
implemen ed once he e ol had been quelled and he social cons uc ion o hei na a i e. Unlike
he ba ba ic and eac iona y depic ion as a sign o Islamic ana icism in Tu key’s o icial his o iog aphy
(Lewis 1968: 268), Ku dish his o iog aphy glo i ies he e ol by c ea ing con inui y be ween Sheikh
Said’s e ol and oday’s ongoing esis ance agains he au ho i y o he s a e (Kah aman 2003: 19:
Tezcü 2009). Consequen ly, he e ol as a la ge-scale iolen e en has success ully become a cul u al
auma in Ku dish collec i e memo y.
The deg ee o agg ession du ing and a e he Sheikh Said e ol is b ough o h he
cons uc ion o Ku dish collec i e memo y based on h ee o ms o iolence exe cised by bo h sides.
The i s one co esponds o he o ganized physical iolence led by Sheikh Said, which in he inal
62 The a i ma ion made by schola s is c ucial as i highligh s a long-es ablished his o ical s a e o social and poli ical
o ganiza ion in Ku dis an. In eas e n Tu key (i.e. no he n Ku dis an), he sheikdom and aghadom (landlo dship) a e used
oge he in one p ac ical i le and di ec ly ela ed o land owne ship. In his sense, hose who possess mos p ope ies and
land also ob ain sheikh s a us in due cou se and exe cise a g ea deal o au ho i y (M.E. Boza slan 1964: 125). Also,
adi ionally in Ku dish socie y, hose sec o s who a e p ima y candida es o be he go e ning class a e begs (Ku dish
seigneu s) and ibal and eligious leade s (sheikhs). Any Ku dish leade who seeks o exhibi in luence o e Ku dish masses
unexcep ionally belongs o one o hese sec o s (Jwaideh 1999[1961]: 502), o which Sheikh Said was no an excep ion.
63 Disc epancies be ween Sunni and Ale i communi ies go back o he 16 h cen u y’s poli ical a mosphe e in no he n
Ku dis an, di ided be ween he Shi’a Shah Ismail o Pe sia and Sunni O oman eign unde Selim I (Ya uz). Those Ale i Ku dish
communi ies who we e mo e sympa he ic owa ds he Shah we e ha shly punished by Ya uz as well as Sunni Ku dish ibes.
(Beşikçi 2014[1969]361-362; Gezik 2012: 48).
106
156). The conce n o social s a us would e en ually p o oke he aliena ion o he emaining young
gene a ions in De sim om hei own cul u e.79
3.2. The e hnona ional e i al o Ku dish na ionalism in Tu key
Ku dish e hnona ional e i al in he la e 1950s and he ea ly 1960s ook place a e he long pe iod o
gene a ional silence obse ed as a esul o auma ogenic expe iences ha Ku ds li ed h ough du ing
he pe iod o consecu i e na ional e ol s and hei a e ma hs. In his pe iod, he e we e wo inciden s
conce ning he e i al o Ku dish na ionalism: he 49e s inciden and ial in Tu key, which was a esul
o he s a e’s Ku dism phobia a he han an o ganized poli ical mo emen , and he esu gence o he
Ku dish na ional libe a ion mo emen led by Mullah Mus a a Ba zani in I aqi Ku dis an. Bo h he
success and collapse o his la e had a signi ican gene a ional impac on he la e de elopmen o
he Ku dish na ional libe a ion mo emen (s) in Tu key h ough he ollowing decades.
3.2.1. The gene a ional esu gence o Ku dish na ionalism
a. The pos - e ol s pe iod and ep oduc ion o Ku dish iden i y in gene a ional silence
The supp ession ollowing he De sim e ol ended he newly eme ged Ku dish na ional mo emen in
Tu key, imp isoning i in o a wo-decade gene a ional silence, du ing which he e was ha dly any
Ku dish na ionalis ac i i y. A e a long pe iod o e ol s o a ying dimensions and a high cos in
human li e, no he n Ku dis an was inally paci ied (Van B uinessen 1992: 291), and Ku dish
na ionalism ell in o silence. Apa om poli ical and mili a y measu es aken du ing and igh a e he
e ol s, p e iously men ioned cul u al and symbolic imposi ions appea o ha e ex ended he poli ical
silence in he social sphe e. An e depic s his aspec o Tu kish Ku dis an o he 1930s (Ma din) as well
as he 1950s (Diya bakı ) in his memoi s as ollows:
“Ou side, I mean in he ci y cen e , i was p ohibi ed o speak in Ku dish. I hey o e hea d you speaking he
language, hey would ine one li a pe wo d. I is o his eason ha Ma din was con e ed in o a camp o mu es.
As people we e no able o speak in public, hey we e ying o unde s and one ano he by using hand ges u es.
[…] Tu kish Ku dis an and i s hea Diya baki we e sleeping. Fascis go e nmen s had cooled hem ou ; he e
was no e en he sligh es wiggling ou he e. I sensed his and headed o Diya baki om Is anbul igh away.”
(An e 1991: 29; 1992: 34-35)80
79 As a consequence o his social ans o ma ion, Gezik men ions he eme gence o a new ‘uppe g oup’ (üs g up) s a ing
om he mid-1950s who a o ed speaking Tu kish ins ead o hei own mo he ongue and emained dis an om hei own
his o y as well as all hose elemen s o he ‘ adi ional seyi cul u e’ whose ejec ion became a key o indi idual success
(2012: 157). Appa en ly, pas collec i is loyal ies and hei sys em o symbolic alues ha e been eplaced by indi idual
aspi a ions wi hin he peculia poli ical and social his o y o De sim.
80 Yıldı ım po ays his childhood in Diya bakı h ough complemen a y anecdo es ha help u he unde s and An e ’s
memoi s. Re e ing o he “Va andaş Tü kçe Konuş!” (Ci izen, speak Tu kish!) campaign sponso ed by he s a e, he na a es
ha e en elde ly illage s we e o ced o lea n Tu kish, hose e using o do so we e ined by he municipal police and decided
no o en u e o he ci y anymo e (Mi oğlu 2010: 45). Ekinci also na a es he same pa e n o symbolic iolence in he public
sphe e ha Ku dish illage s su e ed a Lice’s local ma ke . As someone wi h i s -hand expe ience on he ma e , Ekinci
would pe sonally ansla e and assis he illage s in unde s anding hei new language (2010: 79).
107
As a esul o he collec i e auma p oduced by he Ku dish e ol s on he gene a ion who wi nessed
and su i ed hem, ea and anxie y ound hei mani es a ion in he o m o silence. The s a e’s
assimila ion policy on he upcoming gene a ions was also cohe en wi h symbolic iolence
sys ema ically exe cised h oughou Ku dis an. Tu kish na ional his o iog aphy was placed as he
o icial u h and ep oduced h ough he na ional educa ion sys em. As a esul , Ku dish iden i y and
he co e elemen s o i s symbolic uni e se, abo e all Ku dish language and na ional his o y, ailed o
pene a e he public sphe e. Likewise, due o he consequences o cul u al aumas, he olde
gene a ion showed no eage ness o ep oduce hese elemen s o he Ku dish symbolic uni e se in
hei p i a e sphe e. Ekinci’s ea ly childhood obse a ions a e highly signi ican wi h his espec :
“Acco ding o he his o y educa ion we ecei ed a school and he Sun-Language Theo y
81
, despi e he ac ha
we spoke Ku dish, all Ku ds in Lice and he su ounding illages mus ha e been Tu ks oo, jus like e e yone else
in he wo ld. The e o e, we conside ed ou sel es Tu kish. […] No much ime had passed since he Ku dish e ol
o 1925. In he memo y o gene a ions be o e me, he ememb ances o mass slaugh e , o u es, ep essions,
and c uel ies o he pos - e ol yea s we e s ill esh. Those in ellec uals ha bo ing ideas o Ku dish na ionalism
we e killed o exiled. […] In my amily, he idea o belonging o an e hnic o igin di e en om Tu kish was no
discussed. Be o e g adua ing om high school, I had no wi nessed any s imula ing e en ha would d i e me
owa ds sc u inizing o discussing he e y essence o his dis inc ness. I was no able o pe cei e wha I had
expe ienced h ough he ame o dis inc ness.” (Ekinci 2010: 124)
Du ing he pe iod o gene a ional silence ha con inued un il he beginning o he 1960s, Ku dish
in ellec uals in exile ook cha ge o main aining he ‘memo y’ and ansmi ing i o he upcoming
gene a ions (Boza slan 2005b: 54). A e Ma ial Law came in o o ce du ing he supp ession o e ol s,
ac i i ies ela ed o Ku dish na ionalism we e ex emely dange ous in Tu key. In ellec uals who had
led o neighbo ing coun ies ook up his ask. Osman Seb î, who had been jailed when he was a
eenage due o his amily’s sympa he ic s ance in a o o he Sheikh Said e ol , la e ac i ely
pa icipa ed in he A a a e ol o 1930. Being a membe o he Hoybûn pa y, Seb î ells o his
expe ience leeing o Sy ian Ku dis an and his con ac wi h o he pa y membe s:
“I was going o Sy ia hoping ha he e I would see many pa io s. I had hea d om a nephew o mine o he
exis ence o a poli ical o ganiza ion named Xoybun [Hoybûn] ha was seeking he independence o Ku dis an. I
had hea d ha Bedi xan, Cemîl Pasha, he Ib ahim Pasha amilies, wo sons o Sahîn Beg and Hacoyê Haco we e
pa o his o ganiza ion. All o hem we e wo king owa d enligh ening he people and hei libe a ion [...] When
I asked Celade [Bedi xan] abou his [being a membe o Hoybûn], did I know any hing abou pa ies and hei
objec i es, hei na ional and global policies o Ku dish e ol s and he easons ha hey had ailed? Le me say
i his way: I did no know any o hese issues a ha ime. The only hing I wan ed was o comply wi h he
81
The Sun-Language Theo y (o Güneş-Dil Teo isi as i is o iginally e med in Tu kish) was a pseudoscien i ic linguis ic
hypo hesis claiming ha all ci iliza ions and languages in he wo ld de i ed om Tu ks and hei language, Tu kish. I was
p omo ed in o de o jus i y he exis ence o wes e n-o igina ed loanwo ds in he Tu kish language. All he while, many wo ds
o A abic and Pe sian o igin we e g adually abandoned in an a emp o linguis ically pu i y he Tu kish language as pa o
he Kemalis e o ms (Lewis 1968: 434-435). Such pseudoscien i ic ac i i ies basing on pan-Tu kis ambi ions aimed a
in en ing a solid and secula na ion ou o a highly complex social s uc u e inhe i ed om he o me impe ial egime. By
ex ending he his o ical bounda ies o he ‘Tu kish na ion’ beyond he his o y o Islam, Tu kish his o iog aphy, linguis s, and
an h opologis s we e commissioned o e eal and jus i y he exis ence o ‘Tu kish’ in p e-Islamic pe iods (Aydın 1998: 109).
Fo a mo e de ailed and c i ical e ision on he Sun-Language Theo y and i s implemen a ion, see Beşikçi, İ. (2013[1977b)
Tü k Ta ih Tezi, ‘Güneş-Dil Teo isi’ e Kü So unu, Is anbul: İBV Yayınla ı, Chap e s 2, 3 & 4.
108
igo ous desi e I el o se e my homeland. I had no o he goal han his. I lea ned e e y hing I should ha e
lea ned om hese high- anking membe s o Xoybun.” (Seb î 2012: 125, 128)82
Smuggling along he bo de se ed o open a ga eway be ween hose Ku dish in ellec uals li ing in
Sy ian Ku dis an (Roja a o Wes e n Ku dis an) and Ku dish in ellec ual you h in he no h. Ekinci
na a es he expe ience he had on his ma e du ing his you h:
“[Smuggle s] we e b inging in a a ie y o goods om Sy ia, a F ench colony hen, which could no be ound in
Tu key, and comme cializing hem in Lice and he a eas su ounding i . In hei commu es, hey we e also in
ouch wi h hose Ku dish in ellec uals who had se led down in Sy ia as well as he Ku dish o ganiza ions led by
hose e y in ellec uals. They we e bo h ecei ing hei suppo and, a he same ime, we e b inging in o ma ion
and documen s on Ku dish poli ical mo emen s. Fo example, he book named De sim İsyanı [The De sim Re ol ],
w i en by e e ina ian Nu i De simi, who had played a key ole in he De sim e ol and [la e ] se led in Sy ia,
was b ough by smuggle s and dis ibu ed disc ee ly among he Ku dish in ellec ual you h. When I was on a
summe holiday in 1944, his book o De simi eached me ia he same sou ce. As i was ex emely dange ous o
possess li e a u e in hose days, a e ha ing ead he book, I did no da e o ca y i o Is anbul and ga e i back
o he sou ce who had b ough i o be p ese ed.” (Ekinci 2010: 55-56)83
By de ining his pe iod as he ‘pe iod o silence and in imida ion’, Ku lay poin s ou ha he e we e
only a ew enuous ini ia i es conce ning Ku dishness. In such a es ic ed en i onmen , hose
a emp s we e limi ed o spo adic olklo ic e en s and cul u al ac i i ies among in ellec uals s udying
in Tu kish me opolises (Ku lay 2012: 29).84 Tes imonies by he gene a ion o Ku dish e hnona ional
e i al in Tu key (An e 1991; 55-57; Ku lay 1998: 49; Ekinci 2010: 153-156) con i m ha s uden
do mi o ies in big Tu kish ci ies such as Is anbul and Anka a in which Ku dish uni e si y s uden s om
di e en owns and illages o no he n Ku dis an we e accommoda ed as one o ew social
mechanisms a ailable h ough which he symbolic elemen s o Ku dishness we e ep oduced. Those
also se ed as a mel ing po whe e Ku dish you h om di e en geog aphic and cul u al backg ounds
ga he ed and in e ac ed wi h one ano he , as Yıldı ım na a es:
“The Dicle s uden do mi o y had a nice aspec : I had b ough Van, Hakka i, U a, Ma din, and Diya bakı
oge he . People who we e no awa e o each o he came he e and we e acquain ed wi h one ano he in his
do mi o y. People who we e e en unawa e o whe e he ci y o Van was loca ed disco e ed each o he in his
do mi o y, so o speak. Family s uc u es we e al eady a o able. In mos houses, hey we e speaking Ku dish o
Zaza. This being he case, a na ionalis mo emen began o eme ge he e.” (Yıldı ım in Mi oğlu 2010: 80)
82 Pe in Cemil, a membe o he leading Ku dish in ellec ual and na ionalis Cemil Pasha amily, also desc ibes how he amily
membe s had o lee o Sy ia a e being eleased om p ison ollowing he Sheikh Said e ol , and how hey immedia ely
became membe s o Hoybûn, con inuing hei Ku dis ac i i ies (Ku ij 2015: 116-117). Despi e his bad expe iences and
disappoin men la e wi h Hoybûn pa y membe s (2012: 143-144), he impo ance o Seb î’s es imony is ha i illus a es
he connec ion be ween he Sheikh Said and A a a e ol s in o ganiza ional e ms and na ional goals. Admi ing his ac ,
Hasan Hişya Se dî, who pa icipa ed in bo h, de ines he la e as he con inui y o he o me (1994: 360).
83 Ku lay e e s o he same book by De simi as well, poin ing ou ha he p obably ob ained i om Sy ian Ku ds in 1953
(1998: 44). Economic and poli ical ac i i ies such as con aband ade o smuggling h ough he I aqi and Sy ian bo de appea
o ha e been one o he consequences eme ging om he di e ence be ween he social eali y and a i icial sepa a ion o
on ie s (Boza slan, M.E. 2002[1966]: 48; Beşikçi 2014[1967]: 291-292).
84 O han indica es ha he e we e only a ew jou nals in his pe iod: Dicle Kaynağı (Sou ce o Tig is, 1948) was one o he
sho -li ed jou nals published bi-weekly in he 1940s. E en a decade la e , he pano ama was no di e en wi h he excep ion
o o he sho -li ed jou nals such as Şa k Mecmuası (Jou nal o O ien ), Şa kın Sesi (The Voice o O ien ), and Şa k Pos ası
(The O ien Pos ) (2016: 47), which come o be ye u he e idence o social silence on Ku dish ma e s in his pe iod.
109
The same s uden do mi o ies, whe e Tu kish and Ku dish s uden s s ayed oge he , also p o ided an
a mosphe e o iden i y encoun e s and posi ioning due o con lic s be ween di e en g oups. Ha ing
been subjec ed o disc imina o y a i udes om hei Tu kish colleagues, mos s uden s coming om
Ku dis an acqui ed he ea ly seeds o a Ku dish na ional consciousness while s aying in hose
do mi o ies. Ekinci speaks o how he go amilia ized wi h he ‘Ku dish p oblem’, o which he had no
been awa e be o e, du ing his isi s o he Dicle S uden Do mi o y:
“A he Dicle s uden do mi o y, I came ac oss he Ku dish p oblem, some hing which I was no qui e awa e o ; I
had no been conscious o i un il hen. The p ima y eason o which I ound mysel in his si ua ion eme ged
om ense speeches made by my Tu kis -Tu ancı colleagues a he Medicine Ins i u e’s s uden do mi o y. While
ha ing a con e sa ion wi h my Tu kish iend Niyazi Demi kol, wi h whom I was sha ing he same s udy oom, I
old him ha my aun s, hei child en, my uncle’s child en, and my younge b o he s did no e en know a wo d
in Tu kish. The eupon, u ning owa ds me, he esponded, ‘Those who do no know Tu kish a e no Tu ks, and
hey ha e no igh o li e in Tu key.’ I was in shock. I ealized ha in he coun y whe e we we e, ou igh o li e
was no bes owed, ha we we e no ea ed as ci izens. My hough s g ew s onge in explici o implici
con e sa ions wi h my iends wi h whom I was in ouch a he Dicle s uden do mi o y. Now I was conscious
ha we we e li ing in an en i onmen whe e we we e no ea ed as ci izens; ou undamen al igh s we e
denied; speaking in ou mo he ongue was no espec ed. F om ha day on, I con ac ed my iends a he Dicle
s uden do mi o y mo e equen ly.” (Ekinci 2010: 164-165)
I was no a coincidence ha he mos e en de endan s o he i s mac o-judicial case agains
‘Ku dism’ (Kü çülük), a concep used o hose who de end Ku dish na ional demands, eme ged a e
he wo-decade silence among hose young Ku dish in ellec uals whose na ional consciousness
laggingly awakened in his limi ed en i onmen hey in e ac ed wi h one ano he in wes e n
me opolises o Tu key. These ini ial ac i i ies we e also he ea ly seeds o he Ku dish e hnic e i al
in Tu key, led by his new gene a ion en elechy.
b. The 49e s: A poli ical gene a ion?
The 49e s inciden and he subsequen ial ook place as a esul o he s a e’s conce n o e he
g owing Ku dish consciousness among he g adually lou ishing Ku dish in ellec uals and uni e si y
s uden s. The la e was accused o allegedly ha ing o med an o ganiza ion backed by o eign powe s
ha aimed o b ing down he na ional uni y o he Republic o Tu key. Public and media a en ion on
he 49e s T ial, which las ed o se e al yea s, was conside ed he i s Ku dish- ela ed public inciden
a e he De sim massac e o 1938 (Güneş 2012: 52), h ough which he gene a ional silence g adually
began o loosen a e wo decades.
Desc ibing he 49e s as an o ganized poli ical-na ionalis mo emen and he de endan s o he
ial as a poli ical gene a ion would be an asse i e a gumen o claim. Tes imonies by hose indi iduals
who we e p osecu ed in he ial end o e u e such claims in hei la e published memoi s. As
emphasized be o e, undoub edly among hose young in ellec uals, he e was a g owing sense o
mission o he Ku dish na ional iden i y ha was spo adically mani es ed h ough cul u al ac i i ies;
110
howe e , he e is no quali a i e e idence ha such endencies we e isible among people in Ku dis an
and he ideological le el and willingness o o m an o ganized mo emen was in no way ma u e enough
a he ime. One o he de endan s o he ial and a leading Ku dish poli ical igu e in la e yea s, Canip
Yıldı ım, depic s he si ua ion among young Ku dish in ellec uals hen and he gene al a mosphe e o
ea among his social su oundings when i came o Ku dism ac i i ies:
“[I was] an a ec ion o ‘we a e Ku ds’. Bu ha was all, no hing mo e han his. [I was] A sense o belonging o
Ku dishness. I mean, nobody said ‘le ’s ge o ganized and so o h’. I was only on an ideal basis, he eme gence
o a u opia, an idea, ge ing o know Ku dish his o y, and unde s anding i . We we e qui e a away om hose
hings. […] Fo example, ou i s na ionalis mo emen eme ged a e he 27 May [1960 coup d’é a ]. Only when
27 May happened, we began o gi e Ku dish names o ou child en. Mos o hose names we e ejec ed. […]
Ku dish mo emen s exis ed in hough s, in minds, you hea and hink abou hem. You ha e an idea as you a e
an in ellec ual. You go o Is anbul, o Anka a, and people he e ega d you as Ku d. Then you head back o you
home own, and his ime you a he scolds you, ‘Wha he hell a e you doing, bub? Son, hey’ll uin us, hey’ll
sc ew us up!’ I means he people did no associa e hemsel es wi h he mo emen ; appa en ly, hey ailed o
make people a ilia e o i .” (in Mi oğlu 2010: 65-66, 81)
Collec i e ac i i ies and ini ia i es o ganized by hose who showed mo e sensi i i y owa ds he
Ku dish cul u e and language we e i egula
85
due o he legal and p ac ical impossibili ies in poli ical
e ms o exe cising and o ganizing such hough s. Such cul u al ac i i ies as we e he Dicle Gecesi
(Tig is Nigh ), o ganized by Musa An e , du ing which Ku dish dance s in na ional d esses we e
pe o ming olklo ic e en s o he Ku dish audience, played a pionee ing ole in his ealm (1991: 60).
Ku lay also d aws a simila en husias ic pic u e among Ku ds du ing he Doğu Gecele i (Eas e n Nigh s)
in Anka a in he ea ly 1950s, du ing which he silence imposed on Ku dishness in he social sphe e
de eloped in o an a mosphe e o ela i e ease:
“The Doğulula [Eas e ne s]
86
, essen ially Ku ds, in Anka a we e looding in o hose un nigh s. Ha ing
expe ienced long-las ing opp ession, we we e ga he ing in a ela i ely democ a ic en i onmen . People we e
ea ul, bu hey we e inding one ano he . […] In hose yea s, wha made us eel exci ed and look mo e o one
ano he we e olklo ic and cul u al es i als in local se ings in he e enings celeb a ed a e yea s o silence. We
we e singing ou olk songs and pe o ming olk dances. Folk songs we e in Tu kish, bu hose who lis ened o
hem knew ha hey we e ou s; hey we e om ou egion. E e y o he elemen o hose songs excep i s
language (!) was Ku dish. Wi h all o hei elemen s, hei spi i , hei hy hm, hey we e Ku dish olk songs. […]
We did no conside ou sel es as i we we e om an ou land ci y; in hese ypes o ga he ings and hose o some
big owns o he Eas and Sou heas , we showed in e es and pa icipa ed as i hey we e ou own ‘nigh s’. The
Da ul [d um] and zu na we e aking ou b ea h away as i hey we e he symbols o being a Ku d. I aqi Ku ds
s udying in Anka a we e also pa icipa ing in hose nigh s.” (Ku lay 1998: 49)
85
A limi ed a emp o o ming a g oup wi h a speci ic objec i e ook place a he Dicle s uden do mi o y ha Musa An e
names as he ‘Kü le i Ku a ma Cemiye i’ (Rescue Socie y o Ku ds), es ablished in o mally by An e and ew o he s in o de
o help hose assimila ed Ku dish s uden s in he do mi o y eco e hei Ku dish iden i y. An e no es ha he and his iends
wi hin his g oup swo e on a ‘Ku dish lag and a gun’ o loyal y o he cause o his g oup (1991: 58-59). While i was a unique
example ha lacked a social e lec ion a he ime, he ini ia i e led by An e and his iends illus a es conce ns by some
in ellec uals o he pe iod o he e hnic su i al o Ku ds. Ekinci also s esses ha i was known ha he e we e some
demands on he ecogni ion o democ a ic igh s, Ku dish language and cul u e, bu he e was no conc e e a emp s o
ini ia i es o add ess hose issues explici ly. The only hing he wi nessed was some numbe s o he jou nal Hawa published
in Sy ia, which made him and his iends eel exci ed as i was w i en in he Ku dish language (2010: 157-158).
86
In he ollowing pages o his memoi s, Ku lay explains he signi icance o he wo d ‘Eas e ne s’: “We could no in oduce
ou sel es as Ku d explici ly, we we e saying ‘Eas e ne ’, bu i was ob ious wha i mean ” (1998: 62). The exp ession is s ill
commonly used oday, pa icula ly among hose who p e e no o employ he wo d ‘Ku d’ o ‘Ku dish’.
111
‘Ku dism’ ac i i ies in he ea ly yea s o Ku dish e i al we e limi ed o hose spo adic cul u al e en s
ha ook a while o e ol e in o a poli ical mo emen led by a new gene a ion en elechy. Al hough his
e olu ion mainly had o see wi h he de elopmen s o Tu kish poli ics, he e was an e iden in luence
o de elopmen s aking place in o he pa s o di ided Ku dis an ha need o be add essed. While he
Ku dish e i al was expe iencing i s ini ial phases in Tu key h ough hese loosely o ganized social
ac i i ies by young in ellec uals, poli ical p og ess made in a much mo e o ganized manne in I aqi
Ku dis an also impac ed hose young Ku dish na ionalis s.
c. The in luences o Mus a a Ba zani’s uphea al among Tu key’s Ku ds
One signi ican occu ence ha in luenced Ku dish in ellec uals in Tu key in his pe iod was he coup
d’é a in I aq and Mullah Mus a a Ba zani’s e u n o I aqi Ku dis an. A e he sho -li ed Republic o
Mahabad led by Qazi Muhammad in he mid-1940s, Ku dish na ionalism had also allen in o silence in
I anian and I aqi Ku dis an (Boza slan 2009: 44). Mus a a Ba zani’s poli ical and mili a y success
con e ed Ku dish na ionalism in o a mass mo emen among sou he n Ku ds. The admi a ion and
loyal y owa ds his he oic pe sonali y, his adi ionally app ecia ed posi ion as a son o a sheikh, and a
chie ain consequen ly s eng hened he idea o Ku dis an as a na ion ha soon acqui ed a s ong
emo ional a achmen , independen om Ba zani’s idolism (Van B uinessen 1992: 316).
A e long yea s o silence, Ba zani’s s ance was also pe cei ed as a lou ishing hope among
Tu key’s Ku dish in ellec uals, who accele a ed hei e o s unde he ela i e a mosphe e o eedom
ollowing 27 May 1960.
87
As he leading igu e o Ku dish na ional e i al in Tu key, An e desc ibes
he en husiasm and exci emen upon Ba zani’s ad ancemen ha made him decide o publish İle i Yu
(Ad anced Coun y) in he no he n Ku dish capi al o Diya bakı :
“The e had been a coup d’é a in I aq, and Ba zani had e u ned. Happy days we e expec ed o Ku ds he e. The
I aqi s a e ecognized he Ku dish lag; he ac ha I aqi people consis ed o A abs and Ku ds was s a ed in he
cons i u ion. All Ku dish cul u al ac i i ies we e pe mi ed. Newspape s in Ku dish we e being published, and
he e was an educa ion in Ku dish a schools. Na u ally, his si ua ion in luenced he si ua ion in Tu kish Ku dis an
as well. A his ime, I decided o go o Diya bakı again o publish a newspape .” (An e 1991: 140)
The impac s o Mullah Mus a a Ba zani’s mo emen was no an ins an aneous ligh , bu a he a
con inuing i e a ec ing he young gene a ion en elechy o Ku ds in Tu key. Ha ing been a membe o
his new gene a ion a he ime, Mehdi Zana, a u u e in luen ial Ku dish poli ician, a i ms ha new
87
Al hough Qazi Muhammad’s Republic o Mahabad had a ce ain impac on Tu key’s young Ku dish in ellec uals, i s sho
li e also p o oked disillusion. Mus a a Ba zani’s mo emen , on he o he hand, was pe cei ed as a o al and con inuing
s uggle ha had conc e e e e be a ions in he no h (Aydın & Taşkın 2017: 172). Ekinci also exempli ies his in luence
h ough he ounda ion o T-KDP (Ku dis an Democ a ic Pa y-Tu key/No h), ini ially led by Ku dish lawye Faik Bucak, and
subsequen ly by Sai Elçi o he 49’e s ci cle (2010: 620-621). The poli ical dimensions o Ba zani’s in luence a e also
unde lined and a i med by schola s (Ba key & Fulle 1998: 49; McDowall 2004: 408; Boza slan 2009: 51) as well as o he
es imonies (Ku lay 1998: 64, 126; Mi oğlu 2010: 127) analyzed in his wo k. Ad ances and consequen ailu es o Ba zani in
I aqi Ku dis an con inued o ha e a signi ican impac on Ku dish mo emen s in Tu key h ough he ollowing decade.
112
mediums like adio ansmission ‘Kü dis an’ın Sesi’ (The Voice o Ku dis an) we e se ing he young
Ku ds in Tu key who we e in e es ed in ollowing he la es de elopmen s and na ionalis p og ess in
he sou h (2014[1991]: 34-35), some hing which emo ionally impac ed him o such a deg ee ha he
inally came up wi h a symbolic ac ion plan agains an i-Ba zani p opaganda in Tu key. His en husiasm
was also he ea ly signs o he desi e o aking mo e conc e e ac ions among you h:
“The ac ha he e was a Ku dish mo emen had caugh my a en ion, and I adop ed a endency owa ds
Ku dishness. I could no ake my eyes o i . I was wonde ing wha would happen. [As I ] I was dying wi h each
peshme ga who died and was igh ing alongside each peshme ga. My hea accompanied hem. I was hinking
o mysel , ‘wish I we e wi h hem igh now’. […] Upon hea ing hese ne a ious commen s on ou people, I
hough ha i was necessa y o do some hing. I came up wi h he idea o p epa e a banne and hang i up
somewhe e o e he main s ee . I go olling immedia ely. Along wi h my iends, we p epa ed a banne and
hung i on he wall o he o ice o he Mu i loca ed on he main s ee . We did his along wi h M. Güllü and N.
De man a a ound midnigh . On he banne , one could ead ‘Long-li e Ba zani, damn wi h hose who do no like
him!’ This was a mani es a ion o he eac ion we had, he smolde ing ange we had deep inside. I had no ea in
my hea . Doing some hing, a desi e o look a e he people, o e came he sense o cowa dliness. I was eady
o do any hing o my people.” (Zana 2014[1991]: 32)
Ne e heless, de elopmen s in I aqi Ku dis an and hei echoes in Tu key equally wo ied he Tu kish
au ho i ies and ueled hei ea o he po en ial Ku dish awakening in Tu key, which ended up wi h
he imp isonmen o 50 Ku dish s uden s and in ellec uals. A e he dea h o one o he de ainees,
Emin Ba u, he ial was e med he 49e s ial. Con inemen in p ison se ed o consolida e he ideas
hey had conce ning hei u u e poli ical ac i i ies, as well as d ew he line ha came o sepa a e
di e en gene a ion uni s be ween le -wing e olu iona y and igh -wing conse a i e Ku ds.88
3.2.2. The poli ical socializa ion o he Ku dish le owa ds au onomy
a. The TİP expe ience and Eas e n Rallies
The 49e s inciden and ial ma ked he i s s ep owa ds a e i aliza ion p ocess o Ku dish
na ionalism in Tu key, which g ew s onge h oughou he ollowing decades due o se e al pe iod
and coho e ec s. In he beginning, leading igu es o he Ku dish mo emen in his gene a ion
ollowed a p agma ic and ul ima ely paci is poli ical line, in which he a i ude aken by Tu kish
poli ical pa ies owa ds he Ku dish issue played he pa amoun ole:
“I was no possible o go o he people me ely based on he Ku dish issue. Had we said some hing like ha , in
some places, we would ha e e en been lynched. Fo his eason, we calcula ed wha legal pa ies in Tu key could
ha e o e ed o Ku ds. The idea o an independen Ku dish o ganiza ion was no any hing we we e discussing.
[…] We kep an eye on I aq, being cu ious abou wha Ba zani would do. Howe e , nobody was hinking abou
an a med s uggle in Tu key. We looked a ound, when a new poli ical pa y was es ablished, i hey we e
sympa he ic o Ku ds, we wen and joined his pa y.” (Yıldı ım in Mi oğlu 2010: 127)
88 This sepa a ion is desc ibed by all h ee ac i is s (An e 1991: 164-165; Ku lay 1998: 84; Yıldı ım in Mi oğlu 2010: 141-142)
who we e leading igu es wi hin he le is nucleus and la e showed hei suppo o u u e Ku dish e olu iona y
mo emen s. Poli ical adicaliza ion o endencies owa ds iolence was unlikely o eme ge du ing his pe iod excep o Sai
Kı mızı op ak (alias D . Şi an), who was also among hose in he le is g oup o he 49e s and la e joined Mulla Mus a a
Ba zani’s a med mo emen in I aqi Ku dis an.
113
Th oughou he 1960s, signi ican igu es among hose who had been p osecu ed in he 49e s ial go
in ol ed in poli ical ac i i ies in a much ac i e and o ganized way. The Tü kiye İşçi Pa isi (TİP –
Wo ke s’ Pa y o Tu key) was he i s poli ical ini ia i e in which Ku ds we e p esen . I s
o ganiza ional ac i i ies we e i s launched in Diya bakı and ex ended h oughou o he Ku dish ci ies
and owns o e ime. They had ela i e success in gaining he suppo o some Ku dish na ionalis
eligious mullahs (Muslim p eache s) a e he local elec ions in 1963 (Ekinci 2010: 339-365). The
pa y’s o icial p og am was conside ing he eas e n and sou h-eas e n p oblem as a ques ion o
ch onic economic unde de elopmen whose solu ion was unde lined as a p io i y wi hin he
amewo k o Tu key’s na ional and e i o ial uni y as explici ly unde lined:
“Eas e n de elopmen would be among he se ices o be implemen ed immedia ely and igo ously by he
Wo ke s’ Pa y o Tu key while ca ying in o e ec he de elopmen o he coun y. […] In pa allel wi h he
economic backwa dness o he egion, ou ci izens he e a e also in a backwa d posi ion in social and cul u al
e ms. Fu he mo e, hose who speak Ku dish o A abic o hose who belong o he Ale ism c eed a e subjec ed
o disc imina ion o hei s a us. As indica ed unde he A . 3 o he Cons i u ion, he Wo ke s’ Pa y o Tu key
exp esses he indi isibili y o Tu key as a whole wi h i s people and e i o y and ca ego ically e uses any kind
o sepa a ism and egionalism.” (TİP Pa y P og am 1965: 110-111)89
The Doğu Mi ingle i (Eas e n Rallies) o ganized by Ku dish ep esen a i es o TİP, p incipally Mehdi
Zana, Naci Ku lay, Kemal Bu kay, and M. Ali Aslan, be ween 1967-1969 we e he i s social e lec ions
o a poli ical o ganiza ion o hose expe ienced in ellec uals om he 49e s gene a ion.90 These
de elopmen s also b ough abou he i s in oduc ion o Ku dish na ionalism in he social sphe e o
no he n Ku dis an a e he wo-decade silence ollowing he cul u al aumas o he las e ol s. As
a social scien is and poli ical ac i is in his pe iod who ac i ely obse ed Eas e n Rallies, İsmail Beşikçi
makes he ollowing analysis on he widesp ead pa icipa ion o Ku ds in hose allies:
“Consciousness and pa icipa ion o wide popula masses a e he mos impo an ea u e and consequence o
he Eas e n Rallies. The undamen al poin he e is ha he Eas e n Rallies ha e accomplished a social goal and
ocused in his di ec ion. Indi iduals om di e en social classes pa icipa ed in mee ings and socialized.
Alongside hose who ha e no o li le land o hose who ha e no hing a all a e people who con ol euds such
as aghas and sheikhs. All pa icipa ed and sha ed hei hough s.” (2014 [1969]: 197)
In his s uc u al analysis on he Eas e n Rallies, Beşikçi a i ms ha hose allies di ec ed much
a en ion o he ques ion o unde de elopmen o he ‘Eas ’, p o oked by ac o s such as apid
popula ion g ow h and a lack o ag a ian e o m (s ong p esence o sheikhdom and aghadom),
ega ded as he undamen al p oblems o he egion (2014[1969]: 81-90). While his was he gene al
pe spec i e o hose who o ganized he allies, mos o whom we e TİP membe s, he slogans on
89 The poli ical p og am o TİP can be consul ed a he lib a y o he Tu kish G and Na ional Assembly’s Open Access
Collec ion: h ps://acike isim. bmm.go . /xmlui/handle/11543/628
90 As poin ed ou ea lie , whe he he 49’e s we e a poli ical gene a ion emains a deba able issue. He e he e m gene a ion
e e s o hose ac i is s and in ellec uals belonging o a speci ic bi h coho . I is unde s ood om hei es imonies ha he
Eas e n Rallies signaled he eme gence o a new coho in Ku dish socie y, consis ing o se e al gene a ion uni s made up o
bo h le -wing and igh -wing Ku ds o he equal igh s o Ku ds in gene al (Ku lay 1998: 177).
114
banne s ca ied h oughou hose allies e lec ed mo e han ch onic sociopoli ical p oblems, u ging a
di ec demand o ci izenship igh s and exp essing disenchan men due o he excessi e p esence o
he s a e’s coe ci e o ces in Ku dis an: “Eas e ne s! Make an e o and s uggle o you legal igh s!
Demanding you igh s does no ha m he uni y”, “The Eas e ne will su ely make you ecognize hei
humanness and ci izenship”, “We do no wan genda me ies, we wan eache s”, “We do no wan
police s a ions, we wan schools”, “In he Wes ac o ies and oadways, in he Eas commandos and
police s a ions”, “We do no wan bu s okes, we ask o a hand” (Beşikçi ibid. 25-26). Being om he
younge gene a ion o he ‘Eas e ne s’ wi hin TİP a he ime, Mehdi Zana desc ibes he a mosphe e
he obse ed du ing an Eas e n Rally o ganized in his na i e Sil an, a emo e dis ic o Diya bakı .
Zana’s obse a ions illus a e he awakening o Ku dish you h, he backg ound o he pa icipan s in
allies, and he g owing eac ion o Ku dish na ionalis ic you h owa ds Tu kish le is s who educed
he ‘Eas e n p oblem’ o me ely s uc u al issues and unde de elopmen :
“Two days la e , he e we e wa es o people heading o he ally. People we e coming om all egions. Among
hose who came, uni e si y s uden s and mullahs cons i u ed he majo i y. Some uni e si y you h o na ionalis
endencies had exp essed hei objec ion o he ally. As we we e o ganizing he ally, hey we e cons an ly
epea ing, ‘This is a ally o Ku ds; we do no wan he le is s o come and lea e hei ma k on he ally.’” (Zana
2004 [1991]: 92)
91
Those we e he ini ial signs o he u u e di o ce be ween Tu kish le is s and Ku dish na ionalis s. This
endency among he younge gene a ion Ku dish na ionalis s unde he TİP s uc u e would g adually
ake hem in a new di ec ion, gi ing way o he i s au onomous mo emen o Ku ds in Tu key.
b. The eme gence o au onomous Ku dish poli ical ac i ism in Tu key
The en husiasm and encou agemen du ing he Eas e n Rallies among he younge gene a ion o Ku ds
bols e ed he idea o o ming an au onomous Ku dish poli ical mo emen ocusing on he Ku dish
na ional ques ion. The disappoin men and lack o us owa ds TİP’s Tu kish socialis s we e ollowed
by he o ma ion o he De imci Doğu Kül ü Ocakla ı (DDKO - Re olu iona y Eas e n Cul u al Hea hs).
The ini ia i e was aken by young Ku dish membe s wi hin TİP’s ‘Eas e n G oup’, and a e ha ing
deba ed he idea, olde gene a ion in ellec uals also o e ed hei suppo (Mi oğlu 2010: 192). One o
he ounding membe s o DDKO, Müm az Ko an, explains how he young gene a ion decided o lea e
he Tu kish socialis s as wo sub-g oups wi hin TİP ied o abuse he ‘Eas e ne s’:
91
Zana adds ha he i mly e used his app oach o young Ku dish na ionalis s a ha momen . A a la e ime, a e being
ans e ed om he Eskişehi P ison o he Aydın P ison, Zana seems o ha e adop ed a iew o imp isonmen o he Ku dish
na ional iden i y by he Tu kish socialis mo emen as unde s ood om he ollowing lines he w o e in a le e add essed o
his wi e Leyla: “All he ime hey [Tu ks] spoke, we applauded, we an behind hem, hey alked, w o e and we memo ized.
Was no ha o his eason, we con adic ed ou own Ku dish eali y, and in he name o socialism, e olu ionism, we
unwi ingly be ayed ou own people wi h such an a i ude o denial?” (Zana 1995: 56). Mehdi Zana la e became one o he
ounde s o Diya bakı DDKO, and his wi e, Leyla Zana, became one o he leading Ku dish poli icians in he Tu kish Na ional
Assembly in he ea ly 1990s. Bo h also aced long jail e ms o hei poli ical s ance in la e pe iods o hei li e.
115
“Ex eme le el o ac ions we e ma ke ed in inc edibly unbelie able ways in o de o gain he suppo o he
‘Eas e n You h’ by using such slogans as ‘We a e b o he s, his coun y is o all o us’, ‘We a e an indi isible
whole’. […] We we e no blind; we could ead, see, and lis en. We had opened he pages o his o y. The memo ies
and ememb ances inhe i ed om ou g andpa en s and pa en s we e igh in on o ou eyes. Wi hin he
gene al amewo k o socialism o in he wo ks o Lenin, p esumably, i would be possible o ind a emedy o
ou si ua ion oo! We would no wo k o o he s all he ime. We decided o ha e mee ings among us and c ea e
an o ganiza ion. We would spli up om he Tu kish ‘Le ’. I was a di o ce; ou sepa a ion was bo h legi ima e
and necessa y. I is no necessa y o discuss he gossip and accusa ions beyond his. In ac , a e he 1967 Eas e n
Rallies, ou du y had sepa a ed a bi om hem; we had ocused on he speci ic demands o ou egion and ou
na ion and ou own p oblems.” (Ko an 2003: 271, emphasis in he o iginal)92
Uni e si y do mi o ies and associa ions loca ed in big Tu kish ci ies, such as Is anbul and Anka a,
con inued being common places o poli ical deba es and mee ings in his pe iod as well. Ne e heless,
e e ing o Ko an’s na a i e, he p og ess made in e ms o o ganiza ion and s uc u ing was also
a en ion-wo hy. DDKO aspi ed o b ing igh -wing and le is Ku ds oge he o accomplish u he
o ganiza ion o Ku dish you h in no he n Ku dis an, and bo h le is and conse a i e Ku ds om
p e ious gene a ions we e con ac ed and ac i ely pa icipa ed in mee ings. Apa om uni e si ies
and do mi o ies, p i a e homes whe e ac i is s o olde gene a ions esided as well as he amously-
known co ee houses, like he Dinçe co eehouse in Anka a’s Cebeci dis ic , whe e plen y o mee ings
we e held, we e epo edly in use (Ko an 2003: 273-275).93
The a mosphe e o he ea ly 1970s ma ked he bi h o a poli ical gene a ion in no he n
Ku dis an: DDKO had been c ea ed, and Ku dish na ional ac i ism had d awn a i id po ai h ough
his newly bo n o ganiza ion. As p e iously men ioned, Mullah Mus a a Ba zani’s a med s uggle in
I aqi Ku dis an ine i ably in luenced young Ku dish in ellec uals in he no h, whose ideas and
aspi a ions would la e be de eloped by upcoming gene a ions. The di ec impac o his in luence was
bes e lec ed wi h he ounda ion o T-KDP in he mid-1960s, he mos in luen ial Ku dish mo emen
in Tu key du ing he second hal o he decade (Jonge den & Akkaya 2011: 125; Güneş & Zeydanlıoğlu
2014: 265).94 No wi hs anding, be o e he 1971 Memo andum, he implemen a ion o iolen
epe oi es did no seem o ha e been conside ed as a means o accomplishing he goal o na ional
libe a ion. An ea lie de endan and p isone o he 49e s, and one o he leading mili an s o T-KDP in
92 Müm az and O han Ko an along wi h Ruşen A slan, İb ahim Güçlü, and Ha ice Yaşa ounded he Rızga î (Libe a ion)
o ganiza ion in 1975 ha de ended he s uggle agains Tu kish, I anian, and A ab colonialisms o e he ou pa s o a di ided
Ku dis an (O han 2016: 54-55).
93 The use o such places con inued du ing he ollowing yea s among Ku dish you h in he u ban a eas in Ku dis an as well.
Canip Yıldı ım b ings an example o his endency men ioning he Abide eahouse in Diya bakı , whe e u u e Ku dish
o ganiza ions held mee ings o e nigh (2010: 206). Gene a ional con inui y is obse ed in wo ounding mee ings: he i s
one was held in Ta ık Ziya Ekinci’s house in Anka a, while he second ook place a he house whe e M. Emin Boza slan was
empo a ily esiding in Is anbul (Ko an 2003: 275).
94 N. A. Özcan unde lines he ole o he Naqshbandi eligious o de connec ions du ing he expansion o he Ba zani
mo emen as a esul o he Hü subayla (F ee o ice s) who we e in close con ac wi h ci ies nea Tu key’s bo de wi h I aq:
Ma din, Hakkâ i, Van, and Diyâ baki . The schola also a i ms he in luence o he sou he n Ku dish s uggle in he no h,
mos no ably h ough KDP’s illegal b anch o ice in Silopi in 1963 unde he command o T-KDP led by Said Elçi (1999: 15-19).
122
“The Basque people do no con on o Spanish people bu he Spanish oliga chy; Basque people a e in solida i y
wi h Spanish people in hei con on a ion agains he Spanish oliga chy. [...] I is abou being in a o o
exploi a ion wi h he oliga chy supp essing ou people o being agains i .” (ETA 1979, Vol. 15: 119)
A e he high-p o ile kidnapping o he Ge man Consul Eugen Beihl in 1970 as a way o b inging
in e na ional a en ion o he Bu gos T ial, Zabala was he i s o a se ies o business people kidnapped
o labo dispu es as pa o ETA’s e i ed poli ico-mili a y s a egy in his pe iod. Ha ing ecei ed
posi i e eedback om wo king-class Basques as well as some Spanish mig an wo ke s, ETA con inued
o pu sue his labo a o i ism which, by ime, u ned in o he o ganiza ion’s imi a ion o he s a e by
en o cing i s own indus ial law and inancial ules (Le amendia 1997: 232), bes e lec ed h ough a
e olu iona y ax imposed on Basque indus ialis s and business people.
4.1.3. The la e F anco pe iod iolence in he Basque collec i e memo y
In e ms o ekin zas agains he egime o ces, he mos high-p o ile ac ion aken in ETA’s his o y was
he execu ion o Admi al Luis Ca e o Blanco in Ope a ion Og o, who had been appoin ed P ime
Minis e by Gene al F anco himsel . The ope a ion was ca ied ou on 20 Decembe 1973 by an ETA
commando named Txikia, in hono o ETA membe Eus akio Mendizabal, killed ea lie ha yea
(Euskadi E a Aska asuna 1993, Vol. 3: 134-149).105 The execu ion o Admi al Ca e o Blanco, who was
conside ed F anco’s successo , ein o ced ETA’s ame bo h na ionally and in e na ionally (Con e si
2000: 100-101).106 Idigo as na a es how his ‘spec acula success’ ecei ed en husias ic celeb a ions
among Basque na ionalis ci cles:
“We celeb a ed i in s yle, and om he popula wi , he amous song abou he admi al a ose, which wen ‘Flew,
lew, Ca e o lew...’ wi h an ‘Eeeeeuuup!!!’ a he end ha se ed o launch all kinds o clo hes and objec s on
he ai , ying o imi a e he ‘deadly leap’ ha Ca e o Blanco ga e on Claudio Coello S ee in Mad id. The bes
he mome e o measu e he popula i y o ETA’s ac ion was, wi hou a doub , he posi i e eac ion by mos
popula sec o s.” (Idigo as 2000: 250)
In a communiqué da ed he e y same day, 20 Decembe 1973, ETA claimed esponsibili y o he
assassina ion o Ca e o Blanco, whom i conside ed he gua an o o he con inui y o ‘ he ascis
egime suppo ed by Opus Dei and Falange’, which had cos he li es o nine mili an s up un il ha
momen . Ca e o Blanco was also held esponsible o he in ensi e ep ession o e all membe s o
he wo king class, and, inally, hey also ‘gi ed’ his ac o he peoples o Euskadi, Ca alonia, and Galicia
105 In he book i led Ope ación Og o (Cómo y po qué ejecu amos a Ca e o Blanco), based on in e iews wi h ou membe s
o he Commando Txikia, Julen Agi e (pseu. E a Fo es ) e ealed de ails o he ea lie kidnapping plan and al e na i e
scena ios o he long-s udied ac ion and how he o ganiza ion e en ually had o gi e up he ini ial plan and op ed o he
execu ion o he Og o, e e ing o Admi al Ca e o Blanco (1974: 63-79).
106 Besides i s e ec s on he s uggle agains F anco’s go e nmen and ende ing impossible he egime’s ansi ion o
F ancoism wi hou F anco (Sulli an (2015[1988]: 152), Ope a ion Og o achie ed ema kable publici y o ETA as well as he
Basque na ional libe a ion s uggle wo ldwide al hough he ope a ion did no accomplish i s ini ially desi ed objec i e, he
libe a ion o Basque poli ical p isone s, which p o oked a sense o lamen among hose who ca ied i ou (see decla a ions
made by Jon and Ike in Agi e 1974: 79). Righ a e he explosion o Blanco’s ca , he en i e wo ld knew he name o ETA as
i was also on he on page o he wo ld’s leading newspape s.
123
as well as all he democ a s, e olu iona ies, and an i- ascis s o Spain (see he communiqué by ETA in
Euskadi E a Aska asuna 1993, Vol.3: 152).
The eac ion by he egime o he assassina ion o he head o go e nmen , once again,
ollowed he same pa e n as in he case o he execu ion o Manzanas. Only a couple o mon hs la e ,
Spanish police a es ed a ound 150 ac i is s in labo o ganiza ions as well as mili an s o g oups such
as ETA, FRAP, and Liga Comunis a. A e he execu ion o his igh -hand man, undoub edly, F anco did
no wan o ake any s eps back ha could ha e been in e p e ed as he egime's weakness by his
ad e sa ies (P es on 2005[1986]: 45). The go e nmen wen ahead and applied he dea h penal y o
Ca alan ana chis s Sal ado Puig An ich and Heinz Chez. These execu ions ga e way o public u moil
and an i-F ancois p o es s in he Basque Coun y, whe e ETA called o a nine-day gene al s ike as a
p o es (Euskadi E a Aska asuna 1993, Vol. 4: 24).
The same a i ude o he egime was also e lec ed in he Basque Coun y, whe e he execu ion
o Ca e o Blanco igni ed he wick o ano he cycle o iolence h ough he immedia e s a e o
excep ion and execu ion o wo ETA mili an s, Juan Pa edes Mano (alias Txiki) and Ángel O aegi, along
wi h h ee FRAP membe s on 27 Sep embe 1975 (Díez Med ano 1999: 178). As in he case o Puig
An ich and Chez, F anco s ic ly ejec ed commu ing he execu ions, which p o oked
coun e p oduc i e e ec s in supp essing he poli ical insu gency in he Basque Coun y, whe e mass
demons a ions and labo s ikes we e held immedia ely a e (Casano a 2007: 179).
These las capi al punishmen s ca ied ou jus be o e he dic a o ’s dea h on 20 No embe
1975 emained eng a ed in he Basque collec i e memo y cons i u ing an impo an symbolic place
igh be o e he beginning o he ansi ional pe iod owa ds pa liamen a y democ acy unde he
leade ship o he young mona ch Juan Ca los I. The las execu ions o F ancoism and subsequen
mobiliza ions seem o ha e had a conside able impac on he u he poli ical mobiliza ion and ac i ism
o he Bu gos T ial gene a ion in he Basque Coun y:
“The e was a lo o poli ical mo emen in he s ee ; people we e in he s ee . They wen on s ikes; he poli ical
mo emen in he s ee was s ong. So, as a esul o his, my poli ical consciousness began o awaken. […] Mo e
han any hing, I began o lea n a li le abou poli ics ollowing he execu ions o Txiki and O aegi, he Bu gos T ial;
I was a ound 14 yea s old a he ime. I was p obably om ha pe iod on ha I began o o ien mysel a li le
and ound ou wha was happening in my coun y and all ha . And om he e on, was when I began o acqui e
consciousness as a na ionalis , and also as a woman.” (B-I/04, emale, 53, Gipuzkoa)
Mobiliza ion o his new gene a ion beginning om a ound he ime o he Bu gos T ial in he ea ly
1970s and ill he end o he F anco e a, whose hea y-handed policies and execu ions agains any an i-
egime mo emen , pa icula ly ETA, le a da k seal on Basque collec i e memo y. Wi nessing hese
agic inciden s la e o be cons uc ed as na ional aumas p o oked ce ain pessimism on he u u e
o he Basque Coun y, whe e he aces o a 40-yea dic a o ship we e s ill o e ly p esen .
124
4.2. The socializa ion p ocesses o he Basque poli ical coho du ing he la e F anco e a
The la e F anco e a saw he egime dedica ing i s ene gy o dissimula e i s decline amid a g owing
numbe o an i-F ancois mo emen s coming in o he public sphe e h ough a a ie y o means,
anging om s ee demons a ions o a med ac ions. Ha ing desc ibed he gene al poli ical
a mosphe e and i s social e lec ions in he la e F anco pe iod in he Basque Coun y, i would be
con enien o analyze in de ail he socializa ion p ocess and mechanisms o hose ETA mili an s, mo e
speci ically, hose who con inued hei poli ico-mili a y ajec o y in ETA-m and ETA espec i ely.107
4.2.1. Acqui ing Basque na ional iden i y: The ole o he amily in he na ionalis ansmission
As wi h p e ious gene a ions, amilies o i s -gene a ion ETA mili an s in he pos -F anco pe iod also
a ied in hei a i udes conce ning poli ics, om main aining he silence when i came o alking abou
poli ics o speaking ou in hei p i a e sphe e, which was no common du ing he ea ly and mid-F anco
e as. Ambigui y among olde gene a ions o he Basque na ionalis amilies seems o ha e inclined
mo e in a o o he ansgene a ional ansmission o he na ionalis symbolic code, abo e all he
language as an essen ial elemen o i :
“In his coun y, i he language hasn’ disappea ed, i ’s because some ha e ac i ely ins illed i . Well, I’ll explain
i o you: my a he , o example, has ne e punished me o ha ing bad g ades o o ha ing done a p ank in he
s ee , no has he e e laid a hand on me. Bu he ime I eally saw him ang y wi h me was when we spoke in a
language ha was no ou s a he able a lunch o dinne . He said ha a ha able, as long as he was ali e, we
had o speak Basque. Then when we go up om ha able, we would do wha we wan ed, bu when we we e
a ha able, we would speak Basque.” (B-I/01, male, 66, Gipuzkoa)
Among hose indi iduals who came om a Basque na ionalis amily had elde gene a ion membe s
(pa en s, g andpa en s, uncles, and alike) in ol ed in he Basque na ionalis side du ing he Ci il Wa .
In his con ex , while he sensibili y owa ds he ansmission o na ional symbolic elemen s was
no able, a p o ec i e a i ude aiming a keeping hei child en away om u he in ol emen in
poli ics was obse ed. B-I/05 and B-I/04, bo h coming om Basque na ionalis amilies om u al
Gipuzkoa, desc ibe hese a i udes by hei elde amily membe s:
“The only hing my mo he augh me was Euske a... Then hey we en’ alking o you abou poli ics, hey we e
alking o each o he , bu hey we e excluding you. They bough a adio, I emembe , hey plugged he adio a
nigh , hey lis ened o he adio; he adio o Pa is b oadcas ed such hings. We would go downs ai s, my b o he s
and my sis e , c eeping up a he ki chen doo , ying o hea wha hey we e saying? When hey would ca ch us,
hey ga e us wo slaps and [send us] igh ups ai s!” (B-I/05, male, 68, Gipuzkoa)
“Well, we knew ha g and a he had been in he wa , on he na ionalis side, bu in gene al, he e was no alk
abou poli ics. [Bu you amily had a na ionalis p o ile?] Yes, in gene al, i was a na ionalis amily because bo h
g andpa en s, by my mo he and by my a he ’s sides, had ough on he side o he PNV. So, as a esul , you did
hea commen s a home, bu hey we e e y di used. Also, a home, hey always old you ‘don’ ge in ol ed in
poli ics; poli ics only b ings you ouble!” and you see! [laughing]” (B-I/04)
107 P e iously collec ed quali a i e da a speci ically on his subjec (Zulaika 1988; Alcedo 1996; Reina es 2001) includes bo h
ETA-m and ETA-pm mili an s whose poli ical socializa ion co esponds o he la e F anco pe iod.
125
The s uggle had al eady eached a ce ain le el o ecogni ion achie ing a conside able g ade o
emo ional adhesion, no only by Basque na ionalis sec o s bu also any o he an i-F anco g oups, who
el a close a achmen wi h ETA’s iolence as a o m o he public exp ession agains he imposed
social silence (Pé ez-Ago e 1987: 4-8). In his gene a ion, being na ionalis was equi alen o being
an i-F ancois , and being an i-F ancois ine i ably passed h ough he iden i ica ion wi h Basque
na ionalism (Gu u xaga 1996: 113) in he absence o any o he signi ican al e na i e agains he
egime. Du ing he decade o 1970s, ETA and being an e a a, acqui ed a posi i e symbolic cha ac e
among Basque na ionalis s and an i-F ancois sec o s who depic ed he o ganiza ion as a model-ac o
o esis ance. Al hough amilies ended o keep hei child en away om poli ics, he popula i y o ETA
seems o ha e caugh hei a en ion in he amily en i onmen in which hey g ew up:
“I always emembe a con e sa ion om my pa en s; hey would alk abou ETA. I hink i was he i s ime I
hea d someone alking abou ETA. I was a ound 9 o 10 yea s old, and I had ha eeling ha hey we e alking
abou ETA wi h g ea admi a ion. [...] And hen I emembe ha a 10 o 11 yea s old, we wen o a summe
camp, and I, wi h ano he kid, we ook an oa h in Sal a ie a, in A aba ha a 16 we would join ETA. A en yea s
old, wi hou knowing wha i was abou , we al eady pe cei ed ha i was some hing ha had o be done. So, I
ha e li ed he s o y o my mili ancy in ETA in a e y na u al way.” (In e iew G-1 in Alcedo 1996: 111)
Among Spanish immig an amilies, he ansmission o he Basque na ionalis code o child en was
na u ally ou o he ques ion. Howe e , in excep ional cases o some Spanish amilies who ca ego ically
ejec ed ETA’s ac ions, he child en exhibi ed sympa hy o adop ing he Basque na ionalis cause (B-
I/02 and B-I/06). Among hese amilies li ing in indus ial zones, new gene a ions who la e joined ETA
ended o acqui e sensibili y owa ds class- ela ed issues which hey deal wi h in hei immedia e
amily en i onmen a he han elemen s o Basque iden i y:
“We didn’ alk abou poli ics because my pa en s we e humble people who didn’ wan complica ions wi h he
F anco egime. Then he e was ea o alking abou hose issues, and in my house, he e we e ne e
con e sa ions abou poli ics. […]…wha I ini ially acqui ed in my li e was a social o ma ion, a social sensi i i y
owa ds he si ua ion o he wo king class. I didn’ ha e much o a Basque na ional consciousness because he
a ea whe e I g ew up was mo e like an indus ial zone, whe e he e was a mix o cul u es, a mix o people om
all na ions. So, i wasn’ , so o say, a closed Basque illage ha only gene a ed i sel .” (B-I/02, male, 58, A aba)
“My amily is om ou side, no om he e; hey a e immig an s. So, I didn’ li e in my house he a mosphe e o
Basqueness. I li ed in an en i onmen o people who came om he ou side o wo k and who al eady had enough
p oblems wi h su i ing and aking ca e o us, educa ing us. [And wha was he poli ical o ien a ion o you
pa en s?] They had no poli ical o ien a ion, bu a he hey came om a e y conse a i e en i onmen . Tha is,
i my amily o ed igh now, hey would su ely o e o he PP. They came om a iny illage o a me s in Cas ille
[…] …my a he ha ed e e y hing ha was Basque, especially because o he language. So he always kep us away
om i .” (B-I/06)
As p e iously-made s udies show, he in ol emen o a close amily membe in he esis ance agains
F anco also p o oked sympa he ic eelings owa ds he low-in ensi y coun e - iolence ca ied ou by
ETA a he ime. Simila ly, hose who had a ela i e ha was a e ugee in F ench Basque Coun y, which
was a common s a us a e he Ci il Wa , possibly de eloped a ‘ amily adi ion o mili ancy’ in his
pe iod (see In e iews Nº22, 33 and 34 in Reina es 2001: 60-61; and D1 in Alcedo 1996: 51). B-I/03,
126
who comes om Basque na ionalis amily adi ion, desc ibes his own expe ience ha condi ioned
his li e conce ning his mili ancy:
“My a he was in he Ci il Wa agains F anco; my mo he also had o go in o exile o he F ench s a e when he
oops passed h ough. A e wa d, well, hey su e ed om F anco’s e a. La e my a he happened o ha e a job
as a inancial ad iso , achie ing an impo an social middle-class posi ion he e in Bilbao. Pe haps in ou amily,
he undamen al elemen was ha hey a es ed my elde b o he in 1969 o being an ETA mili an , and ha , in
a ce ain way, condi ioned and de e mined my li e: we a e wo b o he s, i e yea s apa ; he was 19, and I was
14. I kind o de e mines amily li e. A ha momen , one would wan a mo e exp ess commi men wi h all ha
eali y.” (B-I/03, male, 62, Bizkaia)
The ambigui y obse ed among Basque na ionalis amilies seems o ha e been based on he
ansmission o he Basque e hno-symbolic elemen s, mo e conc e ely he language, o hei child en
on he one hand, and showing u mos sensibili y in p e en ing hem om ge ing in ol ed in poli ical
ac i ism on he o he . This la e , howe e , is p ima ily shaped h ough he ollowing seconda y
socializa ion p ocess o indi iduals in which a a ie y o mo e complex mechanisms a e in ol ed.
4.2.2. Seconda y socializa ion mechanisms: Schooling, associa i e wo ld, and eligion
a. Language, schooling, and iend ci cles (kuad illas)
Unde hese condi ions, indi iduals passed h ough a se o complex p ima y and seconda y
socializa ion p ocesses, equen ly colliding wi h each o he as bo h had di e en de ini ions o ‘ u h’.
I was mos ly he case o hose e hnic Basques who lea ned Euske a a home and la e a ended
F ancois Ca holic schools whe e Spanish was he compulso y language. Al hough Basque na ionalis
cle gy was in de ense o Basque cul u e, he o icial chu ch hie a chy was s ill s ic ly a he se ice o
he egime. B-I/05, who was bo n in a illage in Gipuzkoa in an euskaldun amily, explains how he
su e ed om agg ession due o his s a e o dual- u h collision when he was a p ima y school s uden :
“When I i s wen o school, I didn’ know e en a wo d in Spanish. Then you go he e, you say good mo ning
‘Egun on!’, and you ge smacked o ha . You ha e o pu you hand like ha [showing he posi ion], and hey
hi you wi h a wooden s ick. Then you come back home and say ‘buenas a des’ [good a e noon], and hey ga e
you wo smacks o ha ! You simply don’ unde s and. […] … hey send you he e o lea n some hing, bu wha
you ha e lea ned he e you say i a home, and hey gi e you wo smacks, and wha you lea ned a home isn’
wo h any hing a school... You go h ough all his and say, ‘why do you send me o school hen?” (B-I/05)
108
Res ic ions and p ohibi ions on he Basque symbolic uni e se in he public sphe e c ea ed
con adic ions among hose indi iduals who g ew up wi h hose symbols in hei amily. Al hough
ikas olas had eme ged along wi h he Basque cul u al e i al o he 1960s and ex ended h ough he
1970s unde he p o ec ion o he Basque chu ch, hey o e ed qui e limi ed space o he ep oduc ion
o Basque cul u al symbols, especially Euske a. The same con adic ion was also p esen o hose who
108
Fo simila es imonies on he absolu e denial and p ohibi ion o Euske a and imposi ion o Spanish na ional symbols
h ough he use o o ce in F anco-e a schools in his gene a ion, see In e iew Nº16, 26, and 43 in Reina es (2001: 66-67).
127
li ed nea he F ench Basque Coun y (Ipa alde), especially when c ossing o he o he side o he
muga ( he bo de ), as na a ed by B-I/01, who is om a small neighbo ing illage in Gipuzkoa:
“My ikas ola was bo n in he unde g ound, whe e we s udied cou ses clandes inely. E e y hing we s udied in
Basque was wo hless. We we e s udying in Basque, bu in o de o pass, we had o ake exams a he ins i u e,
which we e public schools in Spanish. Also, he iku iña, he Basque lag, in ou illage was o bidden. Bu I li e
he e, some 14 km away om he bo de . Then you wen he e [F ench Basque Coun y], and he e you saw he
iku iña, you hea d songs in Basque, songs ha we e pa io ic a he han e olu iona y, and you could see ha
he e, he Basque cul u e, as a as i wen , was main ained e en hough i was in a somewha olklo ic way; bu
i was p ese ed. He e i also made an impac , and people e en ually wen upon i wi h Basque dances and wi h
all ha had o do wi h he Basque cul u e. I hink i was he beginning o many, especially he i s mili an s and
di e en gene a ions.” (B-I/01)
As men ioned in Chap e 2, you h ac i i ies, mo e conc e ely excu sion o moun ains, o ganized by
kuad illas, had begun o ha e a signi ican unc ion du ing he pe iod o he Basque na ional e i al.
These ac i i ies and g oups con inued o main ain hei unc ional ole in he la e F anco pe iod.
Kuad illas became a c i ical nucleus in he pos -F anco pe iod o ansmi ideology ia mic o-
mobiliza ions, which p oduced a ce ain deg ee o sympa hy owa ds ETA (Reina es 2001: 72-74).
Ac i i ies in which di e en kuad illas pa icipa ed, like dance g oups o moun ainee s’ excu sions,
acqui ed a seconda y unc ion, a poli ical one, by b inging kuad illas o simila ideological backg ounds
oge he (B-I/02, 03, 04, 06) and, hus, c ea ing a social mechanism o in e ac ion among hem.
“My kuad illa ini ially was one om he neighbo hood, and hen, along wi h school, we go in eg a ed. Finally,
when we we e 18-19 yea s old, I hink mo e han any hing, i was e en ually he poli ical en i onmen in which
we we e mobilizing; we we e al eady ga he ing based on ideologies. We, he people who we e on he le , we e
ge ing oge he . I hink we all we e de ining ou posi ions; he e was he kuad illa ha belonged o hose who
we e om he PNV, he kuad illa ha we we e om he abe zale le , he kuad illa o he apa he ic…” (B-I/04)
“…wi hin my kuad illa, he e was a lo o alk abou such ques ions, abou he poli ical si ua ion and ideological
endencies; hey we e socialis s, communis s in gene al, p og essi e le . […] In he F anco e a, le ’s say ha
cul u al en i onmen s, dance g oups we e nucleus whe e people exp essed hemsel es eely because hey we e
us wo hy people and people wi h mo e o less p og essi e endencies.” (B-I/02)
Apa om hei ole in he poli iciza ion and connec ing indi iduals o simila ideological o ien a ions,
kuad illas as s ong in e pe sonal iendship ies we e ex emely ele an o ec ui men . The
exis ence o a highly dense associa i e wo ld which wo ked h ough iend ci cles, one o he mos
ema kable cha ac e is ics o Basque socie y, was no only a social ep oduc ion mechanism o Basque
na ionalism bu also a channel ha led indi iduals o ec ui men o a med ac i i ies in his pe iod. B-
I/05, who had an ini ial mili ancy phase du ing he F anco pe iod, also con i ms ha his ajec o y,
which led him o he moun ains wi h he p e ious-gene a ion mili a y chie Xabie Zumalde (alias el
Cab a), was also a esul o his ini ial con ac s wi h ETA h ough his kuad illa. The in e iewee desc ibes
how he p og essi ely made his way o becoming a membe o he a med o ganiza ion a e wa d:
“I don’ know how long I was oaming a ound d unk, so hey [ETA] could hook me! I wen o ba s, I didn’ d ink,
bu I p e ended o be d unk, and I shou ed ‘Go a Euskadi!’ and such. I knew he e we e people, and I wan ed o
see i anyone [would no ice]. And one nigh , one om he kuad illa held me and said, ‘wha do you wan ? You
wanna go o he ba acks?’ And I said, ‘No, I don’ wanna go o he ba acks, bu le ’s see i someone says, «hey
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