NATION, JUSTICE, ECONOMY, AND TECHNOLOGY: CONTEMPORARY ISSUES IN GLOBAL POLITICS

EDITOR Prof. Dr. Quaisar ALAM NATION, JUSTICE, ECONOMY, AND TECHNOLOGY: CONTEMPORARY ISSUES IN GLOBAL POLITICS Published by BZT TURAN PUBLISHING HOUSE Certificate Number: 202401 Delaware, United States www.bztturanpublishinghouse.com [email protected] EDITOR: Prof. Dr. Quaisar ALAM NATION, JUSTICE, ECONOMY, AND TECHNOLOGY: CONTEMPORARY ISSUES IN GLOBAL POLITICS OPEN ACCESS Suggested Citation: Alam, Q. (2025). NATION, JUSTICE, ECONOMY, AND TECHNOLOGY: CONTEMPORARY ISSUES IN GLOBAL POLITICS. BZT TURAN PUBLISHING HOUSE. DOI: ??? Language: English Publication Date: October 2025 Cover Design By Mehmet ÇAKIR Print and digital versions typeset by BZT TURAN Media Co. Ltd. E-ISBN: 9 7 8 - 9 9 5 2 - 8 6 1 0 - 2 - 0 DOI: https://doi.org/10.30546/19023.978-9952-8610-1-3.2025.0033 iii PREFACE This volume brings together diverse yet interconnected studies that illuminate the profound interplay between history, politics, law, economy, and society. At first glance, the subjects may appear distant from one another; however, when examined collectively, they reveal the common thread of humanity’s ongoing struggles for justice, identity, and progress in an ever-changing global landscape. The opening chapter revisits the June 15–16, 1970 labor movements in Türkiye, a milestone in the history of workers’ rights. By examining the constitutional guarantees of the 1961 Constitution, the militant stance of DİSK, and the state’s restrictive amendments, this study highlights how organized labor was able to influence political processes, even under repression. These events remain a powerful reminder that the defense of rights requires collective solidarity. The next chapter turns to the realm of international law, focusing on the International Criminal Court’s controversial arrest warrant for President Vladimir Putin. Here, the challenges of applying international justice to powerful state leaders come to the fore, raising essential questions about the balance between legality and politics, and the ICC’s role in safeguarding humanity against the gravest crimes. The discussion continues with a public policy analysis of civil rights during John F. Kennedy’s presidency, situating the U.S. struggle against racial discrimination within the broader narrative of American democracy. Through Kennedy’s speeches, executive orders, and evolving public stance, the chapter reveals how political leadership can either reinforce or challenge deep-seated injustices. From the West, the book shifts focus to the East, tracing the formation of nationalism in China. By examining developments from the Yuan Dynasty to the early Republic, this study uncovers how external imperialist pressures, internal rebellions, and educational reforms transformed discontent into a nationalist spirit. The chapter offers valuable insights into the historical roots of contemporary Chinese identity and its sociopolitical foundations. iv The book then moves into the field of economics with a chapter on the psychological dynamics shaping consumer decision-making in behavioral marketing. By bridging psychology, sociology, and economics, this analysis demonstrates how heuristics, emotions, and social norms drive market behavior far beyond the assumptions of rational choice theory, thereby reshaping marketing strategies in the digital age. Economic debates continue with an exploration of energy subsidies and fiscal balance amid oil price shocks. This chapter underscores how external shocks test the sustainability of national economic systems, especially in energy-importing countries. By evaluating policy alternatives, it highlights the tensions between fiscal responsibility, energy security, and social welfare. Finally, the volume concludes with a forward-looking study: a semi-conceptual model of technology addiction using text mining methods. By integrating linguistic analysis with psychological and sociological interpretation, this chapter offers an innovative framework for understanding digital behaviors. It shows how emotional, social, and cognitive dysfunctions are reflected in the language of online discourse and proposes a model that could shape future research in digital sociology and mental health. Taken together, these chapters span continents, disciplines, and methodologies, yet they converge on a shared insight: the pressing issues of our time—whether rooted in the past or emerging in the digital present—cannot be understood in isolation. Workers’ struggles, the pursuit of global justice, civil rights policies, nationalism, consumer psychology, economic sustainability, and digital behavior all represent different facets of humanity’s broader quest for dignity, equality, and resilience. It is our hope that this book not only contributes to scholarly discourse but also inspires readers to draw connections across fields, recognize the universality of these struggles, and pursue new paths of inquiry. By situating specific case studies within the wider frameworks of politics, law, economics, and society, the chapters collectively affirm that the pursuit of justice, identity, and progress remains the cornerstone of both scholarship and human life. Prof. Dr. Quaisar ALAM v Prof. (Dr.) Quaisar Alam (Ph.D, M.Phil, M.A, ADJM, PGDJM, MJMC, UGC/NET, LLB,LL.M(c)) E-mail: [email protected]  ORCID ID: 0009-0003-33633517 Professor (Dr.) Quaisar Alam is a Professor and former HOD of School of Liberal Arts(SLA) in Political Science and International Relations, Noida International University, India. He is a Ph.D and M.Phil from Jawaharlal Nehru University, JNU, New Delhi, India. Before that, he has been a Sr. faculty in University of Delhi for over a decade. He has double MA in Political Science and International Relations and MA in Journalism and Mass Communication. He is an LLB from a top leading university of India. He has authored more than 14 books. Former Coordinator of NAAC, Chairman of Ph.D Committee and DRC, Course Coordinator and In-charge of foreign national students. And editor at large of the media publications, mentor of research publications and innovations. Advisor to the project fundings regarding national and international conferences and seminars. He is guiding more than 10 Ph.D Research scholars. He is involved in a number of minor and major research projects inside and outside the country. He is a prolific writer and has already written over a hundred articles on “national and international affairs.” Besides, he keeps presenting research papers in many national and international conferences worldwide. He was selected as an Associate Professor in University of Jimma, Ethiopia. He got faculty assignment in the University of Gordan and University of Asmara, State of Eritrea. He led research project team titled “Public opinion and survey research” in Bangkok (Thailand) and he conducted Research Survey on “Analytical, Comparative Bilateral Perspectives” between Malaysia and India in the University of Malay, Kula Lumpur, Malaysia. He also conducted survey vi research in the University of Teknologi MARA (UiTM) IIMU, Selangor, Malaysia. In addition to this, he is credited to have more than 90 Academic and Policy Research papers and chapters in various capacities published nationally and globally double-blind peer reviewed research journals, international and national conferences, chaired, organized national and international conferences and inclusive all research papers and articles is around 150 plus. Regards, Prof. (Dr.) Quaisar Alam, (Prof. & Former HOD, SLA, School of Liberal Arts) Noida International University, NIU, India vii CONTENTS PREFACE .................................................................................................................... iii CHAPTER 1 THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE JUNE 15-16 EVENTS IN TERMS OF WORKERS’ RIGHTS AND TURKISH POLITICAL HISTORY ............................ 1 Murat TURPÇU CHAPTER 2 THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT AND THE QUEST FOR GLOBAL JUSTICE: THE PUTIN ARREST WARRANT CONTROVERSY .....13 Murat TURPÇU CHAPTER 3 PROBLEMS, POLITICS, AND THE CIVIL RIGHTS IN THE UNITED STATES DURING THE PRESIDENCY OF JOHN F. KENNEDY: A PUBLIC POLICY ANALYSIS ............................................................................................ 25 Nurettin ÇIÇEKÇI CHAPTER 4 THE BIRTH OF NATIONALISM IN CHINA ......................................................... 37 Özlem TAN CHAPTER 5 MARKETING PILLAR OF BEHAVIORAL ECONOMICS: PSYCHOLOGICAL DYNAMICS SHAPING CONSUMER DECISION-MAKING IN THE PERSPECTIVE OF BEHAVIORAL MARKETING ..............................................53 Funda DEMIROĞLU Tolga ULUSOY THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE JUNE 15-16 EVENTS IN TERMS OF WORKERS’ RIGHTS AND TURKISH 6 organized working class. The legal framework unintentionally fueled a more militant labor movement, particularly under the influence of DİSK. The June 15–16 Events and Their Impacts Due to the pro-government policies of Türk-İş, workers began to become members of DİSK, seeing it as a new alternative, thinking that their rights would be better protected. Despite the efforts of both the political power and Türk-İş to prevent it, DİSK grew rapidly and by the early 1970s the number of worker members had reached 800 thousand (Aydın and Taşkın, p.191). The growing support DİSK received from both students and workers further emphasized Türk-İş’s alignment with the government. In response, the government began preparing to amend Law No. 274 with the aim of restricting trade union activities and ultimately dissolving DİSK (Çelik, 2018). At this critical juncture, the government under Prime Minister Süleyman Demirel attempted to pass a legislative amendment that would effectively deny the right to operate to unions without a large number of members—thus excluding DİSK and others like it caused a move triggered a massive backlash (Koçak, p.158). To understand the full scope of the events, it is first important to examine how the amendment process unfolded in Parliament. The resulting demonstrations on June 15–16, 1970, turned into one of the most significant labor uprisings in Turkish history, marking a clear rejection of top-down attempts to control the labor movement and signaling the emergence of a politically conscious and organized working class. These events left a lasting mark on Türkiye’s political and labor history, and their consequences influenced labor policy for decades to come. Parliamentary Proceedings and the Legislative Background of the June 15–16 Events On June 12, 1970, during a session of the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye (TBMM), a bill proposing amendments to certain articles of Law No. 274 on Trade Unions—including the addition of a new article and a clause to Article 31—was introduced for discussion. Remarkably, no speeches were made either in favor or against the proposal, except for one statement by Hasan Türkay, a deputy representing Istanbul on behalf of the Justice Party (Adalet Partisi) group. The proposal was subsequently submitted for a vote without broader debate. In his speech supporting the amendment, Hasan Türkay asserted the following: MURAT TURPÇU 7 “Mr. Speaker, esteemed deputies, the draft law, which fills in the gaps of Law No. 274 on Trade Unions enacted in 1963 and implemented for seven years, and which introduces some new provisions, was finalized in the Grand Assembly yesterday. This law will strengthen Turkish unionism, bring honorable unionism to Türkiye, and rescue unions from those who have degraded them by turning them into tools for livelihood. This law will prevent those who seek to use Turkish workers as stepping stones to impose their ideological agendas on the country. It will provide great services to the Turkish economy. Therefore, the Justice Party Group will cast white (yes) votes for this law, which is highly beneficial for Turkish workers, Turkish trade unionists, the Turkish Nation, and our beloved homeland. May this law be auspicious for the Turkish Nation, Turkish workers, and our beautiful country. Thank you.” (TBMM, 1970) As a result of the voting, 234 out of the total number of 450 members participated in the voting, 230 votes in favor and 4 votes against (TBMM, 1970). The law amendment, which caused a major labor movement in Turkish political history, was returned to the TBMM by the Senate on July 3, 1970, for minor changes (trade ban, termination and transfer of assets in case of dissolution) that were not subject to objection by DISK and workers. These minor amendments were also accepted in the meeting held in the TBMM on July 29. Again, in the meetings held on this date, Ankara Deputy Orhan BİRGİT (TBMM, 1970/volume 8), who asked to speak to express his opinion on Article 18, clearly mentioned DİSK by name, and from the expressions he used, it can be concluded that the amendment to the law directly targeted DİSK. Finally, the changes published in the Official Gazette dated August 12, 1970 entered into force. When the changes were reviewed, it was seen that there were not many provisions directly against the worker. Article 9 under the title of “Establishment conditions of unions, federations and confederations” brought minimum worker and union numbers for membership in order to organize unions and their superior organizations (https://www.resmigazete.gov.tr/arsiv/13577.pdf.). According to the law, the text of which is given below, in order for a union to operate nationwide, it must represent at least one-third of the workers in that sector. Since these limits mean that DISK, which was founded in 1967, and its affiliated unions could not complete the number of workers specified in the law, this provision and its continuation posed a great threat to DISK’s existence. In terms of legal technique, this provision, which is included in the Trade Unions Law No. 274, is not among the conditions for the establishment of unions in the Trade Unions and Collective Labor Agreements Law No. 6356, which is currently in force, but among the conditions for making a collective labor THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE JUNE 15-16 EVENTS IN TERMS OF WORKERS’ RIGHTS AND TURKISH 8 agreement (Article 41) with a lower membership qualification. In response to the danger of DİSK closing down, there is also the possibility that its assets will be transferred to Türk-İş according to the amended Article 18 of Law No. 274. The collective labor laws changed with the support of Türk-İş are aimed at restricting workers’ rights as well as reducing the influence of DİSK (Özhazinedar, 2022). Although the name of DİSK was not directly mentioned, the regulations made and the government’s attitude were negative. Although it did not directly prevent workers from unionizing, the decrease in the number of unions that workers could become members of indirectly caused this. One of the reasons why workers sympathize with DİSK is that DİSK has an understanding based on struggle, while Türk-İş has a unionism understanding based on compromise (Kaplan, 2022). The fact that Türkİş forgot that its activities were a class struggle and joined hands with the government to make changes that would hinder union freedom also created discomfort among workers who were members of Türk-İş and caused the workers to take to the streets on June 15-16 against this change. With the approval of the amendment by the Assembly on June 12, 1970, workers took to the streets to protect their union rights. Especially after the Singer occupation, workplace occupations and resistance not only increased visibly but also reached their peak on June 15-16, 1970. Metal workers and the Mining Workers’ Union were in a leading position in this de facto-legitimate struggle (Çelik, 2018). On the day the amendment was approved by the Assembly, DİSK made a statement claiming that it was against the constitution and made a statement regarding the actions to be taken on June 12, 13 and 14. Permission could not be obtained from the Istanbul Governor’s Office for the protest action planned for June 17. The day when the protests reached a turning point was June 15. Although no call for action was made by DİSK, workers who went to work on Monday, June 15 began to protest and these protests spread to almost all of Istanbul, İzmit and Kocaeli. Workers from Kadıköy, Kartal and Bakırköy joined the workers who started to march towards Ankara Asphalt, and it was claimed that this number was 70 thousand, and it was noteworthy that workers who were members of Türk-İş unions also participated in these protests (Koçak, p.159). On the second day of the events, the number of participants in the protests increased even more; according to some sources, there were close to 100 thousand workers (Koçak, p.161) and according to others, there were close to 150 thousand workers (Özdemir, p.695). The events of the second day were bloodier; three workers, a police officer and a shopkeeper died. MURAT TURPÇU 9 The bloody outcome of the June 15-16 events brought martial law in Istanbul and Kocaeli. Workers and many DISK officials were detained, union buildings were raided and many were tried and sentenced in the martial law courts that were established. Workers were laid off from many workplaces, disregarding freedoms in union activity. Although these actions could not prevent the amendment of the law, TİP and CHP (Republican People’s Party) later filed an annulment lawsuit with the Constitutional Court, claiming that the amendment was unconstitutional, and the Constitutional Court annulled the law, finding it contrary to trade union freedom. It is not right to talk about an organizational structure in the events that emerged, therefore, it is not the case that DİSK was at the center of the events of June 15-16, and the impact of the events that emerged was of a nature and magnitude that exceeded DİSK (Karaoğlu, 2022). This means that DİSK failed to calm the masses in the actions in question (Yaşlı, p.234-235). However, such a determination could not prevent the executives of DİSK from being held responsible as those who planned and directed the actions at that time, and caused them to be arrested and tried. The June 15-16 Actions, which are a concrete and powerful example of working class movements, have an extremely important place in our political history (Çelik, p.633). The June 15-16 events are exceptional in terms of labor history as they were not only about economic concerns but also a resistance in defense of union rights (Çelik, p.633). It can be said that these events, which were an important milestone on the road to the 1971 Memorandum, caused a regression in workers’ rights. Conclusion The events of June 15-16 were the actions of political powers that wanted to prevent workers from organizing, allowing as much organization as they deemed worthy through legal regulations, but the workers took to the streets without waiting for the decisions of the unions they were affiliated with. It does not seem possible to say that these reactions of workers who acted independently of the unions were union activities. However, the consciousness of collective action against the injustice faced by workers affiliated with different unions is important in terms of revealing the natural reflex of the working class. The results of the June 15-16 events have an important place both in terms of workers’ rights and Turkish political life. The fact that the agricultural bourgeoisie began to be replaced by the industrial bourgeoisie with the accumulation of capital caused the working class to grow. As a result, their increasing importance in legal texts, especially in the THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE JUNE 15-16 EVENTS IN TERMS OF WORKERS’ RIGHTS AND TURKISH 10 1961 Constitution, in social life and in economic life, made workers a strong pressure group in democratic society. The events of June 15-16 have also taken their place in our political history as a day when workers stood up for their labor. As the footsteps of transformation and awareness in the working class, they have inspired subsequent resistances. They will be recorded in the working class’s account as an action where workers’ rights were granted from top to bottom and the claims of workers having rights without a struggle were refuted. Workers, regardless of their sector or line of work and regardless of which union they are a member of, have reinforced the consciousness of the working class by defending the fundamental rights and freedoms of the working class rather than economic demands that will save the day. In this way, they have also given the message of strong unionism to both capital and political power. This mass movement, which is also supported by women workers, will continue to be a turning point in the history of the working class struggle. The participation of women workers increased the inclusiveness and power of the movement. This mass mobilization remains a historic moment in the narrative of labor struggle, demonstrating the ability of workers to organize, resist, and determine their own destiny. MURAT TURPÇU 11 References Aydın, S. & Taşkın, Y. (2018). History of Türkiye from 1960 to present (6th Ed.). Istanbul: İletişim Publications Bulut, F. (2011). The International dimension of the youth protests of 68 generation and Ataturk and Kemalism understanding bringing about 68 generation in Türkiye. Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies, 11(23), 123–149. Ministry of Labour and Social Security. (1995). Labour statistics. Ankara, Türkiye. Çelik, A. (2017). From Saraçhane to June 15–16: The exceptional years of the working class – the 1960s. In M. K. Kaynar (Ed.), Türkiye in the 1960s (pp. 633–666). İstanbul, Türkiye: İletişim Publications. Çelik, A. (2018). The years of formation and survival of DİSK (1966-1970). Labour and Society, 2(57), 617–664. https://www.calismatoplum.org/makale/ diskin-kurulus-ve-varolus-yillari-1966-1970 Kaplan, M. (2022). Factory occupations from the establishment of DISK to The June 1516 Movement in Türkiye. Labour and Society, 2(73), 1149–1192. https://doi. org/10.54752/ct.1097192 Karaoğlu, Z. G. (2022). From factories to struggle: June 15–16. Gelenek [Tradition]. https:// gelenek.org/fabrikalardan-mucadeleye-15-16-haziran/. Koçak, C. (2016). The history of coups: May 27, February 22, 1962, May 21, 1963, March 12, 1971.... Istanbul: Timaş Publications. Makal, A.& Çelik, A. (2016). The day the Working Class of Türkiye Rises: Saraçhane Rally. In A. Makal, A. Çelik & M.H. Koçak (Ed.) Class, union, politics: Snapshots from the labor history of Türkiye (pp. 263-304). Istanbul: İmge Publications. Ötküner, C. (2006). Workers and politics in Türkiye during the 1960s and 1970s. Revolutionary Marxism, 2, 115–142. Özdemir, C. O. (2017). The June 15–16 protests: A class consciousness limited to solidarity. In M. K. Kaynar (Ed.), Türkiye in the 1960s (pp. 687-700). İstanbul, Türkiye: İletişim Publications. Özhazinedar, T. (2022). 15/16 June Great Labor Resistance with its Causes and Consequences. Aydın Adnan Menderes University Journal of Institute of Social Sciences, 9(1), 128-145. https://doi.org/10.30803/adusobed.1109489 Official Gazette. (1970). Trade Unions Act No. 274. https://www.resmigazete.gov.tr/arsiv/13577.pdf Grand National Assembly of Türkiye [TBMM]. (1970a). Journal of the National Assembly Minutes, Volume 6. https://www5.tbmm.gov.tr/tutanaklar/TUTANAK/MM__/d03/ c006/mm__03006102.pdf Grand National Assembly of Türkiye [TBMM]. (1970b). Journal of the National Assembly Minutes, Volume 8. https://www5.tbmm.gov.tr/tutanaklar/TUTANAK/MM__/d03/ c008/mm__03008135.pdf THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE JUNE 15-16 EVENTS IN TERMS OF WORKERS’ RIGHTS AND TURKISH 12 Turgay, F. (2017). A bottom-up perspective on labor actions during the 1960–1963 period. Human and Human, 4(13), 253–263. https://doi.org/10.29224/insanveinsan.298800 Yaşar, S. (2018). The drafting process of Laws No. 274 and 275 and trade unions. Trakya University Journal of Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences E-Journal, 6(2), 97–120. Yaşlı, F. (2019). Anti-communism, the Ülkücü Movement, Türkeş: Türkiye and the Cold War. Istanbul: Yordam Publications. 13 CHAPTER 2 THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT AND THE QUEST FOR GLOBAL JUSTICE: THE PUTIN ARREST WARRANT CONTROVERSY3 Murat TURPÇU4 Introduction As a result of being a social being, humans have managed to live together with a broad culture of consensus, but throughout history they have also been a party to conflicts. Living together has not prevented them from being hostile towards each other. It does not seem possible to expect a being that treats its own species so badly to be good instinctively. Although developments in science and technology did not cause an increase in the number of wars in the last century, they increased the number of people killed in wars to an unprecedented level. In light of technological developments, mass deaths have also increased in parallel with the increasing use of weapons of mass destruction. In this context, a mechanism was needed to punish war criminals. 3 The study was presented as an oral presentation at the 3rd International Turkic World Congress on Social, Humanities, Administrative, and Educational Sciences (16-18 April 2025) 4 Kırşehir Ahi Evran University, Institute of Social Sciences, Politics and International Relations, Kırşehir, Türkiye, [email protected] ORCID CODE: 0009-00008147-1346 THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT AND THE QUEST FOR GLOBAL JUSTICE: THE PUTIN ARREST 14 The trial of violations of international criminal law and reaching a conclusion has been limited by the trust in the authorities in terms of national laws (Sarıgüzel 2013). The Rome Statute was adopted in 1998 and steps were taken to establish an international court to try war crimes to be committed in order to eliminate threats against the international community and to ease the conscience of the international community. Following the completion of the signature process of the convention and the approval of domestic laws, the establishment of the court was completed on July 1, 2002. Türkiye did not recognize the jurisdiction of the court due to the fact that terrorism and drug crimes were not included and that the court could be used as a tool of pressure against cross-border activities (Bayıllıoğlu 2007). Unlike the previous ones (such as the International Criminal Court for Rwanda), the International Criminal Court was established on a permanent basis and not for a special case. Establishment and Structure of the International Criminal Court The idea of establishing a permanent international criminal court was put forward by the United Nations after the adoption of the Geneva Conventions. On this date, the United Nations General Assembly requested the International Law Commission to determine the principles and procedures for an international criminal court based on the Nuremberg principles, and the Geneva Committee (Alsan 1951) was established. When the draft was not accepted by the states, the duties of the committee were transferred to the New York Committee. The United Nations General Assembly stated that it was no longer possible to detect and prosecute war crimes with the beginning of the Cold War, and also requested that the commission cease its activities, citing difficulties in defining the crime of aggression. As a result, the draft statute was suspended and the work process was interrupted (Kılıç, 2023). The United Nations General Assembly resumed work on the establishment of an internationally recognized criminal court in 1981. In 1991, The International Law Commission provisionally accepted the draft adopted in 1954 and sent it to the countries. The draft, which was revised in line with the views of the countries and completed in 1994 and submitted to the United Nations General Assembly, was submitted for consideration at the 1998 Rome Conference. The statute of the court was accepted with seven votes against, one hundred and twenty in favor and seventeen abstentions as a result of the vote held at the Rome Conference in 1998. Based on the provision in the statute, MURAT TURPÇU 15 the statute entered into force on July 1, 2002 with the approval of 60 states. The establishment of the court, which is an important development in terms of international law, is made difficult by the reservations of states regarding their sovereign rights and conflicts of interest (Dalar 2017). The purpose of the International Criminal Court (ICC) is to eliminate the deficiencies of ad hoc international criminal courts established after inhumane events in terms of principles of criminal and criminal procedure law such as impartiality, legality of crimes and punishments and the principle of natural judge, and to produce rapid and effective solutions to such events through a permanent court (Ormanoğlu, 2018). The court’s organs are: the Registry, the Public Prosecutor’s Office, the Appeals, Trial and Pre-Trial Divisions and the Presidency. All judges start working full-time once elected. The court has 18 judges. Each candidate elected to the court must be a lawyer, prosecutor or judge specializing in criminal and criminal procedure law. There is also a requirement for expertise in international law, humanitarian law and human rights. The court must also be fluent in at least one of the working languages. The court’s spoken languages are English and French. If the court permits, another language may be used. Person, Subject Matter and Temporal Jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court The ICC only takes into consideration real persons in terms of trying individuals. In other words, legal entities and states are outside the jurisdiction of the court. The court has the authority to try those who directly committed the crime, those who ordered, requested or encouraged the crime, those who assisted or participated in the commission of the crime, those who participated in the commission or attempt of the crime in any way, and in the case of the crime of genocide, those who directly and openly encouraged this crime. While defining this authority, the court has set an age limit of 18. It has also made this age limit based on the date the crime was committed. However, holding an official position, including being a head of state, head of government or member of the government, does not eliminate the jurisdiction of the court. In cases where military leaders or senior administrators are aware of or should have been aware of the acts of their superiors, and if the superiors did not take the necessary and reasonable preventive measures, these superiors are also personally criminally responsible. As stated in Article 5 of the Rome Statute, the ICC’s jurisdiction in terms of crimes (ratio materiae) includes the crime of genocide, crimes against THE INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT AND THE QUEST FOR GLOBAL JUSTICE: THE PUTIN ARREST 22 within international organizations, mutually, in the digital environment, and sometimes, as a last resort, on the battlefield. In their disputes with each other, states want to be closer to local and international actors who support them. This support sometimes opens various doors for the actors. De facto political immunity, not seeing illegal behaviours, economic interests and similar practices also turn into illegal relations. This uncertainty and the necessity of security, especially brought about by the state of war, also make such inquiries difficult within the states themselves. In this sense, it is possible to encounter behaviours that do not comply with the law of war and therefore the Rome Statute within the warring parties, Russia and Ukraine, and on each other’s territory, and it makes it difficult to question, prosecute and resolve these in the states in question. Russia and Putin, who found themselves facing the Western bloc in the Ukraine war, have tried to change the course of the war by various means. The West’s struggle with Russia has not only been in the economic, political and military fields, but has also gained a judicial dimension with this decision of the ICC. It is a debatable issue that the ICC’s arrest decision has a political dimension as well as a judicial one. Time will tell whether the arrest decision is an example of the West’s attacks in every field. However, the enforceability of this decision is also a separate subject of study. Is there another state that would arrest a head of state? Does the US, which is not a party to the agreement, have the authority to implement such a court decision? These and similar questions await answers. It is also worth noting here that the states that are not parties to the Rome Statute that established the ICC are more notable than the states that are parties. These include the United States, China, Russia, India and Pakistan, including Türkiye, and no Central Asian state other than Tajikistan has become a party to the convention. One of the general common characteristics of these states is that they either engage in cross-border military activities or have border disputes. It would not be wrong to say that Putin is cautious against such international pressure. Putin, who does not travel abroad very much anyway, can be said to have made his current visits mostly to China and Central Asian countries, which can be considered allies, although not openly. Since most of these states are not parties to the agreement, they do not pose a threat to Putin. The feasibility of this decision will show itself over time. MURAT TURPÇU 23 References Alsan, Z. M. (1951). Ideas and initiatives concerning the establishment of an international criminal court. Ankara University Faculty of Law Journal, 8(1–2), 1–37. https://doi. org/10.1501/Hukfak_0000000871 Bayıllıoğlu, U. (2007). International Criminal Court and Turkey. Ankara University Faculty of Law Journal, 56(1), 51–121. https://doi.org/10.1501/Hukfak_0000000341 Dalar, M. (2017). Evaluation of criticism of International Criminal Court. Bolu Abant Izzet Baysal University Journal of Social Sciences Institute, 7(2), 153–165. Hakan, K. (2008). International Criminal Court and applicable law. Ankara University Faculty of Law Journal, 57(2), 133–164. https://doi.org/10.1501/Hukfak_0000000289 Kılıç, A. Ş. (2009). A National Sovereignty-focused Analysis on the the International Criminal Court and state sovereignty. Ankara University Faculty of Law Journal, 58(3), 615–657. https://doi.org/10.1501/Hukfak_0000001581 Kılıç, A. Ş. (2023). The International Criminal Court and state sovereignty: A national sovereignty-oriented analysis. Kazancı. https://lib.kazanci.com.tr/kho3/hebb/files/dsp. php?fn=makale-alisahinkilic-1.htm&kw=uluslararas%C4%B1+ceza+mahkemesi+ve+uygulanabilir+hukuk++&cr=hebb on the 18.01.2024 Ormanoğlu, H. D. (2018). Sovereignty and International Criminal Court as a Constituent of the Modern State Inönü University Faculty of Law Journal, 9(1), 245–274. https:// doi.org/10.21492/inuhfd.383612 Sarigüzel, H. (2013). International Criminal Court. Journal of the Court of Jurisdictional Disputes, 3, 230–273. International Criminal Court. (2024). Situation in Ukraine: ICC judges issue arrest warrants against Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin and Maria Alekseyevna Lvova-Belova. International Criminal Court. Retrieved from https://www.icc-cpi.int/news/situation-ukraine-icc-judges-issue-arrest-warrants-against-vladimir-vladimirovich-putin-and on the 19.01.2024 International Criminal Court. (2024). International Criminal Court official website. https:// www.icc-cpi.int on the 19.01.2024 International Criminal Court. (2025). Ukraine situation. Retrieved from https://www.icc-cpi. int/situations/ukraine on the 3.05.2025 25 CHAPTER 3 PROBLEMS, POLITICS, AND THE CIVIL RIGHTS IN THE UNITED STATES DURING THE PRESIDENCY OF JOHN F. KENNEDY: A PUBLIC POLICY ANALYSIS Nurettin ÇIÇEKÇI5 Introduction John F. Kennedy played a critical role in American history. When he became president, the United States of America was in a period of transition. Violence increased during this period between American citizens. The BlackWhite divide among American citizens was deepening. On the other hand, while the Cold War was rising, the Kennedy administration had to confront internal violence. But John F. Kennedy’s personal charisma would make it possible to implement an egalitarian public policy on civil rights. Black Americans were experiencing segregation in housing, education, and employment and were also denied voting in much of the South (John F. Kennedy Library, 2022); they were encountering wicked attitudes in American social life when Kennedy was elected president in 1961 (Şen, 2022). In this term, there were conflicts, which included education, Medicare, and many others, between Kennedy and Congress. These conflicts would influence Kennedy’s civil rights policy (Hart, 1979). Kennedy did 5 PhD., Independent Researcher, Türkiye, [email protected], ORCID ID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5915-267X PROBLEMS, POLITICS, AND THE CIVIL RIGHTS IN THE UNITED STATES DURING THE PRESIDENCY 26 not separate Black Americans due to their race; for instance, George Taylor, Kennedy’s valet, was a Black American. However, while Kennedy was a senator, civil rights struggles weren’t his primary concern. Kennedy’s vote against the Civil Rights Act of 1957 was a clear indication of this. When Kennedy was a senator, he was uninterested in Black rights; however, he took over seventy percent of the Black vote in the 1960 presidential election. During his presidential campaign, he mentioned racial inequalities and advocated civil rights. He talked to mixed-race guests and activist leaders about what they wanted. Another important initiative of Kennedy was support for Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr. during his presidential campaign. Dr. King and fifty-two other people of color were arrested by police two weeks before the 1960 election. In this incident, Kennedy called Dr. King’s family, and he said that could help Dr. King. This phone call showed that Kennedy’s approach changed during his presidential struggle, and his behavior reflected his presidency in the coming years (Ruprecht, 2016). In this context, it can be said that Kennedy’s civil rights awareness was formed during his presidential race and presidency. When Kennedy became president, his civil rights approach differed from his senatorial years. External shocks would force the Kennedy administration to act. Hereby, Kennedy would become the president who pioneered public policies on civil rights. A Brief Summary of the Definition of Discrimination Discrimination, in its simplest definition, means treating a person differently and unequally from others in similar situations and circumstances without any public interest or rational justification. Human history is full of disasters caused by discrimination. Research shows that racism, which constitutes one of the worst forms of discrimination, has historically manifested itself in roughly three forms: American slavery, colonialism, and the Holocaust (Çelenk, 2010). Discrimination, in this context, refers to attitudes and behaviors. Discriminatory behavior first permeates the social structure and then the institutions of that society (Güven & Dönmez, 2023). Racism emerged in the United States during the colonial period. When Blacks became forced laborers in the US, racism underwent a systematic transformation. Racism emerged in the United States of America before the emergence of American nationalism and affected the formation of American national identity. The link between American national identity and whiteness is obviously in the Northern states, where slavery is a contested institution. The issue of Black slavery has been debated many times in the North, but the consensus has been that Blacks should not be citizens. Even NURETTIN ÇIÇEKÇI 27 when Northern states abolished slavery within their state borders, they were strong defenders of the distinction between fundamental freedoms and full citizenship. Racism, distinctly from slavery, had been part of American society. Americans rejected slavery but accepted racial discrimination. Racism could solely be banned juridically with the 1964 Civil Rights Act (Tatlısu, 2018). Particularly in the South of America, racial discrimination was a way of life (Coşkun, 2018). American society contains different races, and one may argue that this complexity caused slavery and racism. The United States abolished slavery after the Civil War; however, racism would be different. Racism would affect the country for many years. The 1964 Civil Rights Act was a significant step forward in the fight against racism, yet it was insufficient. Until the 1964 Civil Rights Act, John F. Kennedy played a key role as an actor in the civil rights struggle. Politics should have taken bold steps to solve this social problem and produce new policies. Racial discrimination rose in the 1960s, and it was observable. Racial Discrimination and the Civil Rights Movement in the 1960s The United States established a new racial regime with the so-called Jim Crow laws after the removal of slavery between 1876 and 1965. In this new system, Blacks were no longer slaves. Still, they were forbidden to live in the same neighborhoods as whites, attend the same schools, eat in the same restaurants, stay in the same hotels, shop in the same stores, go to the same theaters and cinemas, use the same toilets, drink from the same taps, and, in short, to live equally in the public sphere (Yarkın, 2013). However, this was to change in the 1960s. There are many judgments of the American Supreme Court regarding Black American rights (Alexander & Karamustafaoğlu, 1968). James Meredith, a Black American, applied to education at Mississippi University. After Meredith applied, Mississippi University refused his appeal due to his race. Thereafter, Meredith sued Mississippi University. The federal court decided to nullify the judgment and informed the university that Meredith had the right to register. Meredith has been a symbol of civil rights due to his struggle (Mızrak, 2017). However, protests blew up on the university campus. President Kennedy had to send federal troops to campus; thus, Meredith registered and participated in his first class (John F. Kennedy Library, 2022). Discrimination was not limited to these. Even in public PROBLEMS, POLITICS, AND THE CIVIL RIGHTS IN THE UNITED STATES DURING THE PRESIDENCY 28 transportation, Blacks were given separate and limited seats; conversely, they could get on the bus from the back door (Mızrak, 2017). These events showed racial discrimination. Racism had expanded all over the United States, and these incidents were influencing American politics. Afterward, American politicians would continue to discuss racism. Politics had to produce public policies to regulate civil rights. Politicians, activists, and many other actors would participate in this policy-making process. Georgia was the other state that came up with the racism. A similar incident at the University of Mississippi happened at the University of Georgia. Notwithstanding providing all requirements, the University of Georgia denied two Black students applications. However, both students had enrolled in the university in 1961 after a court decision. The court’s decision sparked a backlash from White Americans. In response, the state governor, Ernest Vandiver, an anti-Black American, announced the closure of the University of Georgia. However, the federal court canceled the decision, and the university stayed open. In response to this decision, Governor Vandier, not wanting to spoil relations with the federal government, lifted the law on budget cuts for non-racial universities. Thus, racial segregation had ended in universities and other schools (Gümüş, 2020). Racism continued in American social life. The other historical incident had occurred in Montgomery. A Black American woman, Rosa Parks, had sat in a seat reserved for White Americans on a bus after work, and White Americans attempted to raise her in a seat as well; however, Rosa Parks withstood the reaction, and then police included the event. And the police arrested Rosa Parks. She was sentenced to 30 days in prison and fined 100 dollars (Alexander & Karamustafaoğlu, 1968). With the Rosa Parks incident, the struggle of Martin Luther King, a Black pastor, against discriminatory policies became prominent. King’s brilliant speech, I Have a Dream!, in which he declared freedom and equality would become an American reality, caused proud excitement among Americans. King spent almost every phase of his life fighting discriminatory policies against Black people. His leadership was also very influential in the protests after the Rosa Parks incident. After the successful Montgomery bus boycott in the wake of the Rosa Parks incident, King and his fellow travelers founded the Christian Leadership Conference (Mızrak, 2017). The actions led by Martin Luther King were the first, most comprehensive, and most effective acts of non-violent civil disobedience by African American peoples. They realized that when they came together, they could achieve something (Güler, 2023). NURETTIN ÇIÇEKÇI 29 Thus, Martin Luther King became prominent in the civil rights movement as an actor. He successfully attracted the attention of American politics and public opinion and afterward became a key actor in the Black rights issue. In this framework, it can be said that King’s combative nature encouraged Black Americans, and by the 1960s, politics just had to act about civil rights. Albany was one of the places where Blacks suffered the most from discrimination. William G. Anderson established the Albany Movement. Anderson desired to prevent discrimination in Albany. Anderson also met Martin Luther King and Pastor Ralph Abernathy. With the Albany Movement he founded, he tried to attract public attention with King’s support. King, who came to Albany several times, was arrested for disturbing the peace in the city and sentenced to prison along with Pastor Abernathy. One of the similar incidents also occurred in Birmingham. Birmingham was the other city that implemented segregation for Black Americans during that period. Black Americans here also used King’s tactics against discriminatory policies, staging sit-ins in restaurants and boycotting businesses in the city center. But Birmingham Police Chief Bull Connor, a symbol of Southern bigotry, would not even allow the civil rights movement to be mentioned (Mızrak, 2017). From the beginning of the 1960s, armed clashes also began to occur in Black demonstrations (Caunes & Özdoğan, 2015). Although the Civil Rights Movement refused to resort to violence during this period, state violence against the movement increased exponentially. Many activists involved in the Civil Rights Movement were arrested. Many activists, including Martin Luther King Jr., were beaten and arrested in the streets during this period (Yarkın, 2013). Racial discrimination continued to be one of the biggest problems in American social life and politics in the 1960s. American politics should have taken bold steps to solve this problem. To solve these problems, politics had to actualize some public policies. The support of the American public was also crucial for the success of the policies. The problem, as a social issue, ensured an open window of opportunity. The Civil Rights Policy of President John F. Kennedy Kennedy embarked on his political practice while he was running for United States Congress. He explained his plan to come in for a seat in the House of Representatives. He had spent time among the people, like his grandfather. His energetic and passionate family was behind Kennedy for election. Eventually, he won the election on November 5, 1946. He had PROBLEMS, POLITICS, AND THE CIVIL RIGHTS IN THE UNITED STATES DURING THE PRESIDENCY 30 paced the first step of his political career as a congressman (Darraj, 2004). Afterwards, he decided to run for Senate. And Kennedy said, “I would like to go to the Senate.” As with his election as a congressman, Kennedy’s father again took an important role for his Senate race. John F. Kennedy’s father, Joe Kennedy, spent millions of dollars on his son’s campaign. Ultimately in 1952, John F. Kennedy won the Senate race as well. And thus, he became a senator (Meagher & Gragg, 2011). Following years in Congress, John F. Kennedy attended the 1960s presidential race. He defeated his rival, Richard Nixon. Kennedy won the presidency only by a 120,000-vote margin (Britannica, 2025). On January 20, 1961, John F. Kennedy came to the White House as the 35th president of the United States. On the other hand, he became the first Catholic president of the United States. In his inaugural address, he pointed out, “Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, and oppose any foe in order to assure the survival and the success of liberty (History State, 2025).” John F. Kennedy represented innovation in the United States. He emphasized liberty. He would shape his civil rights policy toward these words. However, Kennedy would have a tough term in the presidency. When he came into office, the Cold War was heightening between the Soviet Union and the United States. He would struggle not only with domestic issues but also with foreign policy issues. The world was on the brink of nuclear war among two superpowers. President Kennedy knew that if he didn’t avoid the war, millions of people could have died. In this environment, the president would boldly act on domestic policy. He came up with the “New Frontier” concept on domestic policy; that was the symbol of the new generation. President Kennedy desired to move his country forward in education, science, employment, and the other fields. He had expressed that New Frontier was not any place; it means thinking and mobilizing. He favored democracy and freedom, not only for his country but also for all the world (Weidman & Shea, 2002). New Frontier had become a public policy initiative. Thereby, one could say that Kennedy was trying to transform American social life. Another public policy initiative was the Peace Corps. The Peace Corps consisted of young male and female volunteers and aimed to help people. It was an organization that aimed to help in many areas, from agriculture to education and from construction to health. Peace Corps members were respected around the world. The Peace Corps was thus one of President Kennedy’s successful public policy initiatives (Weidman & Shea, 2002). NURETTIN ÇIÇEKÇI 31 This program aimed to spread American hegemony as well. Kennedy wanted to take an active role with the Peace Corps program because it was an important hegemonic struggle against the Soviet Union (John F. Kennedy Library, 2024). President Kennedy struggled with both domestic and foreign issues. He created public policies on both domestic and foreign matters. Eventually, President Kennedy’s New Frontier and Peace Corps programs served both domestic and foreign matters. Kennedy took over the presidency while domestic and foreign problems were heightening. President Kennedy made no remarks regarding civil rights issues until 1961, when he focused on healing foreign and economic policy (Andrews & Gaby, 2015). Americans had no idea that civil rights concerns would become a major focus when John F. Kennedy assumed the presidency (Meagher & Gragg, 2011). Kennedy’s civil rights strategy reflected his vision for the New Frontier. As shown before, Kennedy had reached out to civil rights advocates, and Black Americans believed that if he were elected president, he would protect their rights during his campaign. President Kennedy picked Dr. Robert Weaver as the Housing and Home Finance Administrator; thus, Dr. Weaver became the first Black member of the presidential cabinet. Kennedy had established close ties with top Black activists, including Dr. Martin Luther King and Roy Wilkins. Kennedy negotiated with Roy Wilkins as well. After meeting with President Kennedy, Wilkins pulled away with optimism because he believed the new president had recognized the civil rights problems. These ventures showed that Kennedy would not ignore the civil rights issues (Snead, 2012). He issued an order to increase the number of Black federal employees during the first few days of his presidency, but in his first term, President Kennedy rejected significant civil rights legislation because of concern that he would lose the support of Southern Democrats, who benefited from discrimination policies. To pass the diplomatic and economic objectives and win reelection, President Kennedy required the backing of Southern Democrats (National Park Service, 2025). During his first press conference, which was pursued by some 65 million people, on January 25, 1961, Kennedy stated that he thought that every American had the right to vote without regard to race (Gilbert, 1989). On November 8, 1961, President Kennedy issued another statement. He pointed out that many Black Americans sued for the right to vote, and the Kennedy administration continued to fight for that right. Ten months later, President Kennedy declared that states and local THE BIRTH OF NATIONALISM IN CHINA 38 on the other hand, defines a nation as “not only a community of citizens but also a political unit.” Smith (2022a), on the other hand, takes this into a broader framework and states that nationalism is not limited to “ideology or national sentiment” but spreads to wider areas and affects the sentiments of the entire community that constitutes the nation, which he calls “mass sentiment.” Enmity that started in China when the existing monarchy was taken over by a dynasty foreign to their ethnic identity reached a level of resentment when they and the new dynasty were exploited by foreign nations. However, in the face of the imperialism of European nations, the Enlightenment movements also changed course and gained momentum in the country. Thus, the oppressed community gained the power to question and resist, resulting in the emergence of Chinese nationalist ideology. In China, which has an ancient history and culture, according to Eberhard (2022), nationalism was first seen in the Ming Period (13681644) (p.270). However, the definition of nationalism as “the right to self-determination” is clear evidence that nationalism was not seen in the Ming Period. Based on the work of Eberhard (2022), it is seen that in addition to the lower class and upper class, educated eunuchs formed a middle class (Eberhard, 2022, pp. 272-273). The community did not have the democratic right to vote, and the monarchy continued to rule. In this period, the enlightened middle class, which was formed as a result of the increase in written sources and access to education for the lower classes, gained the right to participate in civil service exams with bribes (Eberhard, 2022, p.273). This situation is incompatible with democracy. What Eberhard (2022) defines as nationalism for the Ming Period (13681644) does not go beyond distrust and hatred of foreigners, and democracy and national unity cannot be mentioned. However, as mentioned above, Eberhard’s (2022) analogy to the “European bourgeoisie” in terms of the spread of education to the lower classes and paid positions is correct (p. 257). However, as Grousset (2023) also mentions, the hatred of foreigners generated by the Mongol Period (1280-1368) certainly had a positive impact on the 1912 Revolution and the orientations of the groups promoting the Revolution, especially the group called “White Lotus” (p.224). China’s monarchy lasted until 1911, ruled by 577 emperors (Kerr, 2021, p.7). While China, which has an ancient culture, was crushed by the attacks of its neighbors Russia and Japan, as well as the economic and military cudgel of Western imperialism in the process of its introduction to nationalism in the XIXth century, it has become a nation-state that can be ÖZLEM TAN 39 called a superpower today. Therefore, in this study, the process of China’s introduction to nationalism, starting from the monarchy of foreign dynasties, will be discussed. I. China’s Introduction to Nationalism China’s nationalism, like that of some Western countries, developed out of feelings of resentment. Eberhard (2022) creates what he calls a “Western” time frame by making a time distinction that will make it much easier for us to separate the emergence of this resentment. According to this distinction, the period up to 1280 constitutes the “Old Times,” while the period from 1280 to 1912 constitutes the “Middle Times.” In the “Middle Times,” China was ruled by foreign dynasties or communities, and in this period of time, as Eberhard (2022) emphasizes, as a formation similar to the “European bourgeois class” called “gentry,” both its own gentry class and the Mongolian (Yuan) Period (12801368), the coexistence of the Mongolian gentry class in the same period, the continuation of the existing gentry class without melting with the new administration, doubled the pressure on the peasantry (Eberhard, 2022, p.256). Thus, the period from 1280 to 1912 paved the way for Chinese nationalism. The Mongol (Yuan) Period (12801368), according to Yıldırım (2023), constitutes the first foreign rule in China. The Yuan Dynasty was established under Kublai in 1280, who overthrew the Song Dynasty of Chinese origin in 1279 and established a Chinese style of government but with Mongolian culture (p.196-197). The Empire was divided into classes, similar to the “three classes”(Sieyes, 2005) seen in Europe, especially in France before the Revolution. In Yıldırım’s (2023) words, these classes were formed as follows; “...the people in China were divided into four classes. In the first class, the Mongols; in the second class, the tribes from Turkestan (non-Chinese and those who were part of the alliance during the conquest of China, Turkic tribes and especially Uyghurs, Iranians, etc.); in the third class, the people of North China (Chinese, Khitans, Jurjans); in the fourth class, the people of South China.” (p.198). Just as the Mongols offered land to foreign Buddhists and other religious monks as a gift and the peasants who cultivated the land as a gift, they did not levy taxes on temples and religious people. In addition, foreigners, the Mongolian gentry class and the Chinese gentry class were also exempt from taxes. Foreigners, in particular, were experts in trade and enjoyed many freedoms, including freedom of movement. As a result of these reasons and THE BIRTH OF NATIONALISM IN CHINA 40 the peasants’ exposure to severe famine and misery, preparations for internal revolts began in 1330 ( Eberhard, 2022, pp. 263-265). There have been some secret organizations against dynasties in China in the past. The first of these, in the Xin Period (Eastern Han Dynasty) (9-220 AD), was secretly organized under the names of “Red Eyebrow and Green Forester” and even succeeded in dethroning the Emperor of the Period as a result of their rebellion (Kerr, 2021, p. 46-47). Secondly, with the structuring process they entered during the Mongol Period (1280-1368), they took over the Chinese throne and started the Ming Period (1368-1644) (Kerr, 2021, p.89). The first revolutionaries, or the first patriots, began to make their voices heard in 1352 under the leadership of an organized organization called the White Lotus, a sect that prophesied the millennium and preached the coming of the Buddhist Messiah Maitreya under a religious guise, and they rebelled both within themselves and against the government until 1355. Chu Yüanchang (Zhu Yuanzhang), one of these rebels, succeeded in bringing himself to the forefront and with his military success, he closed the Mongol Period in 1368 and started the Ming Period (1368-1644) (Grousset, 2023, pp.224225). Chu Yuan-Chang tried to allocate partial land to the peasants and assign them to the center to break the upper classes’ power in their own regions. However, the upper classes were financially powerful, and the Emperor needed to feed the military economy through the upper classes to prevent external attacks. Therefore, it was not possible to see a democratic organization (Eberhard, 2022, p.271). In fact, the idea of democracy did not exist in this period (Yıldırım, 2023, p.210). Another problem was that although the eunuchs constituted the middle class as an important power, their influence within the court was actually quite high and even if the Ming Emperors sometimes attempted to break this power, it was no longer possible (Kerr, 2021, p.97). Again, one of the internal problems was that secret organizations and rebellions could not be prevented, as Chu Yuan-Chan emerged from among them and became emperor. The process that would introduce nationalism to China was more external than the internal reasons mentioned above. Externally, the Mongol attacks did not stop, and Japanese pirates were constantly attacking China’s coastal areas. For the most part, China remained on the defensive with limited counterattacks. Again, in order to create a safe zone against these Japanese ÖZLEM TAN 41 attacks and, on the other hand, to expand and gain commercial space, from 1393 onwards, Annam attacked Indochina and incorporated it into China’s territory (Eberhard, 2022, pp.276-278). In 1592, the Japanese launched a land attack on Korea, which was part of China. Despite the Japanese’s partial success, China managed to repulse them, but internal unrest could not be prevented. Between 1594 and 1604, China repeated its revisionist policy and implemented a policy of Chineseization by landing in “Annam (Vietnam), Thailand and Burma” (Yıldırım, 2023, p.225). The trade network of Europeans reached China for the first time in 1514 under the command of Portuguese Admiral Albuquerque, and their attempts from 1547 to 1549 bore fruit and they were granted privileged trade rights. Thus, Christianity, which had disappeared during the Mongol Period, returned to China with the Jesuit priests “Adam Schall and Matteo Ricci.” The priests, interested in science and Chinese culture, gained the sympathy of the Chinese, spread Christianity and opened a significant number of churches (Grousset, 2023, pp. 231-232). However, the policy of Christianizing the Emperors was fruitless for this period (Eberhard2022, p.289). The fact that there were no signs of nationalism in the Ming Period (1368-1644) can be clearly seen in the reasons for the fall of the dynasty. Accordingly, the palace and the rich people around the palace confiscated the lands of the peasants and condemned the peasants to starvation during natural disasters. Many peasant revolts were encouraged by secret organizations, but these revolts were not made in search of democracy, but only to get rid of hunger (Yıldırım, 2023, pp. 226-227). The Manchu (Quing) Period (1644-1911), which was also a foreign domination in China, established their domination with the help of the Manchus as a result of the internal disturbances mentioned above and due to the discomfort of some Chinese people with the Ming Dynasty (Eberhard, 2022, p.300). For the Chinese, this was the period of real oppression and selfidentification. In 1644, when the Manchu dynasty installed its first Emperor on the “Dragon Throne” in the Forbidden City in Beijing, it carried out a major reform and appointed a Manchu official alongside the existing Chinese officials. He expelled the other lower-class Chinese from the capital and distributed them to the outskirts. Thus, while preventing administrative failures, he also tried to keep the Chinese officials under control. On the other hand, he strictly implemented the traditions of the Manchus, the most striking THE BIRTH OF NATIONALISM IN CHINA 42 of which was the braided hairstyle of men in Manchu traditions (Jaivin, 2024, pp. 137-138). This was such a drastic transformation that Chinese who did not braid their hair were even subjected to imprisonment and capital punishment. Most of the eunuchs, who gained considerable power during the Ming Period, were expelled from the palace. On the other hand, the Chinese living in the southern regions either adopted Manchu customs or were exiled to the northern regions. The rest were sentenced to severe punishments (Kerr, 2021, pp.110-111). In addition to their harsh policies against the Chinese, the Manchus were also very attentive to Chinese scholars and did not completely reject Chinese cultural accumulation. Thus, while the intellectual class contributed to the development of China, the upper class, called the “gentry,” was pushed into the background (Eberhard, 2022, p.301). Among the Manchu (Quing) Emperors, especially Emperor Kangxi (16611772), cultural and economic development reached its peak. Kangxi attached great importance to the Chinese language and had works such as the “Kangxi Dictionary,” a Chinese dictionary, and the gathering and reorganization of literary works and works of art belonging to Chinese culture. This period was seen as the first step of the Chinese Enlightenment (Yıldırım, 2023, p.234). However, China had an important difference from the European Enlightenment. In China, the power of the gentry, based on land wealth, prevented industrialization. The Gentry class’s official position in the palace could also suppress the slightest initiative. Therefore, the educated middle class, who were not civil servants, was the class that would take steps towards nationalism and play an active role in the transition to the republican regime (Eberhard, 2022, p.305) During the Manchu (Quing) Period (1644-1911), especially Emperor Qianlong (1735-1769) directed the Chinese peasants to agriculture on vacant lands in Manchuria and Inner Mongolia, which brought relief for the Chinese lower classes but created unrest among the feudal lords. On the other hand, China’s war expenses put a strain on the Imperial budget. While China was expanding its territory for security purposes, the Russians were moving closer to China. Moreover, the Russians and the British were in a plan to share the Asian lands (Yıldırım, 2023, pp. 242-243). The first relations with the Christians, the construction of a fortress by the Russians in 1650 on the Amur River and its surroundings, which the Manchus called the “Black Dragon Stream,” and the subsequent opening of the Amur River for Russian settlement, caused a dispute, and the Chinese sacked the Russian settlements in 1685. After these events, the “Treaty of ÖZLEM TAN 43 Nertschinsk” was signed in 1689. In 1727, this Treaty was revised, and the Russians obtained religious and commercial concessions from China. Thus, the foundation of the first capitulations in China was laid (Eberhard, 2022, p. 307). In 1793-1794, Lord George Macartney was sent by Britain as an embassy to China. Europe’s overseas imperial initiatives were also considered for China, but the technological gifts brought from industrializing Europe were not taken into consideration in China, and Macartney had to return home empty-handed (Kissinger, 2015, p.62). British efforts at diplomatic contact had failed until 1816. However, Britain could only trade in China’s “Canton and Macao” region. However, they sought to have what they could not have diplomatically through commercial means. The British, who bought products such as silk and tea from China, could not sell European industrial products to the Chinese, and what the Chinese bought was food. However, since the transportation of food without spoiling was difficult and profits were low, they began to look for an alternative (Eberhard, 2022, pp. 315-3169). Thus, the British rule over East Asia and the British East India Company (16001874) came to the rescue. Opium grown in India, a British colony, was cultivated in China for medicinal purposes. However, since the British were well aware of the dangers of this substance, they began to transport and sell this product, which was both lighter and easier to transport than other trade products, to the Chinese market (Jaivin, 2024, p.147). Opium had become the main commodity of the British in the Chinese market in the 1800s (Eberhard, 2022, p. 316). The Chinese became heavily dependent on the opium trade of European countries, especially Britain. The dependence of soldiers destroyed military power, and production came to a standstill. Emperor Daoguang, who was aware of the seriousness of the situation, assigned Lin Zexu, one of his ministers, to end the opium trade and use in 1839 (Yıldırım, 2023, p. 247). Lin Zexu banned merchants from the opium trade in Guangzhou province. He also sent an ultimatum letter to Queen Victoria of England (1837-1901) to ban the opium trade (Kissinger, 2015, pp.74-75). The 20,000 crates of opium destroyed by Lin Zexu corresponded to an average of 20 million dollars at the time and caused a serious loss of income for Europeans (Kerr, 2021, p. 120). The letter sent by China to the Queen caused a serious reaction in the British Parliament. Lord Palmerston, on behalf of the Parliament, issued an ultimatum in response to China, stating that the blockade of British merchants was disrespectful to Britain and demanded that the two islands be ceded to the British for use as warehouses THE BIRTH OF NATIONALISM IN CHINA 44 (Morse, 1910, cited in Kissinger, 2015, pp.75-76). Not satisfied with this, the British sent their fleets to China’s southern and eastern coasts and continued bombardment until 1841. By 1842, Europe’s superior weapons had succeeded in bringing China to its knees and forced it to the Treaty of Nanking. With this Treaty, China left Hong Kong to Britain as a war indemnity, paving the way for capitulations. In addition to granting many privileges to Britain, a treaty of the same nature was signed with America and France in 1844. These treaties and capitulations led to a serious economic crisis in China and, thus, to internal revolts (Eberhard, 2022, pp.316-317). During the First Opium Wars (1839-1842), the concessions obtained by the Europeans soon led to a race for more concessions. Britain and France, united against China, demanded the revision of the previously signed treaties. For this reason, under various pretexts, they launched the Second Opium War against China, which lasted from 1856 to 1860. The war was devastating for China, both because of its technological backwardness and because China was trying to cope with the rebellions brought about by the economic collapse caused by the impact of the First Opium War, and was forced to come to terms with the Europeans. First, in 1858, with the Treaties of Tientsin, Britain, France, Russia and the United States were obliged to establish an embassy in Beijing, the heart of China, open many ports for trade, allow foreigners to move freely in China and pay large war reparations. However, such a helpless state of China led to the British and French landing directly in Beijing in 1860, and China was forced to sign the “Treaty of Tianjin and the Convention of Beijing.” With these treaties, China almost became a colony of Europeans, so much so that when the British and French invaded Beijing, Emperor Xianfeng (1850-1861) abdicated and fled (Kerr, 2021, pp. 124-125). II. From Opium Wars to Enlightenment The successive defeats of the Opium Wars clearly reflected China’s backwardness. Realizing this, intellectuals sought to learn the secrets of the power of court officials and Westerners. Between 1860 and 1890, the groups that sought to innovate and bring Western technology to the Empire were known as “Westerners.” They began to develop and strengthen Western defense, industry, technology and education in China (Yıldırım, 2023, pp.256257). However, the conservatives in the palace caused serious problems in Westernization. While figures such as Prince Gong and Li Hongzhang advocated the importance of educating young people in foreign languages, engineering, etc., in order to understand the West, the conservatives rejected ÖZLEM TAN 45 Western technology. The conservative coup deposed Emperor Guangxu and returned him to the conservative line with the help of Empress Dowager Cixi (1861-1908), who was conservative and conservative (Kissinger, 2015, pp.109-110). In addition to Western pressures, Japan’s strengthening by establishing Western reforms within its own ranks was a repetition of its previous maritime aggression against China. By declaring war on Korea in 1894, Japan had effectively declared war on China. China, which considered Korea as its territory, tried to stop the Japanese, who were trying to liberate Korea and, in fact, to reach Beijing. However, the Japanese destroyed China’s “Northern Fleet”. China was defeated in the Yellow Sea, and in 1895, with the “Treaty of Shimonoseki,” China was forced to give many island territories to Japan as compensation (Yıldırım, 2023, pp.257-258). The Sino-Japanese War in 1894 once again showed China’s weakness against European countries. However, this was the best time for the Chinese Enlightenment to fully emerge and for the Chinese Intellectuals to reveal their thoughts. “Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao,” readers of the newspaper “Wanguo Gongbao” (International News Newspaper) published in Hong Kong, realized that without renewal, China’s current position would bring nothing but defeat among the nations. The desperation of the palace as a result of the defeats in the wars prepared the ground for them to present their views (Kırilen, 2013, p. 125). The reforms of Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao, also known as the “Hundred Days Reforms or Wuxu Reforms,” were modeled after the Meiji Restoration of 1868, which had been successfully implemented by the Japanese, and were favorably supported by Emperor Guangxu (1875-1908) (Koç, 2023, p. 1172). The reforms were aimed at a wide-ranging change. Accordingly, many goals were set, such as modernization in areas such as education, culture and industry, transition to democratic constitutional monarchy rule, and the development of capitalist economic practices against capitalism (Kerr, 2021, p.132). From Kang Youwei’s reform program, only modernization in education was implemented during his reign (Kırilen, 2013, p.133). The Hundred Days Reform ended when the Empress deposed Emperor Guangxu (1875-1908), whom she had put on the throne with her own hands, and took over the administration as the Emperor’s deputy after putting him under room confinement (Yıldırım, 2023, p.259). By 1900, European states were actively deployed in China. In addition to their military power, many treaties, embassies, missionaries and trade bases meant that all the secrets of China were in the hands of foreigners. One of the THE BIRTH OF NATIONALISM IN CHINA 46 secret organizations in China, the so-called “Yi He Tuan (Honest Harmonious Fists)” or “Boxers,” has been semi-active since the 1700s. There are claims that they were even active in the expulsion of Jesuit Missionaries from China in 1747 (Esherick, 1988, p.45, cited in Görez, 2018, p.1). The rebellion basically started against the gentry and the Manchu administration. However, as a result of negotiations with the rebels, the Empress not only succeeded in using the rebels for the benefit of the government by turning them towards foreigners but also supported the rebels (Eberhard, 2022, p.331). What distinguishes the rebellion from others is that, in the past, rebellions were characterized by hunger, poverty and harsh working conditions. In this rebellion, however, hunger and poverty were at the core, but the leaders, who were enlightened Chinese, were well aware of the causes of these hardships and did not intend to fall for empty promises as in the past. But more extreme, the reaction was not only against the upper classes and rulers but also against the colonizers, and as Yıldırım (2023) emphasizes, “Independence was at the forefront” (p.259). Empress Dowager Cixi (1861 - 1908 Regency), whether she was aware of it or not, ignited the fuse of national consciousness and, thus, nationalism in the Boxers’ Uprising. On June 5, the rebels called the Boxers, who distinguished themselves by their “red, black and yellow turbans,” blockaded the railroad connection from the capital Beijing and turned the city upside down. They burned and destroyed everything related to the West, killed Chinese people wearing Western clothing and possessions and Chinese who had converted to Christianity, and destroyed cathedrals and churches. This was aided by the palace army. Meanwhile, the Western powers and Japan entered into a serious alliance and made a military landing in China. This alliance included Japan, France, England, America, Germany, Russia, and Austria-Hungary. However, the alliance forces inflicted the most cruelty on the Chinese. The forces entered the Forbidden City, looted, raped and killed many Chinese. Meanwhile, the resident foreigners helped the European soldiers (Jaivin, 2024, pp.158-159). During the intervention of the allied states against the Quin army and the rebels, the Empress and the Emperor, who were under house arrest, fled the palace to save their lives and only returned to Beijing in 1902 (Kerr, 2021, pp.133-134). However, China and the Manchus had effectively lost the administration and were condemned to huge war reparations, and in almost every field, business and administration had fallen into the hands of Europeans. ÖZLEM TAN 47 While China was in this predicament, developments in foreign policy and the effects of the wars effectively brought China one step closer to nationalism. On the other hand, the non-gentry community, especially in rural China, suffered from financial difficulties. But now, the Chinese were able to study at home and abroad, and especially the intellectuals who studied abroad were aware that nationalism in Europe should also be in China (Eberhard, 2022, p. 333). The secret organizations embedded in China’s culture were now gathering along nationalist lines and for revolution. Moreover, these organizations were able to receive both ideas and financial assistance from intellectuals studying abroad. “Organization for the Revival of China (Xing Zhong Hui)” In 1894 and again in 1905, revolutionary organizations called “Chinese Revolutionary Union (Tong Mong Hui)” were among them. In particular, the intellectual “Sun Yat-sen,” who was born a peasant and educated abroad, emerged as the father of the revolutionaries. Sun Yat-sen’s basic ideology was the “Three People’s Principles.” Accordingly, the first principle was “Nationalism, the second principle was Democracy, and the third principle was Populism” (Yıldırım, 2023, p.261-262). Politically, the intellectuals’ policy of changing China began in 1910 with the establishment of the “Pre-parliament.” In a sense, they legitimized their own existence. They could now make moves to provoke foreign control, such as the transfer of foreign-controlled railroads and such places to the government. On the other hand, they brought enlightenment down to the general field to attract the poverty-stricken classes to their ranks (Eberhard, 2022, pp.334-335). In fact, in addition to all these developments, the throne games within the Quin Dynasty also lightened the hand of the revolutionaries. Empress Cixi killed Emperor Guangxu in 1908 by assassination and replaced him with Xuantong, who was only 3 years old. Cixi did not live long and died in the same year as Emperor Guangxu. In 1911, riots broke out, first in Guangzhou and Wuhan. The spread of events to other regions resulted in the abdication of the Emperor in 1912 (Jaivin, 2024, p.161-162). However, this situation was not easy, and the Palace armies used military force against the revolutionaries, resulting in a kind of civil war in which 15 cities where the revolutionaries were dominant declared their independence. When the defeats against the revolutionaries did not stop, the palace found a solution through compromise. Sun Yat-sen, who was in the USA at the time, was unanimously decided by the deputies to be the interim head of state, and the Republic of China was established on January 1, 1912, with a regime change (Yıldırım, 2023, p.263). MARKETING PILLAR OF BEHAVIORAL ECONOMICS: PSYCHOLOGICAL DYNAMICS SHAPING CONSUMER 54 ideas of classical economics are moving away from reality. In the rationality thinking of classical economics, it has been overlooked that economic actors who are equipped with limitless ability and knowledge, who are treated independently of their emotions and environment, can be influenced by the external environment and their cognitive tendencies. The fact that classical economics does not care about the psychological aspect of people is criticized by behavioral economics advocates (Sonkaya, 2022). The critique then forms the starting point for behavioral economics. Kahneman and Tversky are the advocates of behavioral economics. Behavioral economics has emerged as a discipline that examines the effects and consequences of psychological factors in economic attitudes, decisions and choices. The starting point of behavioral economics is that the assumption of rationality that is valid in traditional economics is not valid continuously and under all circumstances. In behavioral economics, the opposite of this argument, the assumption of irrationality, prevails. Behavioral economics, which is formed on a common denominator of economics and psychology and continues its development, conducts conceptual, analytical, empirical and experimental research in this field, focusing especially on cognitive errors and delusions (Aktan, 2018). From this point of view, behavioral economics is integrated with many disciplines. These are Behavioral Finance, Experimental Economics, Neuroeconomics (Uster, 2024). Sociophysical approach is also newest paradigm in this field (Ulusoy and Şen, 2019). These have been added to behavioral marketing in recent years. Behavioral Marketing has also explored the psychological side of consumers when making decisions and investigated the factors behind their decisions. In summary, when consumers make purchasing decisions, the effect of purchase traps may be influenced by sociological, psychological and economic factors (Sonkaya, 2022). The purchasing decisions of consumers are generally complex and often irrational. Although traditional marketing models consider consumers as a rational decision maker, behavioral marketing has questioned this assumption and highlighted the psychological and emotional factors that affect people’s decisions. Especially in the last decade, the spread of digital platforms has enabled the analysis of behavioral data and the application of marketing strategies in a more precise manner. This article examines the basic theoretical elements and application areas of behavioral marketing and explains theoretically how cognitive biases, emotional influences, and social norms shape consumer behavior. This study aims to examine the psychological dynamics used in behavioral marketing FUNDA DEMIROĞLU • TOLGA ULUSOY 55 strategies theoretically through a national and international literature review. In line with the purpose, the scope of the study consists of cognitive heuristics, emotional and social norms. From this point of view, in the theoretical part, the concepts are explained in detail based on the purpose and scope of the study. 2. Theoretical Framework of Behavioral Marketing Kahneman and Tversky’s (1979) research, which laid the foundations of behavioral economics, aimed at proving that a person may not act logically and rationally in situations of uncertainty and risk, has made theories and paradigms based on assumptions that limit an individual as a rational person more questionable (Gazel, 2016, p. 8). Expectation theory, which is a cornerstone in behavioral economics, is an alternative theory formed by mathematical method and experimental study contrary to the expected benefit theory (Kıyılar ve Akkaya, 2016, p. 140). Kahneman and Tversky (1979), advocates of science, proved that people behave irrationally in moments of decision. At this stage, there are disciplines related to the science of behavioral economics. It is in the form of Neuroeconomics, Behavioral Finance, Experimental Economics. Behavioral marketing has also been added in recent years. Behavioral marketing particularly concerns why consumers buy products and what influences their decision to buy (Demiroglu and Ozkahveci, 2024). At this point, what shapes the decisions of consumers will be explained respectively in the light of the following concepts. 2.1 Cognitive Heuristics and Decision-Making There are many factors that shape the decision-making mechanisms of consumers. At this point, some cognitive biases in behavioral economics are again among the situations that shape the decisions of consumers. Some of these include cognitive heuristics such as framing effect, herd psychology, overconfidence bias, mental accounting, hedonic correction, loss avoidance. The headings considered among cognitive biases affect the perceptions and preferences of consumers to a great extent (Civek, 2019). For example, if we think positively and negatively about the frame, the phrase “90% fat free” is perceived more positively on the packaging of a product than the phrase “10% fat contains”. As a result, although it expresses the same meaning, it can be thought differently by consumers. This shows that cognitive hepatitis has a great effect on consumers’ perceptions and preferences. Again, the effects of emotions on consumer decisions, social dynamics and environmental MARKETING PILLAR OF BEHAVIORAL ECONOMICS: PSYCHOLOGICAL DYNAMICS SHAPING CONSUMER 56 factors are also effective in consumers’ decision-making processes. The titles mentioned below will be explained theoretically. ● Framing Effect The main priority of the framing effect is that a question can be presented from multiple different perspectives. People think that they perceive information rationally and make decisions about all the facts that are present or with the help of memory. However, the decision making process is a complex cycle and it is important to examine it in many respects (Güngör and Habiboğlu, 2019). In this respect, the framing effect, which is one of the important topics in cognitive heuristic and decision-making processes, is handled. The framing effect is a notion that explains how people respond in different ways to different ways of presenting when conditions are the same. He says that consumers and investors are influenced by the way options are presented, as well as the risk of options in decision making (Altunöz and Altunöz, 2017). Figure 1. Framing Effect Source: “https://davranissalfinans.blogspot.com/2013/07/cerceveleme-etkisiframing-effect-nedir.html” Although the arrows in Figure 1 are the same size, they are perceived as large by people due to the condition of presenting the arrow at the bottom. We see that the framing effect, which is among the important subjects of behavioral economics, is also used in marketing and financial sciences (Üster,2023). A picture stating that the framing effect is perceived differently by consumers and investors with different presentation forms is also shown below. It is stated that there is no difference between 66% empty and 33% full expressions in the picture except the presentation difference (Altunöz and Altunöz, 2017). FUNDA DEMIROĞLU • TOLGA ULUSOY 57 Picture 1. Framing Effect Source: “https://www.matematiksel.org/cerceveleme-etkisi-nedir-kararlarimizseceneklerin-sunulma-biciminden-nasil-etkilenir/” Tversky and Kahneman explained the situation that they are perceived differently by both consumers and investors according to alternatives under the framing effect with the following experimental example in their study in 1981. In the experiment, participants were presented with two different cases and asked to choose one of two different options for the presented situations. The experiment is detailed below (Tversky and Kahneman, 1981): “Asia Outbreak Problem” Imagine an Asian Pandemic, which is expected to kill 600 people in the United States. Two options are proposed to fight this pandemic. Let us consider that absolute scientific predictions of alternative states are the following options: If A is selected, 200 people will survive. If the B condition is selected, 1/3 person will be saved and 2/3 people will lose their lives. When it comes to which one to choose, the majority of the participants chose option A without taking risks. Proportionally, the option of 72% A and the option of 28% B were preferred. If C is selected, 400 people will lose their lives. If the D condition is selected, 1/3 probability will not lose anyone, 2/3 probability will lose 600 people. Again, in the second case, between the two options, participants chose to take risks this time and the 22% C 78% D option was preferred. MARKETING PILLAR OF BEHAVIORAL ECONOMICS: PSYCHOLOGICAL DYNAMICS SHAPING CONSUMER 58 These two situations are explained in the expectation theory, “While people do not prefer to take risks in alternatives that express profit, they exhibit a risk-oriented situation in alternatives that contain loss. However, it should be noted that the point is that it means the same thing in the case of two. The only difference between them is that the results of the first condition are explained by the number of survivors, and the second situation is explained by the number of people who lost their lives. In this case, the preferred definitions in expressing the problem show that it is very important in terms of people’s perceptions and choices (Gazel, 2016). ● Herding Psychology The state of acting without thinking rationally by looking at the attitudes and decisions of others is explained in the field of behavioral economics by concepts such as “herding effect”, “herding psychology”, “bandwagon effect” (Aktan, 2018). In behavioral marketing, it is also referred to as the “bandwagon effect”. The concept was mentioned in the literature in the early 1950s. She was introduced to the literature by Hervey Leibenstein in the form of BWE metaphor in economic and social psychological terms (Rook, 2006, p. 76). BWE is explained in the literature that it is related to the impulses that activate the primitive part from the parts of the human brain (Korkmaz ve Dal, 2020). In Leibenstein (1950), BWE was defined as an increase in demand for a product as a result of other people consuming the same products. In short, it represents the willingness of individuals to buy a commodity by being nudged by other people. (Leibenstein, 1950). ● Overconfidence bias A large number of research on cognitive psychology suggests that people generally have an overconfidence tendency and in the private field, they have an overconfidence tendency, which is linked to the accuracy of their information. Psychological findings show that overconfidence tends individuals to overestimate their knowledge, underestimate risks, and exaggerate their ability to control events. Studies show that 80% of drivers find their driving capabilities above average. It is seen that people tend to have an overconfidence tendency not only in their driving abilities but in most subjects (Döm, 2003). From this point of view, consumers generally exaggerate their own knowledge and capabilities. This is especially observed in investment decision-making processes and plays an important role in shaping marketing messages. FUNDA DEMIROĞLU • TOLGA ULUSOY 59 The word prejudice, comes from the Latin word “praejudicum” and means “prejudice”. It is literally expressed as a predetermined provision about something or an individual (Altunöz and Altunöz, 2017). The tendency to overconfidence is also known as the illusion of knowledge. People assume they know more or better than what they know because they assume they have more or better information or can interpret it better (Güngör and Demirel, 2018). ● Mental Accounting In 1980, Richard Thaler introduced the concept of mental accounting to writing through his work (Wilkinson and Klaes, 2018, p. 16). The concept of the author is a set of cognitive heuristics used by individuals and households to organize, evaluate and follow economic activities (Thaler, 1995). Tversky and Kahneman aimed to analyze the concept in the article study they conducted in 1981 by asking the question whether consumers will go to the other store at the decision stage if the products they offer their prices are given discounts in another store. The results reached in the article stated that if the reference points of the consumers are more price-wise, they will not go to the other store if the price is reduced, but if the reference point is less, they will go to the other store if the discount is realized (Tversky and Kahneman, 1981). Another study was conducted by Smith and Sinha in 2000. In the article, an experimental design asks consumers which of the three discount options they would choose. The options were a price promotion with 50% discount respectively, an extra product promotion in the form of one free for one buy, and a 50% mixed promotion for two products. Although there are equal marginal benefits in these three options, consumers chose the first two more options in their answers. The authors aimed to measure mental accounting while creating options here (Smith and Sinha, 2000). ● Hedonic Correction Hedonic correction is based on the hypothesis that individuals evaluate their gains separately in order to increase their happiness levels, but take total loss into account to reduce the sadness caused by loss (Sezer and Demir, 2015, p. 71). Thaler and Johnson described the hedonic correction in a 1990 paper. (Thaler and Johnson, 1990): • Keeping earnings separate • Consolidation of losses MARKETING PILLAR OF BEHAVIORAL ECONOMICS: PSYCHOLOGICAL DYNAMICS SHAPING CONSUMER 60 • Separating small gains from big losses • Combining small losses with big gains Avoidance of Loss Loss avoidance behavior tends to appear greater than gains with the equivalent of losses,” and individuals generally tend to avoid taking risks in the case of loss while avoiding risk in the case of gain. In the article study conducted by Kahneman and Tversky in 1979, loss avoidance is explained by an experimental study (Kahneman and Tversky, 1979): During the game, you have definitely earned 3000 TL from the game and if you want to increase your winnings to 4000 TL, you need to choose one of these two options. You can increase your current earnings by 80%, but you will not gain anything by 20%. In this case, we would prefer the exact behavior instead of taking risks. As a result of the experiment, 80% of people chose 3000 TL and preferred the final gain. In summary, the behavior of avoiding losses is stated as “It is the case that avoiding loss is preferable to obtaining gains because the unhappiness that people will hear from losing the things they have is more than the happiness of having the thing in question” (Altunöz and Altunöz, 2018). 2.2 The Effect of Emotions on Purchasing Decision The vast majority of consumer behavior consists of emotional reactions. When examining consumer behavior, it is similar to behavioral economics in common ground. People have an emotional state as a decision-making criterion in their purchasing decisions. For example, feeling happy can cause the consumer to make more purchases and exhibit risky behaviors. The moving and energizing music played in a store can enable the consumer to make decisions faster. Feelings of anxiety and fear can lead consumers to safer alternatives (Özkahveci et al., 2023). Insurance companies’ campaigns that cause fear impulses benefit from this effect. ● Positive emotions and negative emotions In studies related to emotion, categorization of emotions according to their types is handled under different assumptions. There are positive and negative emotions that are important in people’s lives and that can be taken as a basis for expressing their attitudes. While positive emotions are the emotions that occur in matters that comply with the values of the person and create positive effects in achieving their goals, negative emotions are defined as feelings that occur in situations that conflict with the values of FUNDA DEMIROĞLU • TOLGA ULUSOY 61 the person and create negative effects during the attainment of their goals (Bilginer, 2017). Again, in another study, positive emotion is expressed as active pleasure and pleasure from life; Negative emotion is expressed by activating unpleasant emotions such as stress, fear, anger of the individual (Gençöz, 2000). Marketing researchers aim to influence consumer attitudes and behaviors based on emotions (Odabaşı ve Barış, 2015). In terms of consumer behavior, positive emotions are expressed as joy, acceptance, expectation and surprise among the eight main emotions; negative emotions are expressed as fear, anger, sadness, disgust (Odabaşı and Barış, 2015). 2.3 Social Norms and Reference Groups Social norms are one of the important factors that affect people’s consumption behavior. Especially with the widespread use of social media, people are more prone to adopt the requests of reference groups. Social norms and reference groups lead consumers to take action by being influenced by the decisions of others. The “best sellers” lists or popular products on social media are examples of this effect. Social Proof Marketing means persuading others to buy the product we sell using what a group of people thinks. This can be done by showing good reviews from other consumers or by showing that experts or famous people like your product. It’s about making people feel they’re making a popular and reliable choice when choosing your product. Among the social evidence types; user-generated content, happy consumer reviews, multiple purchase of the product and high reviews of the product, ie the wisdom of the crowd, news and awards in the press, and impressive marketing strategies can be counted (Vaghasiya, 2024). In summary, individuals can make decisions influenced by the choices of other consumers. For example, the fact that a product is on the “best sellers” list affects the consumer’s decision perception positively. This is one of the factors that the consumer is affected in the purchasing decision phase. It is the main starting point for consumer behavior to be processed as a tool that indicates social status. The social status of persons is considered a function of their relative wealth, and it is also assumed that this wealth can be observed by others. Thus, people determine their consumption patterns by choosing from products that are acquired by influencing the public, that provide status and more useful products for their own needs. This conceptual light is based on Veblen’s basic view of ‘ conspicuous consumption ‘ (Açıkalın and Erdoğan, 2004). In summary, luxury brands make a difference MARKETING PILLAR OF BEHAVIORAL ECONOMICS: PSYCHOLOGICAL DYNAMICS SHAPING CONSUMER 62 by appealing to consumers’ desire for status. A limited number of products can trigger more consumers’ desire to buy. 3. Application Areas of Psychological Dynamics Shaping Consumer Decision-Making Processes in the Light of Behavioral Marketing 3.1 Behavioral Marketing in the Digital World The digital world develops personalized marketing strategies by following the attitudes of consumers in real-time. In doing so, e-commerce sites make dynamic adjustments in the prices of products based on the past spending price scales of consumers. Again, consumers’ likes, comments, conditions of the most purchased products, phenomena they choose, score scale, offering product suggestions according to the tastes of other consumers, etc. it also adapts to the dynamic process. By offering recommendation algorithms, digital platforms such as Netflix, Amazon, for example, offer recommendations based on previous consumer behavior, which in this case allows for increased cross-selling opportunities. As a result, behavioral marketing in the digital world shows a dynamic process (Demiroğlu and Ulusoy,2024). 3.2 Neuromarketing Another strategy that is among the application areas of psychological dynamics is the use of neuromarketing techniques in marketing strategies. Neuromarketing aims to understand the subconscious reactions of consumers in their purchasing decisions. Neuromarketing can provide guidance for influencing consumers’ fivesense organs through positive stimuli (smells, music, colors, etc.), expressing people’s emotional biochemistry (Bayassova and Kazan, 2016). For example, colors and smells preferred in the store environment are consciously designed to increase consumer satisfaction. 4. Literature Review Behavioral marketing draws attention as a multidisciplinary field that draws on disciplines such as psychology, economics and sociology. In this context, a comprehensive literature review on the psychological dynamics affecting consumer decisions has been conducted. Below are some key sources that contribute to behavioral marketing literature: These studies FUNDA DEMIROĞLU • TOLGA ULUSOY 63 offer different perspectives in understanding consumer behavior and lay the foundations for behavioral marketing. Kahneman and Tversky (1979) created an alternative theory to the shortcomings of the expected utility theory. This theory is expectation theory. In the expectation theory, people emphasize that they make irrational decisions, and according to the theory, people have proven that they avoid risks in case of gain and that they make risky decisions in case of loss. Tversky and Kahneman (1981) observed that a problem can be presented in different frameworks and different results can be obtained in the results of the experiment. In the study, the effects of frameworks on preferences were compared with the effects of perspectives on perceptual appearance. The results vary depending on the option presented. Although the meaning of positive and negative framing is the same, it has affected their decisions by being perceived differently by consumers. Thaler (1985) introduced a new model of consumer behavior using the intersection of cognitive psychology and economics. The model is a consumer behavior model that tries to express the process of coding, classifying and evaluating people’s economic results. As a result of mental accounting, various inferences have been developed for marketing, especially in the field of pricing. In Batra and Holbrook (1990), typologies of emotional responses to advertising were established within the framework of consumers. As a result, there has been emphasis on changing consumer decisions. Richins (1997) reviews the emotional measurements currently used in consumer research and the theories on which they are based, concluding that the current measurements are not fit for the purpose of measuring emotions about consumption. The article describes six experimental studies that evaluate the field of consumer emotions, identify an appropriate set of consumption emotion identifiers (CES), and compare the usefulness of this set of identifiers with the usefulness of other metrics in assessing consumption-related emotions. In Cialdini and Goldstein (2004), it covers recent developments in social impact literature and primarily focuses on compliance and compliance research published between 1997 and 2002. The study emphasizes the ways in which targets interact with external forces to create secret, indirect and unaware social impact processes. ENERGY SUBSIDIES AND FISCAL BALANCE IN THE FACE OF OIL PRICE SHOCKS: POLICY ALTERNATIVES 70 In the case of Turkey, the high dependence on energy imports exacerbates the impact of oil price shocks on macroeconomic balances. In the study by Eroğlu and Bursal (2020), the role of the energy deficit in Turkey’s current account deficit dynamics and the quality of its financing are analyzed. The study emphasizes the significant share of the energy deficit in the current account deficit and argues that controlling the energy deficit is critical for the sustainability of the current account deficit. In particular, it is stated that the policy set to be followed in the fight against the energy deficit should be formulated by taking into account Turkey’s strengths and weaknesses (Eroğlu and Bursal, 2020). In this framework, the impact of energy subsidies on the fiscal balance is not only limited to the budget balance, but is also directly related to the foreign trade and current account balances. Energy Subsidies In the Face of Oil Price Shocks Energy subsidies are a widely used policy instrument to protect consumers and producers against price shocks, especially for fossil fuels such as oil and its derivatives. However, it is also clear that the cost of subsidies is a significant burden on the public budget. Sarıtunalı (2021)’s study on Turkey’s energy policies in the context of environmental security and energy supply security emphasizes that Turkey’s energy needs are largely met from external sources and that fossil energy consumption is high. While this situation increases external dependence on energy, the intensive use of fossil resources also poses a risk in terms of environmental security. Among Turkey’s energy targets, expanding the use of domestic and renewable energy resources and resource diversification are prioritized (Sarıtunalı, 2021). However, the continuation of fossil fuel subsidies threatens both fiscal balance and environmental sustainability. The role of energy subsidies in the face of oil price shocks is not limited to economic and fiscal dimensions; there are also social and political effects. Spikes in energy prices may adversely affect low-income households in particular, leading to an increase in energy poverty. Pehlivanoğlu and Yılmaz (2022)’s study on energy poverty and the measures taken by countries during the Covid-19 pandemic emphasizes that problems in access to energy deepen social inequalities. In the study, it is stated that countries’ interventions in the energy field are generally insufficient, focusing more on cash-based aid, and measures such as price regulation for energy bills and disconnection bans have been implemented in a limited number of countries (Pehlivanoğlu and Yılmaz, 2022). This finding suggests that energy subsidies also play an important role as a social policy instrument. ONUR BAYRAM 71 The impact of energy subsidies on fiscal balance should also be evaluated in terms of sustainability of public expenditures and control of budget deficits. In Uğur (2014)’s study on the role of carbon-energy taxes in reducing greenhouse gas emissions, it is stated that the exemptions granted to energyintensive sectors and competition-sensitive segments, the use of tax revenues to generate public revenue, and the lack of a global character of carbonenergy tax practices cause a loss of efficiency in carbon-energy taxes (Uğur, 2014). This shows that energy subsidies similarly bring along efficiency and sustainability problems in terms of public finance. In particular, the cost of subsidies leads to budget deficits, which threatens the fiscal balance in the long run. The effects of oil price shocks on the fiscal balance are not limited to subsidy policies; the structure and regulation of energy markets also play a decisive role in this process. İnançlı, Figan and Dilek (2020)’s study on regulations in Turkish energy markets concluded that energy markets have natural monopoly characteristics and that regulations can positively affect market performance (İnançlı et al., 2020). In this context, the effectiveness and cost of energy subsidies are closely related to the regulations in the market structure. In particular, market-based mechanisms and regulations should be implemented effectively to mitigate the impact of price shocks. Among the policy alternatives to energy subsidies, encouraging the transition to renewable energy has an important place. In Topçu (2018)’s study on the transition to a low carbon economy, it is emphasized that the fossil fuel sector continues to dominate, developed countries and industries maintain their monopoly position as providers of low carbon technologies, market-based mechanisms such as emissions trading are supported as new areas of profit for companies, and deprivations and problems arise in terms of both energy and climate justice (Topçu, 2018). In this framework, reducing fossil fuel subsidies and increasing incentives for renewable energy stand out as an important alternative for policymakers in terms of both maintaining fiscal balance and ensuring environmental sustainability. Financing and incentive models for the transition to renewable energy should also be considered in terms of restructuring energy subsidies. In Akdağ and Gözen (2020)’s comparative study of investment and financing models for renewable energy projects, it is stated that various models such as feed-in tariffs, feed-in premiums, green certificates, auctions and open auctions, design based on metering, project financing, third-party ownership, energy cooperatives, equity-based crowdfunding, green bonds and renewable energy funds are applied (Akdağ and Gözen, 2020). It is stated that these ENERGY SUBSIDIES AND FISCAL BALANCE IN THE FACE OF OIL PRICE SHOCKS: POLICY ALTERNATIVES 72 models can reduce the dependence on subsidies in an effectively functioning market and positively affect the fiscal balance. In particular, it is emphasized that auction and open auction models are increasingly being used instead of fixed price guarantee and premium guarantee, and the design based on meter measurement is preferred for small-scale facilities (Akdağ and Gözen, 2020). Promoting the transition to renewable energy is important not only for fiscal balance but also for energy supply security and environmental sustainability. Dışkaya (2017) study on the impact of renewable energy on Turkey’s energy security from a political economy perspective argues that the transition to renewable energy reduces external dependence and environmental hazards from fossil and nuclear energy, and supports economic growth by increasing employment through new industries (Dışkaya, 2017). In this context, shifting energy subsidies from fossil fuels to renewable energy is considered as a policy alternative that will strengthen both fiscal balance and energy security. In the process of restructuring energy subsidies, developments in international energy markets and global energy policies should also be taken into account. In Bayraç (2009)’s comparative study on global energy policies in terms of oil and natural gas resources, it is stated that the US, EU, China, India and Turkey are trying to carry out multifaceted policies to obtain the energy they need from alternative sources in an uninterrupted, cheap and secure manner, despite the problems faced by Russia and Iran, which are important actors in global energy markets, in marketing their resources (Bayraç, 2009). In this framework, the impact of energy subsidies on the fiscal balance is shaped not only at the national level but also by the dynamics of competition and cooperation in international energy markets. Conclusion In conclusion, the effects of energy subsidies on fiscal balance and policy alternatives in the face of oil price shocks require a multidimensional and interdisciplinary analysis. In energy-importing countries, oil price fluctuations put serious pressures on public finances, and the sustainability of energy subsidies is directly related to numerous policy objectives such as social justice, environmental sustainability and energy security. Therefore, restructuring energy subsidies and developing alternative policy options are critical for maintaining both fiscal balance and social welfare. The literature summarized above reveals the key dynamics and challenges that need to be taken into account in policy design in this area. ONUR BAYRAM 73 References Akdağ V, Gözen M 2020. Yenilenebilir enerji projelerine yönelik güncel yatırım ve finansman modelleri: karşılaştırmalı bir değerlendirme. Manisa Celal Bayar Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, 18: 139-156. Bayraç HN 2009. Küresel enerjı polıtıkaları ve türkıye: petrol ve doğal gaz kaynakları açısından bır karşılaştırma. Eskişehir Osmangazi Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, 10(1): 115-142. Dışkaya SK 2017. Türkiye’nin enerji güvenliğinde yenilenebilir enerji etkisinin politik ekonomi perspektifi. Marmara Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilimler Dergisi, 5(2): 129-150. Eroğlu İ, Bursal M 2020. Türkiye’nin cari açık dinamiklerinde enerji açığının rolü ve finansman kalitesi. MANAS Sosyal Araştırmalar Dergisi, 9(4): 2231-2247. İnançlı S, Figan T, Dilek S 2020. Doğal tekeller ve türkıye enerjı pıyasalarında regülasyonlar. Journal of Original Studies, 1(2): 141-154. Pehlivanoğlu C, Yılmaz M 2022. Enerji yoksulluğu ve covid-19 salgını: artan eşitsizlikler ve ülkeler tarafından alınan önlemler. İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Araştırmaları Dergisi, 11(1): 28-42. Sarıtunalı HN 2021. Çevresel güvenlik ve enerji arz güvenliği bağlamında türkiye’nin enerji politikası. Uluslararası Yönetim Akademisi Dergisi, 4(2): 409-421. Topçu FH 2018. Düşük karbon ekonomisine geçme(me): ıklim değişikliği ve enerji politikaları bağlamında bir bakış. Akdeniz İİBF Dergisi, 18: 115-154. Uğur S 2014. Sera gazı emisyonlarının azaltımında karbon-enerji vergilerinin rolü. FSM İlmi Araştırmalar İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Dergisi, 3: 341-358. Yaşar E 2019. Net enerjı ı thalatçısı ülkelerın petrol tüketımının gelır ve fıyat esneklıklerı. EKEV Akademi Dergisi, 77-96. 75 CHAPTER 7 A SEMI-CONCEPTUAL MODEL PROPOSAL: OVERVIEW OF TECHNOLOGY ADDICTION WITH TEXT MINING Ayhan KALINER11 Ömer TELLI Introduction Digital devices (smartphones, tablets, laptops), which have become an indispensable part of the digital age, are increasingly integrated into our daily lives for various purposes such as communication, information and entertainment (Des Marais, 2024). With the global increase in the use of the internet and social media, a significant portion of the world’s population is actively engaged in these platforms (Miller, 2025). In fact, some studies suggest that the use of technology has addictive potential, similar to addictive substances and behaviors such as tobacco, alcohol or gambling (Karakose et al., 2022) This clearly demonstrates the seriousness of the issue and the urgency of understanding and addressing it. The pervasiveness of technology in our lives and its addictive potential shows how important it is to understand and address this phenomenon. The global increase in social media usage rates further emphasizes the prevalence of exposure to potentially addictive technologies (Miller, 2025). 11 Cumhuriyet University, Faculty of Economics and Administrative Sciences, Department of Management Information Systems, Turkey, [email protected], https://orcid. org/0009-0003-5322-2520 A SEMI-CONCEPTUAL MODEL PROPOSAL: OVERVIEW OF TECHNOLOGY ADDICTION WITH TEXT MINING 76 Technology addiction has various negative effects at individual and societal levels. From a psychological perspective, it can increase the risk of anxiety, depression, mood disorders, loneliness, low self-esteem and “Fear of Missing Out” (FOMO)(Wang, 2023). Social effects include social isolation, strained interpersonal relationships, reduced face-to-face interaction, cyberbullying and neglect of social activities (Wang, 2023). In the cognitive domain, possible links have been observed with reduced attention span, difficulty focusing, cognitive overload, reduced working memory capacity and dementia-like symptoms (CSP Global, 2020). In addition, physical symptoms such as eye strain, headaches, sleep disorders and unhealthy lifestyle habits are also among the consequences of technology addiction. These wide-ranging negative effects of technology addiction emphasize that the proposed model should address the multifaceted nature of this problem. The potential link between high social media use and suicidal thoughts, especially among young people (Des Marais, 2024), shows how critical this issue is. Current methods of measuring and analyzing technology addiction have various limitations. The ongoing controversy in defining and diagnosing technology addiction and the lack of a universally accepted “gold standard” instrument is a significant challenge (Samaha et al., 2018). Current diagnostic criteria, such as Internet Gaming Disorder in the DSM-5, have been criticized for over-inclusiveness and applicability to broader technology use (Musetti et al., 2016). Self-report questionnaires such as Young’s Internet Addiction Test (IAT) and the Bergen Social Media Addiction Scale (BSMAS) have shortcomings, including structural inconsistencies, outdated items, cultural differences, and a focus on specific addictive processes rather than the environment (Musetti et al., 2016). These limitations highlight the need for alternative approaches that can provide more nuanced and comprehensive information. The ongoing debate on diagnostic frameworks and the shortcomings of self-report tools illustrate the importance of exploring new methods for understanding technology addiction. Text mining methods offer alternative analysis possibilities with new data sources such as social media and online forums. Text mining is the process of extracting meaningful information from unstructured text data (KahyaÖzyirmidokuz, 2016). Social media and online forums are rich sources of real-world data that reflect users’ experiences, opinions and behaviors related to technology use (Bontcheva & Rout, 2014). Text mining techniques such as sentiment analysis and topic modeling can be used to understand public opinion, identify trends, and discover themes related to technology addiction in these data sources (Miller, 2025). This potential of text mining offers a AYHAN KALINER 77 promising alternative by overcoming some limitations of traditional methods and enabling the analysis of large-scale, naturally occurring data. The aim of this paper is to develop a semi-conceptual model proposal based on existing theoretical knowledge and small-scale text mining application. The report will synthesize the existing literature on technology addiction, explore how text mining can be applied to analyze data from social media and online forums, and based on this synthesis, propose a semi-conceptual model to guide future research in this area. Theoretical Background Technology Addiction Technology addiction is defined as the compulsive, prolonged and uncontrollable use of digital devices or media, which has detrimental effects on users’ psychological or physical health (Karakose et al., 2022). This condition can manifest in various forms, including internet addiction, social media addiction, online gaming addiction, smartphone addiction, online shopping addiction and cybersex addiction. The term “digital addiction” is used as a broader concept that encompasses dependence on various digital devices (Reddy, 2021; Reichert et al., 2021). The different types of technology addiction are important for understanding which digital platforms or activities individuals are overly attached to. For example, some individuals may show excessive interest in social media, while others may become addicted to online gaming or constant web surfing. These different types may require separate study to understand the underlying motivations and consequences of addiction. Various tools and criteria have been developed to measure and classify technology addiction. The DSM-5 (Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 5th Edition) includes diagnostic criteria for Internet Gaming Disorder, and the ICD-11 (International Classification of Diseases, 11th Revision) includes a diagnosis of Gaming Disorder (Meet et al., 2024). Self-report questionnaires are also widely used; Young’s Internet Addiction Test (IAT) and its derivatives (Samaha et al., 2018) and the Bergen Social Media Addiction Scale (BSMAS) and Bergen Facebook Addiction Scale (BFAS) (Ma et al., 2025) are some of these instruments. There are also other scales such as the Compulsive Internet Use Scale (CIUS) and the Addiction Test for Families (IAT-F) (Besser et al., 2019). These instruments and classifications provide an important basis for assessing the prevalence and severity of technology addiction. However, each of these instruments has its A SEMI-CONCEPTUAL MODEL PROPOSAL: OVERVIEW OF TECHNOLOGY ADDICTION WITH TEXT MINING 78 own limitations and criticisms, reflecting the complex nature of technology addiction and the difficulties in measuring it. There are several risk factors and consequences of technology addiction. Psychological risk factors include pre-existing mental health problems (depression, anxiety), impulsivity, low self-esteem and thrill-seeking. Social risk factors include loneliness, lack of social support, peer pressure and interpersonal difficulties. Environmental factors include the easy accessibility and ease of use of the internet and digital devices (Wang, 2023). Negative consequences of technology addiction include academic failure, unhealthy diet, sleep deprivation, social withdrawal and physical health problems (Cerniglia et al., 2017; Nakshine et al., 2022). These risk factors and consequences illustrate how technology addiction affects various aspects of individuals’ lives. In particular, the presence of psychological and social risk factors may make some individuals more vulnerable to technology addiction, while the negative consequences clearly demonstrate the burden of addiction on the individual and society. Text mining Text mining, also known as text analytics or natural language processing (NLP), refers to the process of extracting meaningful information from unstructured text data. This discipline uses a variety of techniques to analyze text data and uncover patterns, drawing from various fields such as linguistics, computer science and statistics. The basic techniques of text mining are as follows: • Word Frequency: Identifies prominent terms by determining the number of repetitions of words in a corpus of text (Park et al., 2021). • TF-IDF (Term Frequency-Inverse Document Frequency): A statistical measure used to assess the importance of a word in a document collection (Rifaldi & Fadlil, 2024). • Word Cloud: A visual representation of word frequencies; the size of each word indicates its relative frequency (Shahid et al., 2017). • LDA (Latent Dirichlet Allocation): A topic modeling technique used to discover hidden topics in a document collection (Taher & Hasan, 2025). • Sentiment Analysis (Opinion Mining): Identifies the emotional tone or opinion (positive, negative, neutral) expressed in a piece of text (Saberi & Saad, 2017). AYHAN KALINER 79 • Named Entity Recognition (NER): Identifies and classifies named entities (e.g., people, organizations, locations) in text (Baigang & Yi, 2023). Text mining has a wide range of uses in the social sciences. It can be used to analyze public opinion, track emerging issues, and study social phenomena (Hassani et al., 2020). It can also be applied to understand consumer preferences and brand perception, identify trends and interests through hashtag analysis (Chae, 2015), and explore health-related information and patient experiences in online forums and social media (Chang et al., 2019; Savyasachi, 2022). These diverse applications in social sciences demonstrate how text mining is a powerful tool for understanding complex social phenomena. There are also text mining applications specific to technology addiction. Some of these applications include analyzing social media data (e.g., Twitter, Reddit, Instagram) to understand patterns of drug use and addiction (Nasralah et al., 2020), examining online forum discussions on mental health and addiction (Savyasachi, 2022) and identifying help-seeking behaviors and support communities for addiction on online platforms (Valdez & Patterson, 2022). These academic studies demonstrate how text mining can be effectively used to study behavioral addictions such as technology addiction in online environments. Individual And Cocial Effects Of Technology Addiction : Literature Review The psychological effects of technology addiction on individuals are quite diverse. Anxiety when separated from technology (nomophobia) and fear of missing out on what is happening on social media (FOMO) are common psychological symptoms of this addiction (CSP Global, 2020). The need to be constantly connected and the compulsion to check social media notifications can lead to increased levels of anxiety in individuals. This is particularly common in young people, and can be caused by the tendency to constantly see other people’s “pleasant” experiences on social media and compare their own lives with them. The relationship of technology addiction to depression is also a frequently researched topic (Wang, 2023). In some cases, individuals use the internet as a tool to escape boredom or loneliness, while excessive screen time may mask underlying depression or anxiety (Domingues‐Montanari, 2017; Jull et al., 2008). Over-reliance on technology can also lead to mood regulation problems, low self-esteem and negative effects on overall mental health (Hassan et al., 2020). There is research suggesting a link between high social media use and self-harm A SEMI-CONCEPTUAL MODEL PROPOSAL: OVERVIEW OF TECHNOLOGY ADDICTION WITH TEXT MINING 86 Figure 1. World cloud of technology addiction sentences Thematic clustering (K-means) To identify latent thematic groupings within the dataset, K-Means clustering was applied to the TF-IDF matrix using Scikit-learn’s KMeans function (init = “k-means++”, max_iter = 300). Based on conceptual reasoning and preliminary evaluation using the elbow method, the number of clusters was set to k = 3, representing distinct domains of emotional, social, and cognitive/academic experience. Each cluster reflected a semantically coherent subfield of technology addiction discourse: Table 2. Summary of thematic clusters ıdentified through k-means analysis Cluster Thematic Domain % of Corpus Dominant Terms 0Cognitive/Academic Impact 34.6% focus, productivity, sleep, control 1Emotional Effects 32.4% anxious, overwhelmed, restless 2Social Isolation 33.0% lonely, disconnected, scrolling Cluster separation and cohesion were further assessed via Silhouette Coefficient, yielding an average score of 0.62, indicating acceptable clustering performance for short-text corpora. AYHAN KALINER 87 Qualitative cluster interpretation To deepen the interpretive insight of the clusters, each group was manually examined, and five representative expressions were selected per cluster to illustrate its thematic essence. These sample texts were lightly refined for clarity while preserving their original semantic structure. • Cognitive/Academic Cluster (Cluster 0): Texts emphasized decreased attention span, disrupted productivity, and excessive gaming or screen time interfering with academic or work-related tasks. E.g., “Gaming takes up most of my free time and that’s affecting my sleep.” • Emotional Effects Cluster (Cluster 1): Dominated by feelings of dependency, anxiety, restlessness, and emotional fatigue. E.g., “I often feel overwhelmed by constant notifications.” • Social Isolation Cluster (Cluster 2): Included statements referencing detachment from real-life interactions and a preference for digital communication over face-to-face relationships. E.g., “I prefer texting over in-person conversations most of the time.” These thematic illustrations reveal how subjective experiences of technology addiction are discursively encoded in distinct yet overlapping ways. Integrated conceptual model output Synthesizing lexical frequencies, TF-IDF scores, and thematic clustering results, the study produced an integrated semi-conceptual model outlining the multidimensional structure of technology addiction. This model posits that emotional distress, social withdrawal, and cognitive/academic dysfunction are not isolated consequences but interwoven behavioral patterns, consistently reflected in the everyday language of affected individuals. The conceptual model is represented visually in Figure 2, which illustrates how the three core clusters relate to one another through shared linguistic markers and overlapping experiential domains. The diagram also highlights key terms associated with each domain and indicates their potential diagnostic relevance for future digital behavior research. A SEMI-CONCEPTUAL MODEL PROPOSAL: OVERVIEW OF TECHNOLOGY ADDICTION WITH TEXT MINING 88 Figure 2. Description of the semi-conceptual model Discussion And Conclusion The findings of this study reveal a multi-dimensional structure underlying technology addiction, as captured through computational analysis of usergenerated textual content. By integrating lexical frequency metrics, TF-IDF weighting, and thematic clustering, the study offers a conceptual framework that articulates how emotional strain, social disconnection, and cognitive disruption are linguistically encoded in expressions related to digital overuse. Consistent with prior literature emphasizing the psychological and behavioral consequences of excessive technology engagement (Kuss & Griffiths, 2015; Montag et al., 2021), the emotional dimension identified here—characterized by terms such as “anxious,” “restless,” and “overwhelmed”—demonstrates how affective distress is prominently embedded in the discourse. Notably, these expressions were not only frequent but also contextually unique, as shown by their high TF-IDF scores, reinforcing their centrality in the digital dependency narrative. AYHAN KALINER 89 The second major cluster, representing social isolation, resonates with existing theoretical models that associate technology addiction with withdrawal from interpersonal relationships (Caplan, 2010). Linguistic indicators within this cluster, such as “ignore real-life interactions” and “prefer texting over in-person conversations”, suggest a displacement of faceto-face sociality by mediated communication. This transition is not merely behavioral but discursive, revealing a shift in how individuals articulate their relational engagement in technologically saturated environments. The third thematic cluster focuses on cognitive and academic functionality, echoing research linking technology overuse with decreased attention span, productivity loss, and academic underperformance (Asif & Kazi, 2024; Shanmugasundaram & Tamilarasu, 2023; Xie et al., 2023). The emergence of terms like “hurts productivity”, “lack of focus”, and “can’t concentrate” reflects how cognitive fatigue manifests not only in behavior but also in self-reflective language. These insights indicate that linguistic expressions may serve as proxies for identifying early markers of cognitive strain due to digital overuse. Importantly, the semi-conceptual model proposed in this study does not aim to replace clinical or psychometric approaches but rather to complement them through a linguistic perspective. By mapping user narratives into structured clusters, the model offers a scaffold for future research in predictive diagnostics, early intervention design, and digital behavior monitoring. Furthermore, the methodological design—merging statistical text analysis with conceptual categorization—presents a replicable framework applicable to adjacent domains such as gaming disorder, social media fatigue, or online learning burnout. In summary, the integration of NLP-based techniques with theoretically grounded interpretation has enabled a nuanced understanding of technology addiction as both a behavioral syndrome and a discursive construction. The resulting model not only corroborates existing findings in the field but also introduces a linguistically informed analytical lens for future explorations. Conclusion This study presented a semi-conceptual model of technology addiction derived from computational text analysis techniques. By integrating word frequency metrics, TF-IDF weighting, and thematic clustering, the research identified three dominant impact domains—emotional distress, social isolation, and cognitive/academic disruption—frequently reflected in everyday language. The model provides a novel lens through which A SEMI-CONCEPTUAL MODEL PROPOSAL: OVERVIEW OF TECHNOLOGY ADDICTION WITH TEXT MINING 90 technology addiction can be understood not solely as a clinical or behavioral condition, but also as a discursive construct observable in natural language use. Importantly, the analytical framework demonstrated in this study can serve as a replicable template for future research aiming to explore digital behavior patterns through linguistically grounded methods. As the boundaries between digital and lived experiences continue to blur, models that bridge computational evidence with conceptual interpretation become essential tools for both academic inquiry and applied intervention design. Recommendations Based on the findings of this study, future research on technology addiction may benefit from incorporating linguistically informed approaches into early detection systems. Educational institutions, mental health professionals, and digital platform designers are encouraged to utilize discursive patterns identified through text mining as indicators of emotional distress, cognitive disruption, and social withdrawal. Additionally, integrating real-time linguistic monitoring into digital well-being tools may provide non-invasive and scalable alternatives for behavioral risk assessment. Limitations and strengths One limitation of this study lies in the relatively small and languagespecific dataset, which may limit the generalizability of the findings across diverse linguistic or cultural contexts. The absence of demographic data also precludes subgroup analysis based on age, gender, or digital habits. 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