FROM QUR'ANIC THOUGHT TO MODERN CHALLENGES: INTELLECTUAL, SOCIAL AND EDUCATIONAL PERSPECTIVES

EDITOR Prof. Dr. Muhammed SAFDAR BHATTI FROM QUR’ANIC THOUGHT TO MODERN CHALLENGES: INTELLECTUAL, SOCIAL AND EDUCATIONAL PERSPECTIVES Published by BZT TURAN PUBLISHING HOUSE Certificate Number: 202401 Delaware, United States www.bztturanpublishinghouse.com [email protected] EDITOR: Prof. Dr. Muhammed SAFDAR BHATTI FROM QUR’ANIC THOUGHT TO MODERN CHALLENGES: INTELLECTUAL, SOCIAL AND EDUCATIONAL PERSPECTIVES OPEN ACCESS Suggested Citation: Safdar Bhatti, M. (2025). FROM QUR’ANIC THOUGHT TO MODERN CHALLENGES: INTELLECTUAL, SOCIAL AND EDUCATIONAL PERSPECTIVES. BZT TURAN PUBLISHING HOUSE. DOI: https://doi. org/10.30546/19023.978-9952-8610-3-7.2025.0039 Language: English Publication Date: October 2025 Cover Design By Mehmet ÇAKIR Print and digital versions typeset by BZT TURAN Media Co. Ltd. E-ISBN: 9 7 8 - 9 9 5 2 - 8 6 1 0 - 3 - 7 DOI: https://doi.org/10.30546/19023.978-9952-8610-3-7.2025.0039 iii PREFACE In the contemporary academic world, where interdisciplinary approaches have gained increasing significance, it becomes ever more essential to revisit the intellectual and cultural foundations of humanity. The studies presented in this volume represent a diverse yet interconnected attempt to address the multifaceted dimensions of religion, society, education, and history from both classical and contemporary perspectives. The first contributions examine the Qur’ān as a guide for human intellect and reflection, highlighting concepts such as contemplation (tedebbür), iʿtibār, taakkul, tadhakkur, and ruʾyah. Through these, the Qur’ān not only directs human beings to recognize the existence and unity of God but also emphasizes the responsibility of employing reason in understanding the relationship between God, humanity, and the universe. Thinking, in this regard, is presented as a fundamental act of worship and a pathway to truth. Another important focus is on Imam Abū Manṣūr al-Māturīdī, whose scholarly identity and intellectual legacy stand at the heart of the Ahl alSunnah tradition. His epistemological insights, as well as his contributions in kalām, fiqh, and tafsīr, are revisited here in relation to the political, cultural, and academic environment of his time. By situating Māturīdī within the vibrant intellectual milieu of Bukhara, Nishapur, and Samarkand, this study sheds light on how he shaped a rational and tolerant discourse that continues to inspire theological thought today. The metaphor of fermentation is then employed to explore the dynamics of social thought. Just as fermentation in the biological sense signifies transformation and maturation, the metaphor here encapsulates the evolving processes of religious, cultural, and intellectual development across history. From the Abbasid period to Al-Andalus and the Ottoman experience with the printing press, and further into the digital age, the analysis demonstrates how values, norms, and beliefs are continuously reshaped through individual reflection and collective interaction. The volume also addresses contemporary socio-political issues, such as the Palestine question through the eyes of preschool children, offering a poignant reminder that political realities inevitably permeate educational contexts and early stages of identity formation. This dimension highlights the role of pedagogy not only as a means of instruction but also as a field deeply affected by global conflicts and struggles for justice. iv Finally, a historical exploration of the Bakr b. Wāʾil tribe during the caliphate of ʿUmar b. al-Khaṭṭāb underscores the significance of tribal networks in administration, military strategy, judiciary practices, and diplomacy. By analyzing their roles within the broader policies of governance, the study provides valuable insights into how pragmatic leadership and meritbased appointments facilitated the consolidation of the early Islamic state. Taken together, these studies illuminate the interplay of reason and revelation, tradition and transformation, individual consciousness and collective identity, local contexts and universal values. They remind us that intellectual inquiry is never confined to a single domain but rather flourishes at the intersections of theology, history, sociology, education, and politics. It is our hope that this collection will serve as an inspiration for scholars and students alike, encouraging deeper engagement with the enduring questions of faith, reason, society, and human destiny. By bringing together perspectives from the Qur’ān, Islamic intellectual history, social theory, pedagogy, and early Islamic governance, the volume aspires to contribute to the ongoing dialogue between past legacies and present challenges in an ever-changing world. v From the Pen of Miss Maria Noor Safdar Bhatti: An Ambassador of Knowledge and Awareness Dr. Muhammad Safdar Bhatti is a seasoned ELT expert with 30 years IELTS, TOEFL, TEFL & PTE teaching and training experience marked by significant contributions to academia. He has helped thousands of students to overcome their struggles and achieve their desired scores. His passion for teaching and dedication to his students’ success drives him to continually improve his teaching methods and provide the best possible support. He is a Linguist by profession, Teacher Trainer, Researcher & International Keynote & Plenary Speaker by experience. His academic excellence was evident throughout his studies, establishing a foundation for his future endeavors in research and teaching. He has published 90 Research Papers in numerous international peer reviewed research journals reflecting his dedication to advancing the field of ELT, authored four books & has supervised extensively. He has conducted and attended scores of ELT workshops and seminars globally. Additionally, he has presented more than hundred keynote talks at various scientific conferences, sharing his findings with the global scientific community. His publications and presentations have made him a well-respected researcher, contributing valuable insights into ELT. He has a great travel history. He has been awarded Honorary Doctorate in ELT and Applied Linguistics by an American University due to his remarkable services in the field of ELT. He is a recipient of multiple national and international Awards & Gold Medals in recognition of his outstanding academic achievements. Currently he is teaching in The Islamia university of Bahawalpur-Pakistan. vi vii CONTENTS PREFACE .................................................................................................................... iii CHAPTER 1 REASON AND THINKING IN THE QUR’AN: AN EVALUATION IN THE CONTEXT OF THE CONCEPTS OF CONTEMPLATION, I’TIBÂR, TAAKKUL, TEZEKKÜR AND RÜ’YET .................................................................... 1 Mehmet KUYUCU CHAPTER 2 IMAM MĀTURĪDĪ AND THE FORMATION OF HIS SCIENTIFIC IDENTITY: HIS CONTRIBUTIONS IN THE FIELDS OF KALĀM, FIQH AND TAFSIR AND THE ROLE OF SCHOLARLY ENVIRONMENT .........................................17 Mehmet KUYUCU CHAPTER 3 THE PALESTINE ISSUE THROUGH THE EYES OF CHILDREN IN PRESCHOOL EDUCATION ....................................................................................39 Zernişan AYKAN Hakan SARIÇAM CHAPTER 4 FERMENTATION OF SOCIAL THOUGHT AND ITS REFLECTIONS ............61 Mehmet Ata MIRZAOĞLU CHAPTER 5 THE BAKR B. WĀʾIL TRIBE DURING THE CALIPHATE OF ʿUMAR: ROLES IN ADMINISTRATION, MILITARY, JUDICIARY, AND DIPLOMACY ..............77 Kenan ECEOĞLU CHAPTER 6 LIFE HISTORY OF SYED SHAMSUDDIN SHAH GILANI (MAY ALLAH HAVE MERCY ON HIM) .......................................................................................... 95 Syed Adnan Hussain Gillani Dr Syed Muhammad Farooq Shah Gillani REASON AND THINKING IN THE QUR’AN: AN EVALUATION IN THE CONTEXT OF THE CONCEPTS 6 and guiding light of this message, especially the message of the Qur’an itself. (Kutluer, 1994) The Qur’an, the human mind, and the visible material require intense mental endeavor in three areas to carry beyond them: man himself, including his own world. We can categorize under three main headings: the material and spiritual existence of the living and non-living history. universe and the revelation written with the pen with all things (Qur’an) We can give some examples of these titles from the relevant verses. Man is reminded of the truth of his creation and called to think about himself. It is He Who created you from dust, then from semen, then from an egg, then brought you forth as a baby, then made you live so that you may reach an age of strength, then old age—and there are those among you who have died before—and reach a certain time. It is hoped that you may reflect. (H. Karaman et al., 2007, Verse al-Mu’min 40/67) One of the fields that the Qur’an presents as a source for rational reflection is history, that is, the beliefs, thoughts, and practices of people and societies that have lived before and the results of these beliefs, thoughts, and practices. “Have they not traveled in the earth? If they had traveled, they would certainly have hearts to think and ears to hear. But the truth is that the eyes are not blind, but in the breasts the hearts are blind!” (H. Karaman et al., 2007, Ayat al-Hajj 22/46) There are many. more verses dealing with the universe and reflection on the cosmic system For example, The dead earth is a sign for them. We revive it and bring forth grains from it, and they eat of them. And We have made therein date palms and vineyards, and We have caused springs to gush forth in them, that they may eat of their fruit. It is not their hands that have done these things. Will they still not give thanks? (H. Karaman vd., 2007, Ayet Yasin 36/33-35) One of the most important subjects worthy of human contemplation is the Holy ‘Qur’an itself. Qur’an: If it were the word of anyone other than Allah, they would surely find many inconsistencies and contradictions in it. (H. Karaman vd., 2007, Ayet en-Nisâ 4/82) What the Qur’an expects from human beings, especially Muslims, all this thinking as a result of activities, is to create. Because one eighth of the MEHMET KUYUCU 7 verses of the Qur’an commands science and research, and in this context, it always advises people to learn science, to ask questions, and to reach the truth by means of nazar and istidlal. an “Information Society (F. Karaman, 1998, s. 78) B. Basic Concepts Expressing Thinking in the Qur’an 1. Fikr/Contemplation In the Arabic dictionary, the word fikr means the power that directs knowledge towards the known. Contemplation, on the other hand, is this power acting according to the intellect. Accordingly, nazar and contemplation are “thinking about the aftermath of a work,” examining and researching them to reach the truth of things. (el-Cürcânî, 1993, s. 63; el-İsfahani, 2017, s. fkr md. 756) One of the terms that comes closest to the meaning of thinking in the Qur’an is contemplation together with reason. It is mentioned in 18 verses in the Qur’an. (Abdülbâki, 1986, s. fkr md. 524-525) When these verses in the Holy Qur’an, which insistently command and recommend contemplation, are taken into consideration, it becomes very clear that Allah wants us to think about the universe, our world, and its contents. As a result, a believer who has a good knowledge of astronomy, biology, geology, physics, zoology, and botany knows that the Qur’an is a divine revelation from Allah and that the universe system will be much better able to establish the connection that is a magnificent work of art showing the existence of Allah. (Prof. Dr. Mahmut Kaya ile Söyleşi, 2020, s. 23) Biruni, who, according to historians, is the pioneer of anthropology, Hindology, and geodesy, is a good example. He points to the following verse, 191 of Surah Al-Imran, as the reason for his engagement in science. (Doko, 2017) “Surely in the creation of the heavens and the earth, and in the day and night alternation, there are signs for those who have understanding. They remember Allah and contemplate the creation of the heavens and the earth while they are standing, sitting, and reclining” (Âl-i Imrân 3/190-191). The verse points to discovering the connection between intellectual inquiry and belief in Allah and to a thinking activity in which mental endeavor, remembrance of Allah, and contemplation follow and complement each other. (Kutluer, 1994) REASON AND THINKING IN THE QUR’AN: AN EVALUATION IN THE CONTEXT OF THE CONCEPTS 8 Some other verses related are as follows: to contemplation Have they not thought to themselves that Allah has created the heavens and the earth and all that is between them only in truth and for a definite term? Most of the people indeed disbelieve in the meeting with their Lord (2007, Ayet er-Rûm 30/8). It is He Who paved the earth and created in it mountains and rivers and created therein of every fruit in pairs. And He covers the night over the day. Surely in all this there are signs for a thinking people. (H. Karaman vd., 2007, Ayet er-Ra’d 13/3) 2. Tedebbur Tedebbür Arabic is derived from the word “dübür.” The dictionaries state that. The word means “back” as the opposite of “front.” Tedbir, derived from the same root, means to think about the end of things. (el-Cürcânî, 1993, s. 58; el-İsfahani, 2017, s. dbr md. 349-350) The verb ‘tadaabbür’ occurs in four verses in the Quran (Abdülbâki, 1986, s. 252). The meanings of these verses are as follows: If it were the word of anyone other than Allah, they would surely find in it many inconsistencies and contradictions (H. Karaman et al., 2007, Ayet en-Nisâ 4/82). (O Messenger!) We have sent down this blessed book to you so that they may ponder over its verses and that those who have understanding may take admonition. (H. Karaman vd., 2007, Ayet Sâd 38/29) Do they not ponder the Qur’an? Or do they have overlapping locks over their hearts? (H. Karaman vd., 2007, Ayet Muhammed 47/24) Have they not considered this word (the Qur’an)? Or has something come to them that did not come to their forefathers? (H. Karaman et al., 2007, Verse al-M’minun 23/68) It is seen that in verses, it is always attributed to human beings. In other words, the perpetrator who should think is a man. In these places where the verb “to contemplate” is mentioned, the things to be contemplated are the wordقول, آيات verses, and القرآن Qur›an. In other words, the common point of the things to be considered is revelation. We can state that the difference that distinguishes tahaabd al-tabboud from other acts of thinking is that it is an endeavor to understand in order to see that the agent behind the revelation is Allah. Taubabbür is an act of thinking that enables us to see that the Qur›an MEHMET KUYUCU 9 could not have come from anyone other than Allah, the above, where the verb «to think» is mentioned. (Uygan, 2018) 3.Zikr/Contemplation The word zikr (dhikr) is a characteristic of the soul that enables people to remember the knowledge they have acquired. It is bringing the acquired knowledge to mind. Contemplation is the activity of remembering the blessings of Allah (al-Isfahani, 2017, p. zkr md. 374; Ibn Manzûr, t.y.). It is to bring to mind the giver of blessings. It is mentioned in verses one hundred and twenty-nine in the Holy Qur›an in the imperative form, twenty-two, and in the verb form in the sense of a mental and heart effort of man, one hundred and seven (Abdülbâki, 1986, p. zkr md.262-263). The act of thinking is the most common word in the sense of mental effort. If the thinking is directed towards the past, it is called and means «remembering, remembrance, contemplation. Zikr and contemplation have the same meaning in the dictionary and mean «both remembrance with the tongue and remembrance with the heart, recollection» (Kutluer, n.d.). Contemplation means reminding «ى ٰ رْٰخُْْ لْاُا اَمَُهُيٰدْٰحِْا َرِٰ�كَِّذَُتَُفَ اَمَُهُيٰدْٰحِْا ّلَِّ ضَِتَ ْنَا. If one of the women gets confused, let the other remind her» (H. Karaman et al., 2007, Ayat al-Baqara 2/282) is a good example. According to Elmali dhikr (zikr), thinking that covers all states of the human being is an act of time. In terms of the past, present, and future, it covers. He sees it as a prerequisite for human experiences ranging from those with pure minds who can read the invisible from the visible to the invisible, the facts of events from worships such as prayer to scientific discoveries. It is an act performed in order to see unique works of art and the power of the judgments of attributes and even Allah the Almighty by diving into the inner realm world (the inner face of existence) of the angelic (Yazır, 2021, p. 445). As a result of the act of thinking pointed out by the Qur›an, we witness that none of the inventions, scientific discoveries, and inventions made throughout history, whether in the field of positive sciences or social sciences, have ever contradicted the truths pointed out or clearly shown by the Holy Qur›an. On the contrary, these discoveries and inventions seem to confirm the truths pointed out by the Qur›an. (Interview with Prof. Dr. Mahmut Kaya, 2020) One of the words derived from the root «zikr» is contemplation. Contemplation refers to two actions. The first of these is the endeavor of our REASON AND THINKING IN THE QUR’AN: AN EVALUATION IN THE CONTEXT OF THE CONCEPTS 10 heart to return and remember what we have lost and forgotten from what we know. The other is to place in the mind what has not been forgotten, what has been learned, what is known, and what is heard and seen. In other words, we can say that it is an endeavor to form a solid thought, belief, and knowledge based on the events that happened in the past, the present, and the future. To put it more succinctly, contemplation of the Almighty by considering the signs of unlimited mercy in all the beings created by Allah in the universe and the evidence of Allah›s existence, we can say that it is the endeavor to understand mercy and compassion and His knowledge and power. Therefore, contemplation is not a mere thought but a determination to think, understand, and not forget that Allah is the Lord of the creatures by considering the works of Allah and using our mind, intellect, and actions. the Creator (Bilgiz, 2006, pp. 215-216) 4. I’tibar In the dictionary, reputation and example are defined as reaching the invisible based on the knowledge of the visible. (al-Isfahani, 2017, p. abr md.632-633 There is a great sign for you in the case of those two groups who fought against each other (at Badr). One group was fighting in the way of Allah, and the other was a group of disbelievers who saw them clearly as twice their number. Allah supports whom He wills with His help. Surely there is a great sign in this for the owners of clairvoyance (H. Karaman et al., 2007, Ayat al-›Al-›Imrân 3/13). It means exemplary thinking that fosters (taking a lesson) the awareness that and its contents are temporary and deceptive in the world. He, from the People of the Book, is the One who drove out the disbelievers in the first mass exile. You did not think that they would come out. And they thought that their fortresses would protect them from Allah. But Allah›s command came to them from where they did not expect. He put fear in their hearts. So much so that they used to wash their houses with their own hands and with the hands of the believers. O people of clairvoyance, take an example. (H. Karaman et al., 2007, Ayat al-Hashr 59/2) Taking an example is a different aspect of contemplation. We can say that it is the outward dimension of thinking. Mountains, seas, the sun, nations, societies, and human beings themselves are subjects of example. Since Allah did not create the universe in vain, a believer should never look at life with empty eyes. All the blessings that Allah has given us and the troubles we MEHMET KUYUCU 11 have suffered are a verse from which we can learn lessons if we look at them from the perspective of example and wisdom. Our Lord recommends that Muslims should look at the world of existence with an eye of example. (Erbaş, 2020, p. 6) It is also stated that it is used in the sense of taking lessons from events and facts. It is a method of reaching new information by comparing something unknown with what is known. In this context, it has the same meaning as the syllogism method that forms the basis of the syllogism in logic and jurisprudence. Ibn Rushd, the word «reputation,» is known to consider the verse as evidence for the necessity of using rational and fiqh syllogism. «O you who have the clairvoyance, take an example.» (H. Karaman et al., 2007, Ayat al-Hashr 59/2. (Interview with Prof. Dr. Mahmut Kaya, 2020) 5. Reflection and Re›y Since they have meanings related to thinking, it is necessary to include these words in this group of terms. “teemmul” means «concentrating thought on an object in the mind.» Re’y (or ru’yet), on the other hand, means looking and seeing with both the eyes and the heart (intellect), similar to the concept of the evil eye. The intellectual conviction (i›tikad) formed as a result of these observations is also called ta›mmul and re’y. In the Qur›an, the concepts of re’y/rü’yet are used in the sense of both sensory and intellectual perception (Kutluer, 1994). (Say: Have you ever considered that if Allah were to keep the night on you until the Day of Resurrection, who is the god besides Allah who can bring you light? Will you still not hear? (H. Karaman et al., 2007, Verse al-Qasas 28/71) Say: Have you seen your partners whom you worshipped besides Allah? Show me! What on earth have they created! Or do they have a partnership in the heavens! Or have we given them a book (about this matter) so that they rely on proof in that book? Nay! Those wrongdoers give each other nothing but deception and promise. (H. Karaman et al., 2007, Ayat al-Fatir 35/40) And if you were to ask them, «Who created the heavens and the earth?» they would certainly say, «Allah.» Say: Then tell me. If Allah wishes to harm me, can those whom you worship besides Allah remove the harm He has done? Or if Allah wills mercy on me, can they prevent His mercy? Say: Allah is sufficient for me. Those who put their trust in Him alone. (H. Karaman et al., 2007, Verse Zumar 39/38) REASON AND THINKING IN THE QUR’AN: AN EVALUATION IN THE CONTEXT OF THE CONCEPTS 12 Say: What do you say? If it (the Qur›an) is from Allah, and you have disbelieved in it, then who is more astray (from the truth) than he who is far astray? (H. Karaman et al., 2007, Verse Fussulit 41/52) Tell us, then, what is the semen that you pour (into the wombs)? Do you create it, or is it we who create it? Now tell me what you have sown. Do you finish, or is it we who finish it? If we had willed it, we could have made it dry rubbish, and you would have been astonished. (H. Karaman et al., 2007, Ayat al-Waqi›a 56/59-65) Imam Mâturidî interpreted it in two ways. Firstly, the truth is so obvious that the person who does not see it and does not accept it should be considered unintelligent. The word rü›yet in Surat al-Qasas, 71 verse: «That is to say, while they were giving thanks, they were turning towards the idols they worshipped. worshipping However, they knew that the idols were not able to change the night into day or the day into night, which Allah Almighty had declared. Yet they deliberately abandoned the worship of Allah, who is the One who is able to do all these things.» (H. Karaman vd., 2007, Ayet Surat al-Qasas, 71) The second interpretation is that the seeing in the verse is seeing in the mind and heart. It is as if Allah Almighty said, Will you not listen to this with your minds? And will you not see intellectually? This verse supports my interpretation. (M. I. M. al-Māturīdī, 2015, pp. 90-91) Have they not traveled in the earth (those who deny you)? If they had traveled, they would certainly have hearts to think and ears to hear. But the truth is that the eyes are not blind, but the hearts within the breasts are blind. (H. Karaman et al., 2007, Ayat al-Hajj 22/46) As a result, it can be expressed as the human being›s understanding and acceptance of the truths that are clearly in front of the eyes and at the same time comprehended by everyone, without turning away from the facts or being stubborn. In order for man not to see these facts, he should only have a forced exhibit and blind stubbornness denial. 6.Taakkul (Reasoning) Positive and negative verbs (taakkul), which occur in 48 places in the Holy Qur›an in the form of means, to think about the verses, and to draw the necessary conclusions. (Abdülbâki, 1986, pp. 468-469) Elmalılı Muhammad Hamdi In a special sense, the knowledge of Allah is a function of the heart, that is, the intellect showing wisdom and power of Accordingly, the essence MEHMET KUYUCU 13 of the act of intellection is the transfer from observation to theory, from the senses to the intelligible, and this transfer takes place in accordance with the requirements of the principle of illiyyat. to Yazır (Kutluer, 1994) In this sense, the verb taakkul can be given the meaning of thinking and reasoning on theoretical and practical issues. (Interview with Prof. Dr. Mahmut Kaya, 2020) Some of the verses on the subject of thinking (reasoning) are as follows: Allah created the heavens and the earth in truth. Surely this is a sign (of Allah›s existence and power) for those who believe. (H. Karaman et al., 2007, Ayat al-Anqabût 29/44). Surely the worst of creatures in the sight of Allah are the deaf and dumb who do not think (H. Karaman et al., 2007, Ayat al-Anfal 8/22). Have they not traveled in the earth (those who deny you)? Surely if they had traveled, they would have had hearts to think and ears to hear. But the truth is that the eyes are not blind, but the hearts within the breasts become blind. (H. Karaman et al., 2007, Ayat al-Haj 22/46). Have you not looked at those who dispute about the verses of Allah? How they are turned away (they refuse to acknowledge it). (H. Karaman et al., 2007, Verse al-Mu›min 40/69) Many verses with content have the same meaning and encourage us to think. In this sense, the Qur›an›s intellectual pause and about do not want us to do so in a superficial way, but in a deep and consistent way that will enable us to be aware of the subtleties and wisdom of beings. (Interview with Prof. Dr. Mahmut Kaya, 2020) Verily, in the creation of the heavens and the earth, and in the alternation of the night and the day, and in the ships that sail in the sea laden with what is good for mankind, and in the water that Allah sends down from the sky and revives the dead earth, and in His spreading all kinds of living creatures on the earth, and in His directing the winds and the clouds that wait between the earth and the sky, for a thinking people (the existence and unity of Allah; there are many proofs) proving (H. Karaman et al., 2007, Ayat al-Baqara 2/164). In order to understand the existence of Allah, the Creator, we observe the universe; it is sufficient to look at and think about. The sun, the moon, the stars, the seas and rivers on the earth, the world minerals, the plants, and the animals necessarily accept that they cannot be independent of a creative power and a being of wisdom. This method and point of view is the method REASON AND THINKING IN THE QUR’AN: AN EVALUATION IN THE CONTEXT OF THE CONCEPTS 14 of the anbiya and asfiya. (al-Harputī, 2016, p. 124) However, in the relevant verse, it is stated that establishing this connection between God and the universe is reserved for those who use their intellect. Conclusion Undoubtedly, the word of Allah that best explains nature and the relationship between them is the Qur›an. For this reason, the existence and Allahunity of man, in order to establish the right way, this relationship in Allah has supported and revealed man with prophets along with reason. When we look at the Qur›an, which is the divine revelation, we see that the most important human endeavor is thinking and contemplation. this In context, the Holy Qur›an invites people to use their intellect and think about things in verses many. In this study, we have tried to deal with the concepts related to thinking in the Qur›an within the framework of the relevant verses. We have determined that many concepts related to thinking are used. We have determined the basic concepts used in the verses related to thinking as nazar, tafsir, tedebbür, i›tibâr and taakkul (intellect), tezekkür and re›y. In addition to these, the Qur›an has an important place in the concepts of knowledge, wisdom, book, basar, fuad, heart, basiret, lubb, right, fate, ayah, beyyine, burhan, sultan, ibret, and tafakkuh, rich content related to thinking and reasoning. As far as we have been able to meanings of the concepts of, are as follows: determine, the, we have endeavoured to determine the meaning framework in the context of the Qur›ancontemplation, tedebbür, i›tibâr and taakkul (intellect), tezekkür and re›y. In accordance with the root meaning, we can express it as the leap of the intellectual mind from the material part of the beings to the spiritual/ metaphysical field. It is seen that this emphasis comes to the fore in the verses. contemplation What is signaled by contemplation in the verses is to examine and investigate things in order to reach the truth of them. The result of this endeavor is to see Allah, the Lord of the worlds, behind and to establish the connection between the creator and the created. the existence. The word reputation, which is expressed as an action performed by those who have intellect, appears as a different aspect of contemplation in the verses. This word we see is used in the Qur›anic context in the sense of taking lessons from events and phenomena and taking a lesson. Therefore, for Muslims, the realm of existence is empty and is not, but a field that should be looked at with an eye of example and learned from purposeless. MEHMET KUYUCU 15 Contemplation is the most common word in the Qur›an that expresses thinking and mental endeavor. remembering the blessings of Allah It appears as the activity of commemorating. It is to bring to mind the creator of existence and the giver of blessings. And these blessings Contemplation also stands as an act of thinking that covers all states of man. It is an action performed by those with pure minds who can read the invisible from the visible in order to see the realities of events. However, when contemplation is directed towards the past, it should be noted that it means «remembering, remembrance.» The word ta›abbbür appears in the verses as an act of reflection that enables us to see that the Qur›an could not have come from anyone other than Allah. Therefore, according to the Qur›an, the common point of the things that should be studied is revelation. We can say that the difference that distinguishes the act of reflection from other acts of thinking is that it is an endeavor to understand in order to see that the agent behind revelation is God. (al-Jurjānī, 1993, p. 58) In the verses, it is used in a special sense as a function of the heart, i.e., the intellect, in the sense of thinking about the verses showing the knowledge, wisdom, and power of Allah and drawing the necessary conclusions. In this sense, the verb taaqqul can be given the meaning of thinking about theoretical and practical issues. Re›y, which is used in the sense of seeing clear-cut truths, means looking and seeing with both the eyes and the heart (intellect), just like the evil eye. The intellectual conviction (i›tikad) formed in human beings as a result of these observations is also called re›y. The concepts of re›y/rü›yet are also used in the Qur›an in the sense of both sensory and intellectual perception. In other words, it is man›s comprehension of the truths in front of his eyes. Allah Almighty upon man One of the greatest blessings is reason. When the intellect is used in the light of revelation, it can lead man to happiness in this world and the hereafter. In order to realize this goal, the Qur›an invites man to reflect on himself, the universe and the beings in it, and the divine revelation, and to comprehend the wisdom of their creation. For this reason, it has been bestowed that «reading and contemplating the book of the universe like the Qur›an should be an indispensable goal for us.» (Interview with Prof. Dr. Mahmut Kaya, 2020, p. 20) IMAM MĀTURĪDĪ AND THE FORMATION OF HIS SCIENTIFIC IDENTITY: HIS CONTRIBUTIONS IN THE FIELDS 22 Muhaddiths Bukhārī and Dārimī, the commentator Dahhāq b. Muzāhim, the theologian Māturīdī, and the jurist Abū al-Leys al-Samarqandī are just a few of them. The scholarly activities that started in the region in the II (VIII.) century reached their peak during the Sāmānid period. In this period, Mâverâünnehir also showed great economic development and the welfare level of the people increased. (Rudolph, 2003, pp. 296-298; Usta, 2009) The Samanid palace in Bukhara had one of the largest libraries in the Islamic world. The first madrasas of the Islamic world were located in this geography, and there are hundreds of madrasas that have survived to the present day. Ibn Sina was, who is known not only in the Islamic world but throughout the world, Ibn Sina was from Bukhara, grew up in the Sāmānid palace, wrote Maḳāla fi’n-nafs for Noah II, and worked as his physician. Abū al-Ḥasan al-ʿĀmirī and Avicenna’s teacher Abū ‘Abd al-Husayn b. Ibrāhīm al-Nātilī were other important philosophers of the period. In the field of medicine, Abū Bakr al-Rāzī wrote his famous work known as eṭṬıbb al-Manṣūrī on behalf of Mansūr b. Ishaq, the governor of Rey from the Sāmānids. Abū Mansūr Hasan b. Nūh al-Kumri, the physician of Nūh II and the teacher of Avicenna, and Abū Sahl al-Masīhī are other famous figures of the period in the field of medicine. of the IV. (X.) century in the Abū Ca’fer al-Khāzin, one of the most important names in the fields of mathematics and astronomy, served the Sāmānids for a long time. (Özgüdenli, 2003) In addition to the above-mentioned political and economic influences, we can say that the Turkish cultural customs and traditions and Hanafi thought also contributed to the formation of a vast tolerance in this region and the favouring of scholars. Another issue that made Imam Maturidi’s work easier was that the Samanids, who ruled the Mâverâünnehir region at that time, also valued worldly sciences. For this reason, religious sciences such as tafsir, hadith, fiqh, theology and mysticism on the one hand and positive sciences such as chemistry, astronomy, medicine, science and health on the other hand developed in the region. (Usta, 2009) II. Teachers of Imam Maturidi: Abu Mansur al-Mâturîdî was a student of Imam al-Azam Abu Hanifa’s students. In the sources, there are five types of teacher series related to Imam Maturidi’s teachers. Abu Mansur al-Mâturîdî took lessons from at least five teachers. All of these scholars took lessons from Muhammad al-Shaybani, Abu Yusuf, Abu MEHMET KUYUCU 23 Muqatil al-Samarqandi, and Abu Muti al-Belhi, the students of Imam alAzam Abu Hanifa. In other words, Imam Mâturîdî studied from the students of Abu Hanifa’s students. Imam Maturidi’s teachers, whom he studied personally, are as follows: 1. Abu Bakr Ahmad b. Ishaq b. Salih al-Juzjani, 2. Abu Nasr Ahmad ibn al-Abbas al-Iyazi, 3. Muhammad b. Muqatil al-Razi, 4. Nusayr b. Yahya al-Belhi, 5. Abu Bakr Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Rajah al-Juzjani. (Ak, 2014a, p. 20) III. Works of Imam Maturidi: The earliest known source of information about Māturīdī’s life, works, views, students and contemporaries is Abū al-Muʿūn al-Nafṣīlī’s Tabṣirat aladillah. Abū al-Muʿmuʾīn al-Nafṣīlī stated that Imam al-Māturīdī had other works and recorded the names of twelve of them, the authorship of which is certain. (Özen, 2003) However, we have two works, one of which is Kitab alTawhid, written in the field of theology, and the other is Teʿwilat al-Qurʾān, written in the field of exegesis. We regret to say that apart from these two works, other works of this great scholar have not survived. (Akçay & Bulut, 2005, p. 45; Arslan, 2018, p. 230) What is pleasing for us is that these two works have been translated into Turkish. These works he wrote in the fields of Tafsir, Kalam and Fiqh can be listed as follows. (Özen, 2003) a) Tafsir. Theʾwīlāt al-Ḳurʾān: Teʾwīlāt al-Ashli’s-sunnah, Teʾwīlāt al-Māturīdiyya, is a very important work in terms of tafsīr, but it also contains rich information and important opinions in the fields of theology, fiqh and jurisprudence. In addition, it is a source that cannot be neglected in terms of the criticism of beliefs and views of Islamic sects, non-Islamic movements and religions. b) Kalam (Theology) 1. Kitāb al-tawḥīd. It is the only complete work of Māturīdī and deals with the basic issues of theology. After its first edition by Fethullah Huleyf (Beirut 1970, 1982; Istanbul 1979; Alexandria, ts.), Bekir Topaloğlu and Muhammad Aruchi republished it. (Ankara 2003), and Bekir Topaloğlu translated it into Turkish (Ankara 2002). IMAM MĀTURĪDĪ AND THE FORMATION OF HIS SCIENTIFIC IDENTITY: HIS CONTRIBUTIONS IN THE FIELDS 24 2. Kitāb al-Maḳālāt 3. Redd al-Awāʾili al-adillah li al-Qaʿbī (for a quotation, see al-Nafasī, II, 567). 4. Redd Tehẕībi al-jadal li al-Qaʿbī. 5. Bayān al-wahmi al-Muʿtazila. 6. Redd al-Waʿīd al-fusṣāḳ li al-Qaʿbī. 7. Redd al-Uṣūli al-ḫamse li-Ebī ʿOmar al-Bāḥilī. The scholar whose views are criticised in this work is Abū ʿUmar Muhammad b. ʿUmar b. ʿUmar b. Saʿīd al-Bāḥilī, one of the prominent Basra Muʿtazilites. 8. Redd Kitāb al-Imāma li-baʿżi al-Rawāfiż. 9. al-Red ʿale al-Ḳarāmiṭa (fi al-uṣūl). c) Fiqh. 1. Meʾāḫiẕü (Meʾaẕü) sharāʾiʿ fī uṣūli al-fiḳh 2. Kitāb al-Jadal fī uṣūli al-fiḳh. 3. al-Rad ʿal al-Ḳarāmiṭa (fi al-furūʿ). 4. Sharḥ al-Jāmiʿi al-Saghir IV. Imam Maturidi’s Scientific Personality and Method We have endeavoured to explain the religious, sectarian and cultural situation in the period when Imam Maturidi lived. We can also assert that the formation of these sects, as a whole theoretical system, occurred at that time. Although Imam Maturidi himself grew up in the Hanafi tradition, he was not satisfied with this understanding. Because we can say that this tradition did not fully satisfy him. In order to understand the scientific personality and method of Imam Maturidi, we can ask the following questions: What was the reason for his search for a clearer and more luminous path without being caught by the worldly and intellectual charm of any of the existing sects in his time, which led him to the scientific search? Furthermore, what are the reasons why the vast majority of Muslims from his era to the present day have accepted and valued him as an imam and still have not lost anything from this value? In short, what makes Imam Maturidi different? When we answer these questions, Imam Maturidi’s scientific personality and why the Imam of the MEHMET KUYUCU 25 Ahl al-Sunnah and the original founder of the Sunni theology are considered, we can understand. (Topaloğlu, Bekir, 2003) From his work Kitabu-Tawhid, we understand that Imam Maturidi realised the following about his time: Every religion and sect member is content with what he has and claims that he is right and true. This situation does not disturb the members of these religions and sects. Everyone claims that their religion or sect is right and others are wrong. Since the truth cannot be so fragmented and scattered, how can one choose one of them, or how can one decide on the truth of these claims, and how can one reach the truth? More precisely, what is the measure of truth? (Māturīdī, 2005, pp. 4-13) According to Imam Maturidi, the ways that lead to the knowledge of the realities of objects and events (hakaiku’l eşya) consist of three types: cognition through the senses, news, and deduction. (Mâturîdî, 2005, p. 9) The first of these is the cognition of the senses, which constitutes the basic means of knowledge. It is the way of obtaining knowledge accepted by all sane people who are not stubborn in accepting the truth. The second method of acquiring knowledge is through news sources. This is also an undeniable source of information. For example, a person knows their own name, who his relatives are, the existence of historical figures such as Fatih Sultan Mehmet, and the existence of cities and countries. This type of news is divided into two. The first is called Mutawatir News and the other is called News Wahid. Imam Mâturîdî considers the Mutawatir News as news that is not likely to be mistaken and the other as news that is likely to be mistaken. The third source of knowledge is Istidlal. Reasoning provides access to this method, also known as nazar. According to Maturidiyya, the moment the mind begins to think, or become active, it transforms into a tool for knowledge acquisition. In Imam Maturidi’s thought, reasoning is an independent way of obtaining knowledge. However, this reasoning, also known as istidlal, ensures the accuracy and reliability of information derived from both our senses (perception) and news. Therefore, according to Imam Maturidi, reasoning is essential. In addition, it is also the reasoning that determines which news will be classified as trustworthy and which will be classified as news wahid. For example, according to Imam Maturidi, the proof that the Qur’an is from God, as information that comes through news, is possible through reasoning. God Himself has proved that the Qur’an is revelation based on this method of reasoning. (Māturīdī, 2005, p. 13) According to Imam Maturidi, God has commanded demonstration with various verses: “We will show them Our signs both in the external world and in their souls so that it may be established for them that it is true. Is it not IMAM MĀTURĪDĪ AND THE FORMATION OF HIS SCIENTIFIC IDENTITY: HIS CONTRIBUTIONS IN THE FIELDS 26 sufficient that your Lord is a witness to everything? Do not doubt that they are still in doubt about meeting their Lord; do not doubt that He encompasses everything.” (H. Karaman et al., 2007 ( Verse Fussilat 41/53-54) With many other similar verses, Allah has encouraged people to reason, made it necessary to understand the unheard through the sensible world, commanded thinking and reasoning, and informed that this method makes individuals aware of the truth and shows them the right path. (Mâturîdî, 2005, p. 14) The conclusion drawn from all these findings is this: According to Maturidiyya, all kinds of news (including those that are trustworthy or wahid) can be a source of knowledge after being subjected to the filter of reason. It is only possible to understand the difference between the miracles shown by prophets and the things done by magicians and sorcerers to deceive the eye only through reasoning. To give a clearer example, no one has any doubt, whether they believe or not, that the Qur’an is a book revealed by the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH). The hesitation is whether Muhammad was a prophet or not, or whether the Qur’an is revelation or not. Māturīdī says that the answer can only be known by reasoning. The most striking feature of Imam Maturidi’s perspective on knowledge pertains to Haber-i Vahid. Imam Maturidi puts forward two criteria in order to take Haber al-Wahid into consideration as a source of knowledge. The first is to thoroughly examine the conditions of the ravas, and the second is to evaluate the result to be obtained from the content of the news and to determine its reliability within the framework of the certainty of certainty. Here we would like to emphasise the following: According to Imam Maturidi, ravi and content criticism are not independent criteria but complementary to each other. In other words, in order for news to be accepted as a source of information and to be acted upon, it is not enough for it to pass the test in terms of ravi, but it must also be in accordance with the Qur’an in terms of content. However, according to Imam Maturidiyya, even if the news revelation passes these two criteria, there is still the possibility of error, so there are two alternatives, such as working with it or not taking it into consideration at all. However, if it is to be acted upon, it must pass these two criteria. It is seen that Imam Māturīdī was very meticulous about the news wahid. Because the share of error and mistake in this kind of news is at least as much as the share of being correct. It is understood that he also set other criteria in order for the pointer of this kind of news to turn in the right direction. These criteria are MEHMET KUYUCU 27 1-Being supported by practice, 2-Compliance with the Qur’an and reason, 3-Compliance with the generality of the Sunnah, ijma and the general belwa, 4-Non-contradiction with historical news, in other words, being supported by sources that provide accurate information. News that fulfils these conditions is a source of accurate information. (Mâturîdî, 2005, p. 12; Tuğlu, 2014, pp. 588-590) Imam Māturīdī, while emphasising the necessity of the method of demonstration, also draws attention to the necessity of revelation and the need for a prophet: This is clear from his statements in Kitab al-Tawhid. According to Maturidi, God has the power to reveal His will and command and to protect His creatures from falsehood and error in matters He wishes. Although there is a possibility that people may fall into error while reasoning, their reaching consensus (ijma) on a subject is only possible thanks to Allah, who makes them agreeable to it depending on the wisdom of announcing His will. Because, according to Maturidi, there is no unity of human opinions without the grace of God due to the different perceptions and purposes of each mujtahid who expresses an opinion. (Māturīdī, 2005, p. 12) In addition to the high position and functionality of reason, reason is not completely free from error in Māturīdī thought. Therefore, in order to be protected from the errors that may arise from the intellect, there is an absolute need for reason as well as transference. (Onay, 2014, p. 387) Imam Māturīdī says that there is nothing more accurate than the news presented by the prophets and that there is nothing else that can fully satisfy the heart. (Māturīdī, 2005, p. 11) However, whether that news really comes from the prophet or not needs to be proved as a rational necessity. Maturidi’s in order to justify revelation and prophethood. This is the reason for resorting to reason, reason and reasoning. Māturīdī places great value on revelation and reasoning, which he regards as indispensable tools for understanding religion. Since then, it has been adopted by many scholars since his time. This method relies on striking a balance between intuition and reason (Ak, 2014a, p. 20). The probable reason for this is the use of reason (istidlal) in understanding revelation and it as a source of knowledge that he clearly and understandably reveals the role. Māturīdī says against those who do not accept the ways of acquiring knowledge, including inference, that these are tricks that the devil has put IMAM MĀTURĪDĪ AND THE FORMATION OF HIS SCIENTIFIC IDENTITY: HIS CONTRIBUTIONS IN THE FIELDS 28 into the human mind in order to distract it from the truth. (Māturīdī, 2005, p. 15) He who denies rational inquiry through rational inquiry has no evidence apart from the evidence he has obtained. Such individuals are rationally obligated to acknowledge the necessity of inquiry. However, Allah Ta’ala has invited His servants to rational inquiry and commanded them to think and reason and has informed them that this method makes them aware of the truth and shows them the right path. This is rational inquiry and reflection, one of the sources of knowledge— a proof of that. (Mâturîdî, 2005, p. 14) In Maturidi’s system of thought, reason is not only the means of knowledge but also the lifeblood of the whole theological system. The reason why alMāturīdī mostly uses the word nazar instead of intellect when explaining the means of knowledge is the implication that intellect can only produce knowledge if it is functional. (Arslan, 2014, p. 318) Because it is not enough to have intellect in human beings; what is important is to use it and thus benefit from it. TTherefore, according to Māturīdī, it can be concluded that the intellect, which does not become functional and cannot be utilised, loses its characteristic of being a source of knowledge. (Alper, 2010, p. 37) It should be noted here that the function that Māturīdī attributes to reason should never be likened to the function of enlightenment and secular reason. For Māturīdī does not attribute to reason a function that excludes religion, but on the contrary, he attributes to it a function that foresees a better understanding of religion and the happiness of human beings in both worlds. (Arslan, 2014, p. 318) Then a question may come to our minds: if reason turns into a source of knowledge when it is used, what is reason and in which subjects is it competent? According to Maturidiyya, it is difficult to define the intellect itself. This difficulty is probably due to the fact that he considers the concept of intellect one of the most fundamental, such as existence. (Alper, 2010, p. 37) Even if the intellect knows the beauty and ugliness of things, it is incapable of knowing its quality and essenceFor this reason, he focused on the capabilities and functions of the intellect, rather than defining its nature. It is possible to list the functions that Māturīdī attributed to reason as follows: 1. Recognising Allah 2. Understanding the Wisdom of the Creation of the Universe 3. Recognising the Necessity of Religion MEHMET KUYUCU 29 4. Testing the accuracy of information. 5. Managing and Classifying Objects 6. Solving Problems and Doubts 7. Distinguishing Good and Evil (Arslan, 2014, pp. 320-322) Among the functions of the intellect pointed out in the article, the task of comprehending the wisdom of the creation of the universe is very important. This concept of wisdom is the key concept that Maturidi explains many issues in the science of theology. He did not only use the concept of wisdom in the science of theology, but also in the science of fiqh, in matters of worship and muʿāmalāt; he explained the issues with wisdom. Therefore, it is necessary to know the concept of wisdom in order to understand the Maturidi thought system. Because “according to Māturīdī, who is a theological scholar, everything has a reason for creation, purpose, and wisdom. Nothing in the universe was created in vain. Only the wise understand this situation. It is the duty of the rational person to understand this wisdom and to believe in the Creator. Therefore, servitude can only be understood in this way. To look at everything that happens in the universe with the eye of wisdom, to treat people with tolerance by seeing their positive and beautiful aspects, and to introduce the acts of Allah, that is, to comprehend the events in this world with the eye of wisdom, to live peacefully and happily in this world and to win the hereafter is the thought system that Mâturîdî understands from the verse and hadith above.” (Oral, 2014, p. 16) He inherited the scholarly heritage of the mulakallim who belonged to different sects before him and during his period, followed their views and the methods they applied well and presented original methods and methods that would appeal to centuries. The pillars of his system of thought are reasoning, senses, and transmission. (Oral, 2014, p. 17) Besides being the founder of Sunni theology, Imam al-Māturīdī was both a jurist and a critical commentator who influenced the scholars after him. İn order to better understand his scholarly personality, we think that it would be better to briefly touch upon these aspects. a) Imam Mâturîdî as a Faqıh (jurist) Today, it is not possible to learn al-Māturīdī’s views on fiqh and usul al-fiqh directly from his own books. However, Teʾwīlāt al-Ḳurʾān contains abundant material on these disciplines. (Topaloğlu, Bekir, 2003) “It is known that Māturīdī taught jurisprudence as well as theology and exegesis. Ibn Yahya writes that he, Abu’l-Hasan al-Rustuğfenî Imam Muhammad al-Shaybānī, IMAM MĀTURĪDĪ AND THE FORMATION OF HIS SCIENTIFIC IDENTITY: HIS CONTRIBUTIONS IN THE FIELDS 30 made them read until the chapter on zakat. In addition, both in his works and in some works that refer to him, Māturīdī is referred to with the title of “Faqih.” For example, Alaud al-Dīn al-Samarqandī describes Māturīdī, the whole of al-Mabsut al-Jāmi al-Kabīr, as “the head of the Hanafī school of jurisprudence in Māverānayn-Samarqand. In addition, Māturīdī on usul al-fiqh as Meāḥiz al-sharā’i’, Kitāb al-jadal, Sharh al-jāmi al-Sagīr, the fact that he wrote his works indicates that he was a great jurist. (Ünsal, 2011, pp. 207-208) Alâuddin al-Samarqandî, who is one of those who understand Mâturîdî the best, explains in his work that Mâturîdî was a brilliant jurist with the following statements: “The science of jurisprudence is a branch of the science of theology. The branch (fer’) derives from the root (main), and the one who does not derive from it is not its descendant. In this respect, the work written in the field of jurisprudence is in accordance with the belief of the author who wrote it (Mizânü’l-Usûl) (Ak, 2017, pp. 159-160). In conclusion, we can say that Māturīdī adopted and developed Abū Hanifa’s method in the field of fiqh and jurisprudence as well as in the field of theology. However, it can be said that Māturīdī, who is acknowledged as the founder of the Māturīdiyya sect in the field of theology, was a great jurist who contributed to the institutionalisation of the Hanafi sect. b) Imam Mâturîdî as a Mufassir (Commentator) Māturīdī, while interpreting the verses in his tafsīr, gave great importance to rational and logical evidence as well as adhering to the evidence. His work is a direct exegesis because it contains many rational explanations. Therefore, he is considered one of the first representatives of the tradition of direct exegesis. The fact that Māturīdī wrote a direct exegesis at a time when reasoning and ijtihād were frowned upon in religious issues shows that he had an important place in the science of tafsīr. It can be said that Māturīdī greatly influenced Zamakhshari, who lived in the same culture and geography about two centuries after him. (Te’vilatu’l-Qur’an, Topaloğlu, Bekir, 2003) Imam Maturidi wrote his tafsir, titled Teʾwīl al-Ḳurʾān’. The most important feature of this tafsīr, which reflects the author’s method of tafsīr and sheds light on the determination of his place in this science, is that this tafsīr was written through dirāyah. Maturīdi’s basic approach to the exegesis of the Holy Qur’an can be expressed as relying on both reason and reason, and with Nakli evidence while exegeting the Qur’an, he does not hesitate to resort to rational evidence in cooperation. While exegeting a verse, he also refers to other related verses. In his explanations, Māturīdī presents perhaps MEHMET KUYUCU 31 the first and most beautiful examples of exegesis , verse by verse. However, he never loses sight of the content of words and concepts within the unity of the Qur’an, and in every case he appeals to the arbitration of reason. (Topaloğlu, Bekir, 2003) Māturīdī, who was well aware of the considerable weight of the traditionalist understanding at that time, realised this power of tradition and attached great importance to verses and hadiths and even to the sayings of the prominent Companions and tabiîn. However, although he adhered to the wording of all reports, he reinterpreted them in the light of reason. Thus, he did not fully confront the traditionalists and tried to understand the real intention of the Divine Word with his unique method. Although he adhered to the wording of the Qur’an and the authentic hadiths, he reinterpreted and reinterpreted them according to the time and conditions in which he lived. For example, he distinguished between tafsir and tawil by interpreting the hadith “whoever says something about the Qur’an with his own opinion, let him prepare for his place in the fire” as “whoever tafsirises the Qur’an with his own opinion, let him prepare for his place in the fire” and stated that tafsir cannot be done with opinion, but tawil can be done. (Ak, 2017, p. 166) According to him, tafsir is to express a definite opinion about what Allah’s intention is. Te’wil, on the other hand, is to prefer one of the possible interpretations without expressing a definite opinion about what Allah’s intention is. For this reason, he has reserved tafsir for the Companions and ta’wil for the later jurists. He drew attention to the fact that the interpretations could be only one of the things intended by Allah, and therefore it was wrong to absolutise them. For this reason, Māturīdī, after interpreting the verses, says, “God knows best.” Therefore, Māturīdī’s distinction between tafsīr and tafsīr “saved the exegetes from a great difficulty and provided them with the intellectual and theological basis to act freely in the interpretation of the Qur’an.” (Ak, 2017, p. 166) Māturīdī was the first exegete who exegeted the verses of the Qur’an in accordance with the Qur’an and the Sunnah and established the Ahl alSunnah faith on a solid basis. (Ak, 2014a, p. 25) After him, famous scholars such as Imam al-Ghazali (505/111), Mahmud b. Umar al-Zamakhshari (538/1143), Fakhr al-Dīn al-Razi (606/1209), Jalal al-Dīn al-Suyuti (911/1505), and Mahmud al-Alusi (1270/18549) all made interpretations on Maturidi’s method. (Ak, 2017, p. 168) In other words, al-Māturīdī greatly influenced and facilitated the work of the later exegetes. 39 CHAPTER 3 THE PALESTINE ISSUE FROM THE PERSPECTIVES OF PRESCHOOL-AGED CHILDREN Zernişan AYKAN1 Hakan SARIÇAM2 Abstract This study, which examined the Israeli-Palestinian war through the views of children attending preschool education, aimed to reveal the ways children react to the cruelty. One of the qualitative research techniques employed in the study was the phenomenology design. The participants of the study, which was selected with the purposeful sampling method, consisted of five-year-old children (n=20) who were preschool students. The data were obtained with the semi-structured “Interview Form” prepared by reviewing the literature and obtaining expert opinions. Content analysis was used in the analysis of the obtained data. According to the research, children’s most typical emotional response to war is sadness. It was shown that children mostly use televisions, tablets, and phones to learn about war. Among the emotions experienced by the children, fear was prominent, and the children were concerned that the war could come to Türkiye. Another reaction of the children was an economic boycott to leave Israel cruelty. The children 1 Preschool Teacher, Ministry of National Education, [email protected] https://orcid.org/0009-0008-4995-8822 2 Professor Doctor, Sivas Cumhuriyet University, [email protected] https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8723-1199 THE PALESTINE ISSUE THROUGH THE EYES OF CHILDREN IN PRESCHOOL EDUCATION 40 suggested that everyone should boycott Israeli goods in order to support children in Palestine. Based on the research findings, it was suggested that parents and teachers should provide real, reliable, age-appropriate and cognitive level-appropriate information about war to preschool children in the pre-operational period, and that everyone from the youngest to the oldest should come together for a common purpose in order to react to cruelty or injustice. 1. Introduction Wars and disasters are among the most negative events that can deeply affect children’s mental world (Özel, 2017). Wars, which are decided by adults, include inhumane events such as death, injury, hunger, losses, harassment, and abuse that children do not deserve. In parallel with the fact that wars negatively affect children’s physical, social, and emotional development areas, it is inevitable that they will damage their mental health. Millions of children have directly or indirectly experienced the harsh conditions of war in the wars that have been going on for years, and are still living today and are victims of the terror created by the human ego-satisfying instinct. The fact that this innocent group, whose most natural right to live and all other needs are imprisoned in the cold face of war, is not involved in the causes of war and suffers its consequences with their lives, makes us question the concepts of justice, equality, and humanity many times. In the wars started by states and their unconscious administrators for reasons such as power, political gain, religious goals, economic interests, etc., children, like many other living beings, die, are injured and disabled, are left homeless, defenseless and unprotected. Moreover, children lose their families, friends, neighbors, experience physical, emotional and spiritual collapses, become vulnerable to all kinds of neglect and abuse, and may be deprived of healthy living conditions, safe areas, homes, schools and other social opportunities. Similarly, even if they have not been directly involved in or experienced war, attacks, or terror events, children who think that their immediate environment is unsafe due to war news in various media outlets such as social media, audiovisual press, radio, and television may experience such fears, and various psychiatric disorders such as anxiety, worry, and depression may occur (Irmak & Piyal, 2023). Indeed, today, media and internet content are the most frequently used or exposed means of obtaining information for children (Akman & Yıldırım, 2022). Children’s rich stimuli and experiences can be an advantage, but in the opposite case, it can turn into a disadvantage. While children fill their mental HAKAN SARIÇAM • ZERNIŞAN AYKAN 41 representations with what they experience, witness and see closely, they can be metaphysically involved in experiences that occur in their distant surroundings through social media, audiovisual press and television; they can be positively or negatively affected by these events they watch and hear. In addition to directly experiencing some undesirable elements such as war, attack, terrorist acts and similar natural or undesirable elements, it is predicted that being exposed to these through the media can have traumatic effects (Erden & Gürdil, 2009; Eroğlu, 2020). Preschool children often show their feelings through their behaviors because they cannot describe the events in their daily lives with words, and they may not be able to express their feelings and thoughts directly. These behaviors may vary according to the developmental characteristics of the children, their age groups, the environment they live in, their social class, and many other variables (Caffo & Belaise, 2003; Coates & Schechter, 2004). Preschool children’s reactions to war can be quite different and diverse. During this period, children’s perceptions of war, reasons for war, their parents’ reactions, attitudes and behaviors, and behaviors such as imitation and imitation can come to the fore. Children can often turn to their parents or elders to make sense of events and phenomena such as war, terror, boycott, death, loss, embargo, Iraq, Syria, Israel, Palestine, and the Middle East or to satisfy their curiosity. The concrete answers that parents or elders give to children’s cognitive and language development will not only satisfy the child’s curiosity, but will also develop reaction patterns in such events and create mind maps (Polat & Aydın, 2020). In addition, children’s understanding of these events develops their empathy skills; supports their social and emotional development; and develops human and cultural sensitivity (Alvis et al., 2023; Andriessen et al., 2018). The contrast between the fear reflected in a child’s eyes and the hope residing in their heart symbolizes the tension between war and peace. Recognizing this duality is essential for understanding children’s emotional worlds and guiding ethical research with them. The phenomenon of war does not only separate souls from bodies, but also reveals moral decay and corruption in others or those who remain. Despite the fact that Israel’s genocide has lasted for over a year and all this time has not received the necessary reaction on the world public agenda, no concrete, tangible attitude or sanction has been taken against the Israeli state to stop the war. So much so that war and deaths have been legitimized, and human life has been cheapened. In such an environment, children may not be able to distinguish what is right and what is wrong. It is necessary to show the oppressor that the unjust and disproportionate acts of violence exhibited by the war advocates/ THE PALESTINE ISSUE THROUGH THE EYES OF CHILDREN IN PRESCHOOL EDUCATION 42 parties who hold power are not moral, that there should be many sanctions for this, that a person is sacred and the right to live is the most fundamental right, and that violating these is not acceptable. It is thought that showing that there are ways to deal with injustice, especially from a child’s perspective, will shed some light on adults. On the other hand, when the clues about the coping characteristics of those who learn the perceptions of war and violence in children are considered, it is especially important to support this period in preschool. Whether the reactions in the dormitory continue and the desired awareness is reached or not, it will be a worthwhile study to be recorded on children in preschool levels. The study will reveal the effects of the social sensitivity towards Israeli products and the boycott movement on the consumption behavior of preschool children. Thus, it is thought that by carrying out supportive activities in preschool education institutions, where children first enter school, social life and community life, to maintain this sensitivity, preschool children will also be included in the consumption habits of the boycott movement together with their families. The purpose of this study is to examine the perceptions of preschool children about war, more specifically, the Israeli-Palestinian war through the eyes of preschool children. In line with this purpose, the following questions were sought in the study. - How do children make sense of war? - How do children make sense of peace? - What do children think about the Israel-Palestine war? - What are children doing to stop the Israel-Palestine war? - What do children suggest to stop the Israel-Palestine war? 2. METHOD In order to ensure that the questions to be asked in the research are clear, understandable and consistent within a theoretical framework and to reach a consistent result with the findings and interpretations, the qualitative research method was used. Qualitative research is a method that evaluates the research question, the events and facts examined in their own context and presents data, while also examining the case using an interpretive perspective (Karataş, 2017). In this research, the phenomenological design, one of the qualitative research methods, was used. Phenomenology is used for studies that aim to investigate the phenomena that we frequently encounter on a daily basis, are not foreign to us but whose full meaning we cannot HAKAN SARIÇAM • ZERNIŞAN AYKAN 43 understand, and it creates a suitable research ground (Yıldırım & Şimşek, 2016: 69). A phenomenological approach was adopted to capture children’s lived experiences related to war. Although they do not experience war directly, they are nevertheless exposed to its effects (i. e. TV, school, family). Within the scope of the research, in-depth interviews were conducted with students studying at the pre-school level, which is the basic education level, using a semi-structured interview form, and their perception of the IsraeliPalestinian war was attempted to be revealed. The research questions and answers were carried out in a process based on mutual interaction. In such cases, it is recommended that children be provided with support from the school counselor following the interview to prevent any potential negative emotional effects. 2.1. Participants Information on 20 preschool students in Sivas province whose opinions were consulted within the scope of the research is given in the tables below. The participants of the research were reached by convenience sampling, which is a non-random sampling method. This sampling method is a non-random sampling method in which the researcher selects the easiest participants to reach to be included in the sample. Convenience refers to geographical proximity, accessibility at a certain time or ease of participation in the research. In this context, the participants who attend preschool education institutions close to the researcher, shown in Table 1, were reached in the research. Table 1. Information about the participants Participant Gender Age Participant Gender Age Participant Gender Age S1 F60 months S8 F60 months S15 M 61 months S2 F58 months S9 F59 months S16 M 60 months S3 F61 months S10 F64 months S17 M 62 months S4 F63 months S11 M 65 months S18 M 63 months S5 F60 months S12 M 66 months S19 M 64 months S6 F62 months S13 M 62 months S20 M 66 months S7 F65 months S14 M 62 months When the demographic information of the participants is examined in Table 1, 10 (50%) of the participants are male and 10 (50%) are female students. The ages of the participants are around 58-66 months and all of them continue their education at the preschool level. The researcher has no THE PALESTINE ISSUE THROUGH THE EYES OF CHILDREN IN PRESCHOOL EDUCATION 44 effect on the distribution of the participants other than the number and level of the participants. 2.2. Data Collection Tool A semi-structured interview form consisting of eight questions developed by researchers for the purpose was used as a data collection tool. During the form development process, the first draft form was developed by the researchers, then expert opinions were sought before the questions were finalized, thus; opinions were received from different professional groups including doctors, teachers, sociologists, social workers, and lawyers. The consensus rate of 11 experts regarding the coverage and appropriateness of each question is 80% and above 2.3. Data Collection and Analysis Interviews were conducted face-to-face, audio and video recordings were used. The data collection process started on November 30, 2024, and the interviews were completed and recorded in approximately 10 days. In order to transform the raw data obtained from the interviews into a meaningful form, the deciphered interviews were reviewed again and subjected to content analysis. During the content analysis, the opinions of preschool children were collected under various themes (categories) that could be associated with the main and sub-questions of the research. Under each theme, a prominent opinion (code), the frequency of expression of this opinion (frequency), the code of the participant who expressed the opinion and quotes from these opinions were included, and the information organized in this way was converted into tables. Participants were coded as S1, S2, S3, ... S19, S20. 2.4. Credibility and Transferability In order to ensure the credibility of the research conducted on the IsraeliPalestinian War through the eyes of preschool children, the school where the majority of the preschool children, who are the target group that can answer the research questions, are located is the school where the researcher works. The remaining students are the children referred by the researcher’s colleagues. Therefore, long-term interaction and observation, which are the most important strategies for credibility, have been provided in a way. In the context of transferability, efforts were made to ensure that the students whose opinions were sought within the scope of the research were able to express their own thoughts as they were. The parents of the participants were also HAKAN SARIÇAM • ZERNIŞAN AYKAN 45 promised before the interview that information such as the children’s names, schools, and neighborhoods would not be included in the research results. 2.5. Consistency and Confirmability The information obtained from the interviews was later collected by the researchers at different times in various codes and grouped under certain themes. The researchers compared the codes they determined and a reliability analysis known as the Miles and Huberman (1994) formula, “reliability = consensus/ consensus + disagreement” was performed on the codes where consensus was reached and where consensus was not reached, and a result of .71 was obtained (Figure 1). After the first researcher completed the study, another expert, except for the second author, was consulted regarding the compatibility of the themes and codes of the study with the subject and result of the study, and the study was finalized after the suggestions. Figure 1. Miles and Huberman’s Qualitative Data Analysis Model Figure 1 illustrates Miles and Huberman’s (1994) interactive model of qualitative data analysis, which consists of three concurrent and interrelated components: data reduction, data display, and conclusion drawing/ verification. 2.6. Ethics permission A study on the Israeli-Palestinian War through the eyes of preschool children was conducted with the application number 24_10_17 and the ethics committee approval was received from the Sivas Cumhuriyet University Educational Sciences Research Proposal Ethics Evaluation Board on 30.10.2024 with the decision number E-50704946-050.04-485196 regarding the feasibility of the study in the form of interviews with preschool children. At the same time, approval was received on 19.11.2024 for the research permit submitted to the Sivas Provincial Directorate of National Education with the application number MEB.TT.2024.004420 dated 03.11.2024. THE PALESTINE ISSUE THROUGH THE EYES OF CHILDREN IN PRESCHOOL EDUCATION 46 3.FINDINGS This part of the research includes the themes, codes, frequencies of codes and direct quotes from the participants’ responses to the questions that emerged from the analysis of the answers given to the 8 semi-structured interview questions that mediated the research’s purpose and problems. The answers given to the question “What do you say to children about war?” were transcribed, and the themes and codes from the content analysis are shown in Table 2. Table 2. Findings related to the theme of war Sub-Theme Codes f Student Code Emotional burden 1. Fear of death, Death anxiety 2. Feeling bad 15 S1, S4, S5, S6, S8, S9, S10, S11, S12, S13, S14, S16, S17, S18, S20 Behaviors reflections 1.Death, killing. 2. Genocide 3. Attack 5 S2, S3, S7, S15, S19 Concretization 1.Bomb 5 S2, S3, S7, S15, S19 As seen in Table 2, emotional load, behaviors, reflections, and concretization subthemes were created regarding the theme of war. The responses given by some of the children regarding these subthemes and codes are given below. S1: War is a bad thing, it kills people, their homes are destroyed. S4: Evil, feeling bad, feeling emotions, crying. S10: They kill their mothers, fathers, and their belongings, and they are left there alone. S3: When it comes to war, Palestine comes to my mind, there was a very good life there, then Israel came and attacked there, this is genocide, not war. S7: Killing children in the hands of Israel. S15: Murderer Israel is killing babies in Palestine, killing children, killing all mothers and fathers, killing uncles, killing uncles. S2: If it is war, the bombs are killing Israelis. S19: I want special operations to go and arrest Israel. HAKAN SARIÇAM • ZERNIŞAN AYKAN 47 The answers to the question “What would you say to children about peace?” were transcribed, and the themes and codes of the content analysis are shown in Table 3. Table 3. Findings related to the theme of peace Sub-theme Codes f Student Code Positive Emotions and Values 1. Brotherhood, 2. Friendship, 3. Love, 4. Happiness, 5. Compassion, 6. Beauty 15 S1, S2, S4, S5, S6, S7, S8, S9, S10, S11, S12, S14, S17, S18, S20 Wish/Desire 1. Freedom, 2. To be saved/rescued, 3. To finish/end 5 S3, S13, S15, S16, S19 As seen in Table 3, positive feelings and values and subthemes of wishes were created regarding the theme of peace. The responses given by some of the children regarding these subthemes and codes are given below. S1: To live in peace between two peoples S2: The end of the war means making peace. S7: Peace, I was upset with my friend and then I hugged and made peace. S8: Peace is a beautiful thing. S11: It is a beautiful thing; everyone should make peace. S12: I want peace in the world. S17: When I think of peace, happiness and peace come to mind. S3: I want Israel to end this now. S13: Where there is peace, there is happiness and peace, children do not die. S15: Palestine to be free S16: Children to be saved S19: Can you please make peace now! The answers given by the children to the question of where and how they hear war news were transcribed, and the themes and codes of the content analysis are shown in Table 4. THE PALESTINE ISSUE THROUGH THE EYES OF CHILDREN IN PRESCHOOL EDUCATION 54 children, it represents not only a serious danger but also a process in which their innocent worldview is destroyed, safety is lost, and the social order they concretely understand about the world and life is shattered and disappears. The trauma caused by such a harmful and dangerous phenomenon can weaken and even destroy social structures, while negatively affecting individuals’ physical and mental health, leading to long-term or permanent damage and disorders. This theme emphasizes that war leaves lasting marks on both individual and collective memory, highlighting that war signifies not only physical destruction but also mental and emotional annihilation. Even children who are not directly exposed to war may experience similar fears due to messages received from various media outlets such as radio and television broadcasts reporting on war, which convey that the world is an unsafe and distressing place (Thabet & Vostanis, 1999; 2000). Other common reactions observed in preschool children following war trauma include fear of darkness or imaginary creatures such as monsters, telling exaggerated stories about war, persistently asking questions related to war, and/or difficulties in adapting to changes in living conditions. For preschool children, peace generally evokes feelings of calmness, happiness, and beauty. Under the theme of peace, positive emotions and values such as brotherhood, friendship, love, happiness, compassion, and beauty are prominent, while hopes and wishes often include freedom, salvation, and ending conflict. According to children, peace—as is war—can be a rather abstract concept. Children in this age group tend to perceive complex social and political events in the world on a concrete, emotional, and experiential level. Their worldview is usually simpler, more direct, and empathetic. However, what preschool children express about peace is significantly linked to their individual developmental stage and social understanding. Preschoolers’ thoughts are largely shaped by the social influences they receive from their environment. Children acquire cues about social norms and values from their families, teachers, and peers. According to social learning theory, children learn social rules through observation, interaction, and modeling. In this context, when children talk about peace, it is evident that they have internalized the value judgments of the culture and society they belong to. For example, a child’s response about peace might be an expression such as “no one pushes anyone.” This reflects the positive behaviors and social norms they observe in their social interactions. Educational and environmental factors play a crucial role in fostering tolerance and peaceful behaviors in children. HAKAN SARIÇAM • ZERNIŞAN AYKAN 55 Preschool children reported that they mostly accessed news or images related to the Israel-Palestine war through television. Children in this age group typically shape their understanding through concrete experiences, observations, and emotional impressions. In this context, one of the key factors influencing their comprehension of a complex concept like war is the impact of media, television, and their immediate social environment. When children see news or images related to war in news broadcasts or visuals, they usually encounter emotional images associated with violence, fear, and pain. Within the framework of Albert Bandura’s social learning theory, the media teaches social behaviors to children through modeling. When children watch violent images, they may internalize the emotions and behaviors associated with violence. Additionally, the messages conveyed through media can shape children’s understanding of values and norms. Rather than intellectually understanding the evil and pain caused by war, children tend to feel what war means on an emotional level. Since preschool children primarily receive visual information through media, violent images in war-related news—such as bombs, explosions, and destroyed buildings—can have a greater impact on their perception. These visuals may lead to war being perceived as a frightening and difficult-tounderstand concept for children. Moreover, unless information about the long-term traumatic effects of war is provided, children tend to perceive these events at a more superficial and sensory level. Behavioral reactions of preschool children regarding the Israel-Palestine war include themes such as killing, aggression, and unfair actions; emotional reactions cluster around fear, anxiety, anger, and rage. As understood from children’s responses, intense emotional judgments, simplified but angry expressions, and negative impacts of war are evident. Children at this stage find it difficult to comprehend abstract concepts, complex social events, and multidimensional relationships. For them, concepts like war, peace, and freedom are often perceived on emotional and visual levels. Therefore, their responses mostly contain sharp distinctions and emotional intensity. Since children cannot grasp the consequences of war abstractly, they may sometimes think that conflicts should be resolved through violence and the use of force. This situation can be a warning sign indicating that violence should be perceived negatively by children as a way of resolving problems. Preschool children’s behavioral expectations regarding what others can do in the Israel-Palestine war include boycotting, helping, showing sensitivity, THE PALESTINE ISSUE THROUGH THE EYES OF CHILDREN IN PRESCHOOL EDUCATION 56 and protesting; emotional expectations encompass anger, frustration, hopelessness, compassion, and fear; while state-centered support or wishes involve protecting and safeguarding. It is natural for children to develop concrete, empathetic, and sometimes violence-involved solution proposals when trying to make sense of concepts such as war, cooperation, peace, and violence. The responses children provide offer important clues about how war occupies their mental world and what social, emotional, and ethical perceptions they develop. Among the children’s responses, positive emotional and empathetic expressions such as helping, supporting, and protecting others indicate the presence of a strong sense of empathy at this age. Indeed, Hoffman (2000) emphasized that empathy is prominently present during early childhood. On the other hand, answers such as “We boycotted; we didn’t buy their food,” or “We should not buy Israeli products,” show that children are beginning to recognize the concept of ethical consumption. Likely influenced by political messages they hear from their families or surroundings; children call for boycotts of certain products. This demonstrates that they start to understand concepts like social justice and ethical responsibility at an early age. Kalessopoulou et al. (2023) stated that the sense of social justice begins and can be developed in early childhood. Similarly, expressions like “If we were in their place, I would want us not to buy Israeli products,” or “We should buy Turkish goods,” reflect children’s efforts to strengthen their own identity and sense of belonging. Children develop strong identity feelings based on the values directed by their families, communities, or nations. At this point, concepts of solidarity and national power come to the forefront. Children internalize certain values related to their national identity and perceive how they should relate to others based on these values. In studies conducted in China, Li (2015) and Hong and Liu (2022) found that national identity exists from early childhood, using sportand play-based assessments. This study, which examines a large-scale issue such as the Israel-Palestine war in preschool children, has certain limitations. Preschool-aged children lack abstract thinking skills, making it difficult for them to understand complex social and political events. It may not be possible for children in this age group to fully comprehend all the dynamics of a large-scale conflict like the Israel-Palestine war. Therefore, this research primarily aims to measure children’s perceptions of war and violence, their emotional responses, and their capacity for empathy. HAKAN SARIÇAM • ZERNIŞAN AYKAN 57 Developing a healthy understanding of war among children may not be sufficiently clear and comprehensive as a result of research conducted with limited information. Studies involving preschool children are generally conducted using methods such as observation, surveys, and semistructured interviews. However, due to children’s limited language skills, cognitive development, and attention spans, the accuracy and reliability of these methods may be restricted. Especially in interviews on abstract and complex topics like war, children’s responses may not be sufficiently deep or meaningful. 5. CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS Media, television, and the immediate social environment have a significant impact on preschool children’s perceptions of war. Since children in this age group have limited abilities to understand complex social events like war, the messages they receive from media and their surroundings often direct them toward emotional and visually based perceptions. In this case, media and close social circles can directly influence how children perceive the world. Therefore, to help preschool children establish a healthier relationship with media content, media literacy education should be provided to parents and teachers. The responses given by preschool children indicate that they do not have a deep understanding of war, but develop strong emotional reactions based on the emotional impressions, media content, and attitudes of their families. Children in this age group tend to respond more emotionally to war and attempt to understand concepts such as violence, peace, and freedom. They feel the harms and frightening aspects of war, but their solution proposals generally aim to ensure their own safety and peace. Consequently, preschool children may reinforce their fears about war through violent content they encounter in the media. It is essential to ensure that media, especially television and digital platforms, do not display inappropriate content to children. Values such as peace, tolerance, and empathy should be emphasized. Educational programs should be developed to help children create peaceful solutions instead of violent ones. Educators and parents can organize activities to foster empathy development among children. Children’s development of empathy and learning of peaceful conflict resolution methods should be supported. Educators and families should teach children values such as cooperation, tolerance, and empathy. These values not only help children understand negative events like war but also play a vital role in healthy social development. THE PALESTINE ISSUE THROUGH THE EYES OF CHILDREN IN PRESCHOOL EDUCATION 58 To prevent children from adopting violent solutions, media content must be monitored. Since children process topics like war and violence visually and emotionally, violent media messages may lead them to normalize violence. Educational materials should be selected to support children in developing peaceful solutions. Looking at the war-themed findings of the study on preschool children’s perspectives regarding the Israel-Palestine conflict, it is evident that preschool children assign meaning and exhibit reactions to the war throughout all areas of their lives in their immediate environment. Particularly, children in the preschool period show sensitivity and emotional responses such as fear, anger, anxiety, and frustration. The children expressed that both they and their families want to help Palestinians. In this context, children demonstrated selective behavior when going to markets or shopping, especially avoiding Israeli products, and even warned family members about this. It is suggested that adults take a more active role beyond merely reflecting on what should be done in such sensitive matters that affect children deeply. The effectiveness of brand boycotts as meaningful protest tools (even embargoes can be considered) should be recognized rather than dismissed or underestimated. The significant impact of economic losses can be observed in the reduction of Starbucks branches or the risk of Israeli-origin products being withdrawn from markets. Although studying an abstract concept such as war with preschool children presents certain limitations, it is important to note that their peers in other countries experience war as a concrete reality. Therefore, this study aimed to explore how children perceive and make sense of an abstract and distressing concept such as war. 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Brand boycotts and crisis communication on social media: The Starbucks example. Avrasya 11th International Social Sciences Congress, Tashkent, Uzbekistan. 61 CHAPTER 4 FERMENTATION OF SOCIAL THOUGHT AND ITS REFLECTIONS Mehmet Ata MIRZAOĞLU1 ABSTRACT This study employs the metaphor of fermentation to analyze the transformation processes of social thought. While biologically fermentation refers to the conversion of substances by microorganisms, in the social sciences it symbolizes the maturation and evolution of ideas and beliefs within society. The fermentation of social thought captures the mental, cultural, and spiritual transformations that individuals and communities undergo through engagement with values, norms, and beliefs. From the perspective of the sociology of religion, this process is essential for understanding how beliefs influence both individual consciousness and collective identity. Internal fermentation refers to the reshaping of religious interpretations by individuals and their adaptation to social norms, whereas external fermentation denotes the transformation of religious structures within society through economic, cultural, and technological interactions. Historical examples include the Abbasid period, the Islamic civilization of Al-Andalus, and the introduction of the printing press in the Ottoman Empire. In contemporary society, social media and digitalization serve as modern catalysts accelerating both individual and societal religious fermentation. 1 Dr., Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry, Ankara, Turkiye, ORCID Code: https://orcid. org/0000-0003-3732-5477, e-mail: [email protected] FERMENTATION OF SOCIAL THOUGHT AND ITS REFLECTIONS 62 Individual transformation occurs through practices such as prayer, education, and cultural exchange, while social fermentation facilitates the restructuring of collective consciousness and norms. The Qur’anic principles of change, knowledge, reason, virtue, justice, and liberation from dogmatism emerge as foundational values supporting this process. These principles promote conscious personal transformation, the evolution of social relations, and the maturation of collective consciousness. Ultimately, the fermentation of social thought represents a continuous and dynamic process extending from individual awareness to collective structures. The metaphor of fermentation provides a powerful conceptual framework for understanding how individuals reinterpret belief and value systems, interact with social norms, and contribute to cultural evolution at both sociological and theological levels. Keywords: Sociology of Religion, Fermentation, Social Fermentation, Thought Fermentation Introduction According to Bauman, who assigns a significant role to sociology, its most valuable function is to present seemingly similar phenomena from unexpected perspectives, prompting a critical re-examination of what is taken for granted, unsettling certainties, and thereby stimulating the slowly progressing imagination (Bauman, 2010, p. 238). Bauman’s characterization of sociology as a tool for questioning the familiar and stimulating the imagination highlights the significance of metaphorical approaches used to explain the thought worlds of societies and emphasizes the function of these metaphors in understanding the multidimensional nature of social phenomena. The thought worlds of societies have been attempted to be explained through various metaphors across different historical periods. These metaphors reveal both the ways in which the human mind comprehends reality and the multidimensional structure of social phenomena. In recent years, it has been observed that metaphors derived from biological, ecological, and chemical processes have been intensively used in the analysis of thought and culture within the sociology literature. In this context, the metaphor of fermentation provides a productive framework for understanding the formation, maturation, and transformation of social thought. Fermentation, the decomposition and chemical changes produced by enzymes secreted by microorganisms in organic matter, can in the social sciences represent the process by which ideas and thoughts transform within society and take on new forms. Particularly in terms of the sociology of religion, the MEHMET ATA MIRZAOĞLU 63 fermentation of social thought serves as a powerful metaphor to explain how beliefs, religious interpretations, and values produced at the level of collective consciousness undergo transformation. Just as in biological fermentation, ideas undergo specific processes within society, transforming, acquiring new meanings, and taking on different forms within a cultural context. This article examines the fermentation of social thought from the perspective of the sociology of religion, exploring its effects on both individuals and society. The fermentation of social thought reveals how beliefs, values, and norms evolve over time and highlights the reflections of this evolution on individual consciousness and collective identity. 1. Fermentation of Social and Religious Thought Fermentation is the process by which substances in nature are transformed by microorganisms, a transformation that has played significant roles in areas ranging from food production to biotechnology. The fermentation of thought, on the other hand, refers to the mental and cultural transformations of individuals and societies. In this process, beliefs, values, and ways of thinking are shaped by environmental factors, historical events, and sociocultural dynamics. The fermentation of social thought involves not a static acceptance but a continuous process of renewal and transformation. The fermentation of religious thought holds particular significance in this context. Although belief systems may appear as fixed structures that individuals accept as norms, over historical processes these beliefs transform due to social events, scientific developments, and cultural interactions. One of the most striking examples of this process in Islamic history is the Abbasid period. In particular, with Caliph Al-Ma’mun’s establishment of the Bayt al-Hikma (Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı, t.y.), ideas from Ancient Greek, Persian, and Indian cultures were synthesized with Islamic thought, accelerating the fermentation of religious thought. During this period, the dialogue between philosophy, science, and theology opened new horizons for Islamic intellectual development. Among Western thinkers, Weber addresses the role of religion in social change, noting that individuals’ beliefs are shaped by an “internalized world of meaning.” According to Weber, religion is not merely a dogmatic structure in the process of making sense of life, but a phenomenon that evolves in interaction with social conditions (Weber, 2001, p. 78). This perspective provides an important foundation for understanding how the fermentation of religious thought operates at both individual and collective levels. FERMENTATION OF SOCIAL THOUGHT AND ITS REFLECTIONS 70 4. Dynamics and Fermentation of Social Transformation Society is not static. Every society possesses its own unique dynamism and experiences change to varying degrees. The perceived stability of one society is relative to the level of change in another; in itself, no society is entirely stationary. Change may occur with low intensity in one society and high intensity in another, progressing slowly in some and rapidly in others. Within this framework, it can be said that change varies according to time and the specific society. In any case, change is an inherent characteristic of every human community. Every society is simultaneously a construct, temporal, historical, and continuously confronted with a process of ongoing transformation (Okumuş, 2019, p. 21). Societies are inevitably subject to a process of change over time, and the direction of this change is shaped by the intellectual transformation of individuals. Societies undergo transformation as time progresses; however, this transformation does not occur spontaneously. It gains momentum through the intellectual efforts and questioning minds that sustain it. What enables social transformation is not passive acceptance but, rather, creative thought that experiences discomfort and triggers change. Social change and intellectual production gain momentum not through a static mind but through individuals who experience discomfort, question existing conditions, and strive to transcend established norms. When the mind feels the need to move beyond entrenched patterns of thought, it enters a kind of fermentation process. This process begins with the individual’s discomfort with prevailing paradigms, which subsequently leads to inquiry, critique, and the construction of new ideas. From a sociological perspective, creative effort serves not only as an individual intellectual activity but also as a catalyst for social transformation. Marx explains social change through the concept of “alienation.” According to him, individuals’ dissatisfaction with the existing order gives rise to the desire to construct new social structures (Marx, 1959, p. 34). This sense of discomfort acts as a trigger for the fermentation of thought. In Turkey, with the rise of social media, individuals have begun to shape their beliefs through personal inquiry rather than relying solely on traditional religious authorities. Historically, major intellectual movements, philosophical revolutions, and artistic breakthroughs have often emerged from minds that could not reconcile with the existing order. The Enlightenment, the Industrial Revolution, feminist movements, and postmodern critiques can, to some MEHMET ATA MIRZAOĞLU 71 extent, be seen as products of minds unsettled by the status quo. In this context, the orientation of a restless mind toward creative effort functions not only as an individual internal process but also as a driving force that transforms social dynamics. Discomfort as the source of intellectual fermentation serves not only as the impetus for individual creative processes but also as a precursor to collective transformation. Social progress is largely made possible through the creative efforts of individuals unsettled by existing structures, and these efforts have historically laid the foundation for radical changes. Processes of social change constitute one of the most evident arenas for the fermentation of social thought. While religion in traditional social structures was often regarded as fixed and immutable, the process of modernization has led to the reshaping of religious beliefs according to cultural and social contexts. One of the most important aspects to understand about social change is that it is an objective phenomenon, independent of value judgments. From a sociological perspective, social change is neither inherently good nor bad; it simply refers to transformations occurring within the social structures and arrangements of a society or group. In this context, social change is a non-normative, objective concept and does not carry an intrinsic value judgment. While it may produce positive outcomes for one society, it can simultaneously generate negative effects. The same process of change may strengthen one society while weakening another. More importantly, a change deemed beneficial for one society may result in adverse consequences for another, and the reverse is also possible (Okumuş, 2019, p. 23). In summary, social change can serve as a factor that enables societies to sustain their existence, but it can also lead to their disintegration or collapse (cf. Okumuş, 2015b, p. 17-50). The outcomes of change vary depending on a society’s internal dynamics, environmental conditions, and how it manages the process of transformation. 5. Principles of the Qur’an and the Foundation of Social Fermentation The fermentation of social thought refers to the mental, cultural, and spiritual transformation processes experienced by individuals and societies over time. This process is characterized by the maturation of ideas, the acquisition of new meanings, and their evolution into different forms within a social context. From the perspective of the sociology of religion, social fermentation is a crucial concept that allows for the analysis of how belief systems impact individual consciousness, collective identity, and FERMENTATION OF SOCIAL THOUGHT AND ITS REFLECTIONS 72 social order. The Qur’an provides the foundational principles that guide this process, supporting the fermentation of social thought. Principles such as change, knowledge, reason, goodness, justice, and liberation from dogmatism highlight the dynamic structure of societies and their potential for transformation. Fermentation Based on the Principle of Change: The Qur’an emphasizes that social change is both inevitable and directly connected to human will. 5.1. Fermentation Based on the Principle of Change: The Qur’an emphasizes that social change is both inevitable and directly connected to human will. The verse, “Indeed, Allah will not change the condition of a people until they change what is in themselves” 2 highlights that social transformation is connected to the responsibility of individuals. Humans are entrusted with the role of vicegerency on Earth, acting as responsible agents within the social change process ordained by God. Therefore, it is essential to consider the order and rules within areas of change, to evaluate historical events consciously, and to fulfill social responsibilities diligently (Said, 2015, s. 36). 5.2. Fermentation Through Knowledge and Science: Knowledge is a fundamental source of social transformation. The verse, “Are those who know equal to those who do not know?”3 emphasizes the decisive role of knowledge in both individual maturation and societal progress. Additionally, the verse, “He has subjected to you whatever is in the heavens and whatever is on the earth; indeed, in that are signs for a people who reflect”4 advises the conscious contemplation and observation of nature and the universe, reinforcing the importance of knowledge in both societal and individual development. 5.3. Fermentation Based on the Principle of Reason and Reflection: The Qur’an constantly calls humans to think and exercise reason. The verse, “They remember Allah standing, sitting, and lying on their sides and reflect on the creation of the heavens and the earth” 5 emphasizes the role of intellect and contemplation in the transformation of social thought. 5.4. Fermentation Through Goodness and Virtue: Social fermentation is shaped by the values of goodness and virtue. The verse, “Do not let evil and good be equal. Repel evil with that which is better; then the one between 2 Ra’d, 13/11. 3 Zumar, 39/9. 4 Jathiyah 45/13. 5 Al-i Imrân, 3/191. MEHMET ATA MIRZAOĞLU 73 whom and you there was enmity will become as though he were a warm friend”6 clearly demonstrates the transformative effect of goodness on social conflicts. Social maturation becomes possible through the spread of goodness and avoidance of wrongdoing. In this context, the verse, “Let there be among you a community that invites to goodness, enjoins what is right, and forbids what is wrong. Those are the successful ones” 7 emphasizes that social solidarity must be built on a moral foundation. Similarly, the verse, “Cooperate in righteousness and piety, but do not cooperate in sin and aggression”8 highlights the importance of grounding solidarity within an ethical framework. These verses show that religion unites individuals around a common goal of goodness and that goodness acts as a central factor accelerating societal transformation within the fermentation process. Therefore, social fermentation is not merely a cognitive process but also requires moral transformation, with religion functioning as a fundamental force providing the normative and ethical framework for this transformation. 5.5. Fermentation Based on the Principle of Justice: Justice is a fundamental condition for the continuity of social order. The verse, “O you who have believed! Be persistently standing firm in justice, even if it is against yourselves, your parents, or your relatives”9 highlights the foundational role of justice in social transformation and demonstrates that a healthy society is only possible through a just system. Similarly, the verse, “O you who have believed! Stand firm for justice as witnesses for Allah, even against yourselves or your parents and relatives. Let not hatred of a people prevent you from being just”10 emphasizes the importance of objectivity and freedom from prejudice, underlining the central role of justice in the maturation of social consciousness. These verses illustrate that justice is a fundamental element in the fermentation process, uniting individuals and society, enabling transformation, and establishing social balance. 5.6. Purification from Dogmatism and Critical Fermentation: The Qur’an calls on individuals to avoid blind imitation and uncritical acceptance. The verse, “When it is said to them, ‘Follow what Allah has revealed,’ they say, ‘No, we follow what we found our forefathers upon.’ But what if their forefathers knew nothing and were not guided?”11 illustrates how dogmatism 6 Fussilat, 41/34. 7 Al-i Imran, 3/104. 8 Al-Ma’idah, 5/2. 9 An-Nisa, 4/135. 10 Al-Ma’idah, 5/8. 11 Al-Baqarah, 2/170. FERMENTATION OF SOCIAL THOUGHT AND ITS REFLECTIONS 74 constitutes an obstacle to social development. Conversely, the verse, “Those who listen to speech and follow the best of it-they are the ones whom Allah has guided to the right path”12 encourages open-mindedness, guiding individuals to evaluate differing perspectives and consciously develop their understanding. In the context of the sociology of religion, this underscores that individuals must actively shape their own understanding within the process of social and intellectual fermentation. From a contemporary sociological perspective, the Qur’an’s principles of change, knowledge, reason, goodness, justice, and liberation from dogmatism enable individuals and communities in modern societies to continuously reshape their religious thoughts and practices, transform social relations, and foster a conscious and dynamic process of social fermentation. Conclusion This study highlights the conceptual potential offered by the metaphor of fermentation in explaining the transformation processes of social thought and religious beliefs. While fermentation, as a biological process, refers to the transformation of organic matter, in the social sciences it provides a powerful analogical framework for understanding how ideas and beliefs evolve, mature, and are reconfigured over time. At the individual level, internal fermentation denotes the reinterpretation of thoughts, the internalization of beliefs, and a renewal at the level of consciousness, whereas at the societal level, external fermentation facilitates the emergence of new layers of meaning in collective consciousness through cultural, economic, and technological interactions. In this way, individual experiences and social interactions form a mutually reinforcing cycle of transformation, playing a decisive role in the evolution of social thought. Although the fermentation metaphor has not been systematically addressed in the literature, it offers an original approach to capturing the multidimensional nature of social and religious transformation processes. This process, extending from the individual to the collective, shaped over time and fostering social maturation, can be regarded as a novel analytical tool in the social sciences. In particular, within the context of the sociology of religion, this perspective provides valuable insights into how individuals reinterpret their belief and value systems, interact with social norms, and contribute to innovations emerging within collective consciousness. 12 Zumar 39/18. MEHMET ATA MIRZAOĞLU 75 The principles of the Qur’an—regarding change, knowledge, reason, goodness, justice, and liberation from dogmatism—emerge as foundational tenets supporting social fermentation. These principles enable individuals to consciously and deliberately shape their thoughts and behaviors, transform social structures, and mature collective consciousness. In modern societies, the continuous reshaping of religious thought and practices by individuals and communities, the transformation of social relations, and the development of a dynamic fermentation process are direct outcomes of these principles. The fermentation of social thought is a multi-layered, dynamic, and continuous process extending from individual consciousness to collective structures. The intellectual energy and innovation generated through individual fermentation contribute to broader social fermentation; thus, social change is fueled by creative thought and conscious transformation. Just as fermentation produces transformation through patience and interaction, social thought and beliefs continuously undergo renewal and maturation, shaping the trajectory of societal development. This perspective can provide a robust conceptual foundation for both theoretical and applied research in understanding social and religious change, opening new avenues for scholarly debate in the literature. Future studies may analyze the fermentation metaphor using qualitative and quantitative methods, revealing more concrete indicators of individual and societal transformations and laying the groundwork for new methodological approaches in the social sciences. FERMENTATION OF SOCIAL THOUGHT AND ITS REFLECTIONS 76 REFERENCES The Holy Qur’an Akgül, M. (2017). Dijitalleşme ve Din. Marife Dini Araştırmalar Dergisi, 17(2), 191-208. Yediveren Kitap. Arı, Y. (2021). Toplumsal Değişme ve Din. Asya Studies, 5(16), 131-142. Bauman, Z. (2010). Sosyolojik Düşünmek. (A. Yılmaz, Çev.) (7. Basım.). İstanbul: Ayrıntı Yayınları. Durkheim, E. (1995). The Elementary Forms of Religious Life. (K. E. Fields, Çev.). New York: Free Press. Durkheim, E. (2006). Toplumsal Işbölümü. (Ö. Ozankaya, Çev.) (1. Baskı.). İstanbul: Cem Yayınevi. Durkheim, E. (2010). Dinsel Yaşamın Ilkel Biçimleri. (Ö. Ozankaya, Çev.) (1. Baskı.). İstanbul: Cem Yayınevi. Habermas, J. (1984). The Theory of Communicative Action. (T. 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Din Sosyolojisi Giriş. Ankara: Ankara Üniversitesi İlahiyat Fakültesi Yayınları no:32. Türkiye Diyanet Vakfı. (t.y.). Beytülhikme. Islam Ansiklopedisi. Geliş tarihi Eylül 14, 2024, gönderen https://islamansiklopedisi.org.tr/beytulhikme Weber, M. (2001). The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. (T. Parsons, Çev.). London: Routledge. 77 CHAPTER 5 THE BAKR B. WĀʾIL TRIBE DURING THE CALIPHATE OF ʿUMAR: ROLES IN ADMINISTRATION, MILITARY, JUDICIARY, AND DIPLOMACY1 Kenan ECEOĞLU2 Abstract The Bakr b. Wāʾil tribe, with its wide geographical distribution across the Arabian Peninsula and its strategic presence along the Persian frontier, played a central role in both administration and military conquests during the caliphate of ʿUmar b. al-Khaṭṭāb. Their pre-Islamic encounters with the Sasanian Empire endowed them with knowledge of the enemy’s terrain, tactics, and language, which later proved advantageous in the course of the Islamic conquests. Drawing on classical historical, biographical, and genealogical sources, this study employs a biographical analysis method to classify the roles of tribe members in military, administrative, judicial, and diplomatic fields, thereby situating them within ʿUmar’s broader policies of governance and appointments. The findings indicate that Bakr b. Wāʾil figures such as al-Muthannā b. Ḥāritha commanded armies and 1 This study builds upon a paper I presented at the 3rd International Petra Conference on Theology and Islamic Studies, entitled ‘The Appointment Policies of Caliph ʿUmar: The Case of the Bakr b. Wāʾil Tribe.’ That paper was subsequently revised and expanded into the format of a book chapter. 2 Dr., Türkiye, [email protected], https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4196-0716 THE BAKR B. WĀʾIL TRIBE DURING THE CALIPHATE OF ʿUMAR: ROLES IN ADMINISTRATION, MILITARY 78 spearheaded campaigns, while others like Bashīr b. Ḥaṣaṣiyya and Qutba b. Qatāda served as deputy commanders in critical battles. The appointment of Abū Maryam, a former participant in the riddah who later repented, as judge of Basra illustrates ʿUmar’s pragmatic emphasis on competence and reintegration rather than lineage. Likewise, their deployment in diplomatic missions reflected both their cultural proximity to Persia and their capacity for cross-cultural negotiation. Overall, the case of the Bakr b. Wāʾil tribe demonstrates that ʿUmar’s policies were guided by merit, accountability, and practical need. This pragmatic approach not only ensured rapid progress in the conquests but also facilitated the integration of diverse tribal experiences into the institutional framework of the early Islamic state. Introduction The Bakr b. Wāʾil tribe was among the most powerful and influential branches of the Rabīʿa tribal confederation, playing a decisive role not only in the pre-Islamic period but also in the early Islamic conquests (Ibn Khaldūn, 1988, p. 360). Tracing its lineage back to ʿAdnān, one of the descendants of Prophet Ismāʿīl, the tribe stood out as one of the most deeply rooted Arab communities, noted for its martial identity, wide geographical dispersion, and political influence. The Bakr b. Wāʾil tribe was subdivided into strong clans such as Banū Ijl, Banū Ḥanīfa, Banū Shaybān, Banū Taym Allāh, Banū Qays, and Banū Zuhl, whose genealogies were traced to the sons of Bakr b. Wāʾil—ʿAlī, Yashkur, and Badhan (Ibn al-Kalbī, 1988, vol. 1, p. 45; Ibn Ḥazm, 1983, p. 307; al-Qalqashandī, 1982, p. 130). Their settlement across diverse regions rendered the tribe a key actor both within the Arabian Peninsula and in the outward-looking expansion of the early Islamic polity. Originally based in the vicinity of Mecca, the tribe gradually dispersed across the Peninsula due to migrations in search of pasture and water resources as well as intertribal conflicts (Kablan, 2015, p. 24). Their members came to inhabit regions such as the Yemen Tihāmah, al-Yamāmah, Bahrain, the Sawād of Iraq, and the environs of Ubulla (al-Majlisī, 1983, vol. 15, p. 184). The Banū Ḥanīfa, to whom Musaylima belonged, consolidated power particularly in al-Yamāmah (al-Wāqidī, 1990, pp. 21, 50; al-Masʿūdī, n.d., p. 239), asserting dominance over the region’s fertile and expansive lands. Meanwhile, the Banū Shaybān extended their authority northward into alJazīra and Diyār Bakr, securing a strategic frontier. The enduring toponym Diyār Bakr, traditionally associated with this tribe (Yāqūt al-Ḥamawī, 1995, vol. 1, p. 224; vol. 2, p. 134), underscores their deep imprint on the geographical memory of the region. KENAN ECEOĞLU 79 Following the advent of Islam and the death of the Prophet, members of the Bakr b. Wāʾil tribe pursued divergent paths. Some participated in the ridda (apostasy) movements and attempted to establish control in Bahrain (al-Wāqidī, 1990, p. 50), only to be subdued by the firm policy of Caliph Abū Bakr and the forces dispatched under ʿAlāʾ b. al-Ḥaḍramī (Ibn Saʿd, 2001, vol. 5, pp. 278–279). Others, however, remained loyal to Islam, cooperating with the caliphal authority and thereby restoring the tribe’s credibility and trustworthiness. By the caliphate of ʿUmar, the Bakr b. Wāʾil tribe assumed a particularly prominent role in the Persian campaigns. The leadership of al-Muthannā b. Ḥāritha al-Shaybānī, commander of the first major expedition against Persia (al-Wāqidī, 1990, p. 217; al-Balādhurī, 1996, p. 238), provides the clearest example of this trajectory. His leadership illustrated not only military acumen but also the mutual trust that had been established between the central authority and the tribe. Yet the contributions of Bakr b. Wāʾil members were not limited to the battlefield; they also served actively in administrative (al-Fasawī, 1967, vol. 4, p. 35; Ibn Kathīr, 1997, vol. 10, p. 27; Ibn al-Athīr, 1997, vol. 2, p. 316), judicial, and diplomatic roles, their participation extending into subsequent periods (al-Yaʿqūbī, 2001, p. 114) and contributing significantly to the institutionalization and consolidation of the Islamic state. The Bakr b. Wāʾil tribe thus transformed its pre-Islamic martial ethos into institutional responsibilities within the framework of the nascent Islamic polity. By aligning themselves with the central authority, they became influential actors in the political, military, and administrative balances of the early caliphate (Eceoğlu, 2025. pp. 243–260). This article examines the roles undertaken by members of the Bakr b. Wāʾil tribe during the caliphate of ʿUmar—across the spheres of administration, military organization, judiciary, and diplomacy—in order to highlight the principles guiding the Caliph’s appointment policies and to demonstrate how these tribal contributions formed a coherent whole. One of the reasons for selecting the Bakr b. Wāʾil tribe as the focus of this study is the limited state of scholarship on the subject. A survey of the literature reveals that the only comprehensive work devoted specifically to this tribe is the master’s thesis of Yūsuf Kablan, which investigates the tribe’s socio-political position in the pre-Islamic period and the biography of al-Muthannā b. Ḥāritha. By contrast, the present article does not confine itself to a single figure. Instead, it undertakes a holistic assessment of multiple members of the tribe during the caliphate of ʿUmar, identifying and THE BAKR B. WĀʾIL TRIBE DURING THE CALIPHATE OF ʿUMAR: ROLES IN ADMINISTRATION, MILITARY 86 119). Following the decisive Muslim victory at al-Qādisiyya, Saʿd b. Abī Waqqāṣ entrusted Bešīr with delivering the news of triumph and the spoils of Madāʾin to Caliph ʿUmar in Medina (al-Ṭabarī, 1967, vol. 4, p. 22). Thus, Bešīr played a dual role in the military-administrative framework of the time: first as deputy commander in moments of crisis, and later as the official emissary carrying news and spoils to the central authority. 3.3. Abū Maryam al-Ḥanafī Iyās b. Subayḥ b. al-Muḥarriš b. ʿAbd ʿAmr al-Ḥanafī, better known by his kunya Abū Maryam (Ibn Saʿd, 2001, vol. 9, p. 90), was initially aligned with Musaylima but later repented, embraced Islam, and lived thereafter as a committed Muslim, according to the report of Ibn Saʿd. Some traditions attribute to him the slaying of ʿUmar’s brother Zayd b. al-Khaṭṭāb during the Battle of al-Yamāma, though alternative accounts identify another figure as responsible (Khalīfa b. Khayyāṭ, 1977, p. 108; Ibn Qutayba, 1992, p. 180; al-Balādhurī, 1988, p. 97). Sources also record an exchange between him and Caliph ʿUmar: when Abū Maryam reminded him of a supplication after relieving himself, ʿUmar retorted, “Was it Musaylima who gave you this ruling?” (Ibn Ḥajar, 2008, vol. 1, p. 428) Under ʿUmar’s authority, Abū Maryam was appointed judge (qāḍī) in Baṣra (Fasawī, 1981, vol. 2, p. 243; vol. 3, p. 68; Ibn al-Athīr, 1997, vol. 2, p. 373) during the governorship of ʿUtba b. Ghazwān, continuing briefly into the tenure of al-Mughīra b. Shuʿba. Following his removal, the governorship and judiciary of Baṣra were entrusted to al-Mughīra (Atar, 2020, p. 61), and subsequently the office of judge was assigned to Kaʿb b. Sūr al-Azdī (Ibn Saʿd, 2001, vol. 9, p. 91). Reports also mention Abū Maryam’s appointment as governor of Rāmhurmuz, in the region of the Euphrates basin (Khalīfa b. Khayyāṭ, 1977, p. 140; al-Balādhurī, 1988, p. 97, 374; Ibn Ḥajar, 2008, vol. 11, p. 475). In a qaṣīda composed by Yazīd b. Qays and addressed to ʿUmar regarding the administrators of Ahvāz and its surroundings, Abū Maryam is mentioned critically for certain practices. In consequence, ʿUmar is said to have confiscated half of his property for the public treasury (Ibn Ḥajar, 2008, vol. 11, pp. 473-475). KENAN ECEOĞLU 87 4. AN ASSESSMENT OF ʿUMAR’S PRINCIPLES OF APPOINTMENT In this section, the characteristics of the individuals from the Bakr b. Wāʾil tribe appointed by ʿUmar will be examined in order to identify the fundamental principles guiding his appointments. Thus, by focusing on a single tribal case, the criteria employed by the Caliph in selecting officials will be analyzed. When the tasks and qualities of the aforementioned figures are considered, it becomes evident that several core principles underpinned ʿUmar’s approach to appointments. These principles are discussed in detail below. One of the foremost reasons for the appointment of members of the Bakr b. Wāʾil tribe was their geographical location. From the pre-Islamic period onward, this tribe had inhabited a vast region stretching from the Tihāma of Yemen, through Yamāma and Baḥrayn, up to Iraq, Ubulla, al-Jazīra, and Diyār Bakr in the north. During ʿUmar’s reign, these territories lay directly on or just behind the fronts of conquest. Such proximity produced two outcomes: first, the rapid mobilization of troops and the management of supply lines through local experience; and second, the swift establishment of civil administration in conquered areas through local elements. The activities of Suwayd b. Qutba in the Basra–Ubulla region or of Qutba b. Qatāda in organizing the administration following the conquest of Ubulla illustrate the administrative advantages of this proximity. A second factor was the population strength and military culture of Bakr b. Wāʾil. This endowed them with a significant position in ʿUmar’s policy of balancing tribal power. A large manpower base, swiftly assembled cavalry and raiding units, and the mobility of a semi-nomadic lifestyle enabled figures such as al-Muthannā b. Ḥāritha and Mazʾūr to organize effective military contingents in a short time. Yet, for ʿUmar, numbers alone did not constitute a measure of merit; rather, large forces became productive only when kept under the supervision of central authority. For this reason, the Caliph subjected commanders to strict oversight through correspondence, accelerated communications with a courier system, and introduced rotation and dismissal when necessary. The controlled withdrawal of al-Muthannā after the Battle of the Bridge, followed by the reorganization of his forces, reflects not only his personal capability but also this disciplined oversight. A third principle lay in the pre-Islamic contact of Bakr b. Wāʾil with the Sāsānids, which provided them with superior familiarity with the terrain. The historical conflicts of the Shaybān clan along the Tigris produced a cadre THE BAKR B. WĀʾIL TRIBE DURING THE CALIPHATE OF ʿUMAR: ROLES IN ADMINISTRATION, MILITARY 88 well acquainted with Sāsānid military organization, supply routes, morale and psychology, and the conditions of land and climate. ʿUmar’s reliance on al-Muthannā and his circle on the Iraqi front was therefore not merely a choice of military strength but also a deliberate call upon local expertise and institutional memory. This knowledge of the field not only accelerated victories in the conquests but also fostered cautious strategies—such as withdrawal, regrouping, and negotiation—that reduced losses. Fourth, members of the tribe were natural candidates for diplomacy and embassies. Their proximity to the frontiers, their ties with the Sāsānids through borders, trade, and raids, as well as their interaction with multilingual environments, gave them possible familiarity with Persian and local dialects, all of which enhanced their effectiveness as envoys. The missions of Maʿbad, Mudārib, Mazʾūr, and Furāt to the Sāsānid commander Rustam, among others, demonstrate ʿUmar’s commitment to a diplomatic strategy that combined proclamation, negotiation, and intelligence alongside military operations. Here, the criteria for selection were not tribal identity but religious integrity, rhetorical skill, composure, and command of local languages and customs. Thus, while proximity may have facilitated selection, merit ultimately determined the appointment. A fifth dimension concerns ʿUmar’s policy toward individuals involved in the ridda (apostasy) movements. The involvement of certain Bakr b. Wāʾil figures in this episode illustrates the Caliph’s cautious yet pragmatic approach in appointments. Rather than rejecting repentance and reintegration outright, he evaluated local social contexts and personal abilities, assigning such individuals to appropriate posts under close supervision. In this way, he both reinforced social reconciliation and enhanced local legitimacy. Yet this openness remained conditional upon accountability: governors and judges accused of misconduct were investigated, subjected to financial penalties, or removed from office. This model may be seen as a practical manifestation of the balance between mercy, central authority, and law. Conclusion The military, administrative, and diplomatic roles assumed by members of the Bakr b. Wāʾil tribe during the caliphate of ʿUmar provide significant insights into the public administration of the period. Their engagement in diverse fields demonstrates that the Caliph did not prioritize tribal affiliation in appointments but rather emphasized merit, competence, and trustworthiness. Moreover, the close supervision of these appointees ensured that public authority was exercised with justice and transparency. The case of KENAN ECEOĞLU 89 Bakr b. Wāʾil thus offers one of the clearest illustrations of ʿUmar’s policy of appointments, which revolved around the principles of justice, merit, central oversight, and tribal balance. In other words, ʿUmar’s choices were shaped less by the question of “who” a person was than by “where, what, why, and how” they could serve effectively. His approach to the distribution of responsibilities focused not merely on personal background (lineage, tribe, or prestige) but on an individual’s capacity to act within specific contexts, under given conditions, toward defined objectives, and by appropriate methods. This evidence shows that ʿUmar was able to transform the geographical position and historical experience of Bakr b. Wāʾil into assets for the state without violating the principle of tribal balance. The Caliph neither granted privileges to his own tribe nor monopolistic advantages to Bakr b. Wāʾil; instead, he maintained a broad-based representation that preserved equilibrium in the distribution of power. The sphere opened to Bakr b. Wāʾil was one in which their advantages of proximity, numbers, and experience were combined with merit and kept under strict supervision. The position of this tribe under ʿUmar reveals a model of success emerging from the intersection of structural factors (geography, demography, and historical contact) and governing principles (justice, merit, balance, and oversight). This model facilitated both the rapid progress of the conquests and the establishment of lasting administrative structures in newly annexed regions. Proximity to the front ensured logistical efficiency and speed; pre-Islamic contact with the Sāsānids provided intelligence and linguistic familiarity; large population numbers supplied reinforcement capacity; and post-ridda reintegration offered opportunities for rehabilitation and legitimacy. ʿUmar channeled these advantages not through personal loyalty but through competence and accountability to the state. He was unhesitant in replacing an appointee when a more capable figure emerged. The case of Bakr b. Wāʾil therefore makes visible the rational orientation and institutional tendency of the early Islamic state. It demonstrates that conquests could only be consolidated when local experience was properly integrated with the general principles of the state. ʿUmar’s appointment policies thus stand as a historical guide to how this integration was achieved. THE BAKR B. 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He often exhibits characteristics like compassion, patience, humility and authenticity and may engage in practices like meditation or acts of service. Such individuals are often self-aware and emotionally mature and may have a strong sense of empathy and intuition. As a Walliullah, he has a close connection with Allah, characterized by faith, piety and obedience. He is also patient, curious, kind, humble, embodied and prone to wonder, with someone who consciously connects to something larger. In fact a spiritual person is basically a good person. The current study will shed light on the life history of Syed Shamsuddin Shah Gilani (May Allah have Mercy on Him) and his religious services to the humanity. He was such a nice spiritual 1 PhD Scholar, Department of Islamic Studies, The Islamia University of Bahawalpur-Pakistan, [email protected] 2 Sibling Academy of Quality Education, Bahawalpur-Pakistan [email protected] LIFE HISTORY OF SYED SHAMSUDDIN SHAH GILANI (MAY ALLAH HAVE MERCY ON HIM) 102 35. Hazrat Syed Abdul Qadir Khamis (RA) 36. Hazrat Syed Hamid Ganj Bakhsh Thalith (RA) 37. Hazrat Syed Noorullah Shah Gilani (RA) 38. Syed Shamsuddin Shah Gilani (RA) Religious and Worldly Services of Syed Shamsuddin Shah Gilani (RA) Religious Contributions Syed Shamsuddin Shah Gilani (RA) held a unique and distinguished status among contemporary scholars. His approach to religious service was exceptional for his time. Whenever he traveled for business, a large number of people would accompany him, asking religious questions and seeking guidance. Many individuals who studied under him went on to dedicate their lives to the service of Islam. One notable name among his disciples is Syed Akbar Shah Bukhari (RA), who spent 12 years in the company of Syed Shamsuddin Shah Gilani (RA) in Mohalla Ganj Sharif, Bahawalpur after pledging allegiance (Bay’ah) to him. Later, upon his spiritual master’s instructions, he moved to Multan to preach Islam. He brought thousands of people to the path of truth and regularly mentioned his mentor in his poetry, reflecting the deep impact Syed Shamsuddin Shah Gilani (RA) had on him spiritually and intellectually. Poetry of Akbar Shah: “Who is Mirza? Who is Sahibaan? A new story begins with Syed Akbar Shah. I care not for the world; only my Master’s pain I seek. I recite the Kalima of the Prophet and send blessings upon him.” Elsewhere, he says: “Perfect and complete is my Pir (spiritual guide), Shamsuddin Gilani, A radiant sun among saints, bringing spiritual ease, A true lover, united with God, knower of hidden secrets, Possessor of Madinan knowledge and custodian of divine mysteries.” SYED ADNAN HUSSAIN GILLANI - DR SYED MUHAMMAD FAROOQ SHAH GILLANI 103 Whether for business or preaching, Syed Shamsuddin Shah Gilani (RA) guided the people wherever he went and taught them to serve humanity. Whenever someone offered him a gift, he would immediately distribute it among the people sitting around him. His generosity was remarkable. For instance, the Nawab of Bahawalpur, one of his admirers, would present valuable gifts to him, but he would distribute them in the Nawab’s presence. Even when the Nawab of Bahawalpur granted him land to reside on, he allowed others to settle on it when they requested. Many of those families continue to reside there to this day. He was a pious and compassionate person, with a unique status both spiritually and socially. Preaching of Islam Syed Shamsuddin Shah Gilani (RA) traveled from Afghanistan to India (now Pakistan) preaching in many cities and villages. Through his efforts, many non-Muslims accepted Islam at his hands. He visited Bahawalpur every year, and during his stay, news of his piety, honesty, and worship spread throughout the city. When the Nawab of Bahawalpur heard of this, he personally came to meet him and was so impressed that he joined his spiritual circle. Sufism (“In Islamic lands, especially the Indian subcontinent, spirituality is seen as detachment from the world and closeness to God.”) Syed Shamsuddin Shah Gilani (RA) practiced the same teachings he had learned from his father Syed Noorullah Shah Gilani (RA). During journeys with his father, he noticed that whenever they camped, his father would become completely immersed in worship for days, severing all worldly interactions. Following in his father’s footsteps, he too became deeply involved in worship and withdrew from worldly attachments, spending days solely in the remembrance of God. Service to Humanity Serving God’s creation has always been a hallmark of the Sayyid families (descendants of the Prophet). They have shown immense respect and care for the people. LIFE HISTORY OF SYED SHAMSUDDIN SHAH GILANI (MAY ALLAH HAVE MERCY ON HIM) 104 Syed Shamsuddin Shah Gilani (RA) was known for his compassion and righteousness. He taught people both social etiquette and religious matters. If wealthy people offered him anything, he would distribute it among the poor sitting nearby. If someone came to him with a need — whether financial or intellectual — he would strive to fulfill it. His generosity, modesty, bravery, and loyalty were matchless. Helping the poor and caring for the needy was his beloved activity. His household was blessed with abundance and virtue. Business and Trade He inherited the family business of dry fruits and continued this trade with devotion. He often traveled in caravans and maintained a Sufi, ascetic lifestyle. His ancestors and other family members regularly brought caravans from Swat, Buner, and Ghazni to Dera Ghazi Khan, Multan, and Bahawalpur for trade. Wherever they settled for trade, a neighborhood called “Ganj-e-Sadat” (Treasure of the Sayyids) would develop. Thus, areas in Dera Ghazi Khan, Multan, and Bahawalpur where he lived for trade are still known as “Ganj” neighborhoods. His shrine, and those of his son Syed Imam Din Shah Gilani (RA), his brothers, and other relatives are located in Mohalla Ganj Sharif, Bahawalpur. Demise Syed Shamsuddin Shah Gilani (RA) passed away in Mohalla Ganj Sharif, Bahawalpur on 28th Dhu al-Qi’dah 1212 AH, corresponding to 15th May 1798 (Tuesday). His shrine is located on the eastern side, next to his son Syed Imam Din Shah Gilani (RA), who had passed away roughly ten days earlier. Unable to bear the grief of losing his only child, and having no other offspring, Syed Shamsuddin Shah Gilani (RA) too departed this world shortly after. His blessed shrine remains in Ganj Sharif, Bahawalpur-Pakistan. May his pure soul rest in eternal peace! Aameen 105 CHAPTER 7 THE ROLE OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY IN RESOLVING THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT: A COMPREHENSIVE ANALYSIS Dr. Muhammad Safdar Bhatti1 Miss Maria Noor2 Rao Sharif Mansoob3 Dr. Ali Ijaz4 Abstract The clash between Israel and Palestine is one of the most protracted and multifarious disputes in the biosphere, rooted in some deep historical, religious and political contexts. At its core, this conflict revolves around contending rights to the identical land and has given rise to significant tensions and violence for decades. The international community can play a crucial role in resolving this conflict with various approaches and levels of success. The current study analyzes the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, focusing 1 Department of Software Engineering, The Islamia University of Bahawalpur-Pakistan [email protected] 2 Department of English, The Govt. Sadiq College Women University, Bahawalpur-Pakistan, [email protected] 3 Sibling Academy of Quality Education, Bahawalpur-Pakistan [email protected] 4 International University of Kyrgyzstan [email protected] THE ROLE OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY IN RESOLVING THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT 106 on its historical background, current status and potential peaceful resolution. It highlights the ongoing conflict, rooted in national narratives, territorial claims and religious sentiments. This conflict remains a deeply entrenched and multifaceted issue. While reaching a sustainable peace agreement is challenging, it is not impossible. A comprehensive approach that addresses the core issues and involves both top-down and bottom-up efforts, as well as consistent international mediation, is the most likely path towards a resolution that respects the rights and aspirations of both Israelis and Palestinians. However, it will require a commitment to dialogue, compromise and the long-term vision of a peaceful coexistence. The analysis emphasizes the need for renewed diplomatic efforts, trust-building and a conducive negotiation environment to promote understanding and dialogue among involved parties. It also examines the international community’s efforts, key players, challenges and potential solutions. The study suggests that Israel and Palestine should engage in direct, unconditional negotiations without preconditions, addressing core issues like borders, refugees, Jerusalem, and security. The global community should play a constructive role in mediating the cease-fire process. Promoting people-to-people initiatives can build trust and understanding among Israelis and Palestinians. To encapsulate, the researcher highlights the complexities of the Israeli-Palestinian clash in modern international relations and the crucial role of the international community in resolving it. Keywords: Israel, Palestine, Conflict, War, Peace building. Introduction One of the most unsolvable disputes of the past century is still the Israeli-Palestinian clash. The Middle East Peace Process’s (MEPP) repeated failures call for a reevaluation of the starring role of the global community in assisting the parties in resolving their differences. Even among those entrusted with promoting peace, this disagreement, like few others, elicits implicit assumptions, biases, and preconceptions. Finding measures that effectively address Israeli and Palestinian grievances requires a clear and objective analytical perspective on the issue. The international community has spent the last thirty years promoting the notion that the only way to end the issue is to work with Israel to build a practical Palestinian state. The global community broadly supports a twostate solution, envisioning a Palestinian state established within the territories occupied by Israel in the 1967 war, including East Jerusalem, the West Bank, and Gaza, with borders based on pre-1967 lines. The European Union is the DR. MUHAMMAD SAFDAR BHATTI - MISS MARIA NOOR - RAO SHARIF MANSOOB - DR. ALI IJAZ 107 main contributor, contributing about US $35 billion to Palestinian regions between 1993 and 2018 in order to accomplish this goal. Because of its substantial involvement in the MEPP, throughout the last thirty years, the international community also bears some responsibility for the parties’ failure to close the gaps in their stances. As will be seen later, some structural-cognitive flaws in Western attempts to resolve the conflict have contributed to the MEPP’s failure. This paper investigates the fundamental beliefs that guide the international community’s attitude toward the MEPP initiative in the setting of the IsraeliPalestinian and evaluates whether or not these presumptions promote or impede the pursuit of peace. This study enhances knowledge on conflict resolution through examining the fundamental mental models that affect and shape international policy-making, particularly in relation to the IsraeliPalestinian clash. Along with the ramifications for future peacemaking in the Israeli-Palestinian arena, it also examines the fundamental issues confronting the global community in the post-MEPP world. The definition of the word “international community” is given at the beginning of the paper, which then looks at the successes and failures of the MEPP. The second segment, “MEPP Accomplishments,” describes in what way the peace process has improved the Israeli-Palestinian dynamic generally in command to present a fairer picture of it and to place its significance for future peacemaking. A brief summary of the current opinions on the MEPP’s shortcomings and how this study turns into them is given in the third section, “The Peace Model and its Failures.” The MEPP’s primary structural flaws and false presumptions are described in the next three parts, along with how they jeopardized both Israel’s long-term security and Palestinian self-determination. “Policy Group Think in the Donor Community,” part four, addresses the primary structural weakness argument. The fifth section, “Restraining Palestinian Self-Determination,” looks at how Palestinians’ political flexibility has been limited by foreign aid, which has also made them more reliant on it. Section 6 then examines how Israel is at risk of “Undermining Israel” as a result of the MEPP’s failure. Section 7, “A PostOslo World—Opportunities and Challenges,” is the paper’s concluding section. It looks at the Trump plan as well as other possible events in the Israeli-Palestinian clash and how they can impact future conflict resolution. THE ROLE OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY IN RESOLVING THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT 108 Exploring the Meaning of “international community” The majority of donor countries, mostly from the West, that support the two-state way out as their main policy proposal are referred to “international community”. The “land for peace” attitude, which was founded in the Resolutions of UN Security, is validated by the endorsement of the founding of a viable Palestinian state within the 1967 borders by these nations. These countries maintain cordial diplomatic ties with Israel and are major financial supporters of the Palestinian state-building struggle. The entities comprise European Union member nations including France, the Netherlands, the UK, Spain, Germany and the Nordic countries of Iceland, Sweden, Finland and Denmark, and Canada, Japan. Historically, the US championed the Oslo peace process and played a pivotal role in its maintenance. The Middle East Peace Process was built on international consensus, envisioning a contiguous Palestinian state within the 1967 borders, encompassing the West Bank and Gaza Strip, with East Jerusalem as its capital. However, the Trump administration’s “Peace to Prosperity” plan marked a significant departure from this global consensus, introducing a new trajectory for the two-state solution. The American plan privately delineates new borders extending significantly beyond the 1967 borders, integrating up to 30% of the West Bank into Israel, with Jerusalem lacking shared sovereignty, and Palestinian statehood dependent upon the fulfillment of governance and security criteria established by the US and Israel. Although the idea may be discreetly abandoned by a new government of America, its implementation has irrevocably undermined years of efforts and underscored the necessity of sustaining a unified international perspective on fostering peace in this domain. MEPP Accomplishments The Middle Eastern Peace Process has produced many experts, station officers, analysts of politics, peace workers, peace delegations, Track II scholars, and special coordinators since the 1993 Oslo Accords. Various diplomatic efforts have unfolded, including behind-the-scenes negotiations, formal condemnations from governments, and votes by the UN Security Council and General Assembly. Despite criticism over thirty years later, the Oslo Agreements have achieved specific objectives. Palestinians built up structures through the bottom up with technical knowledge and contributor funding to prepare for independence. The UN declared in 2011 that Palestinian “official operations are now adequate for the proper functioning DR. MUHAMMAD SAFDAR BHATTI - MISS MARIA NOOR - RAO SHARIF MANSOOB - DR. ALI IJAZ 109 of a state,” citing World Bank and IMF reports. United Nations states that, the Palestinians are ready to operate as a public in terms of the rule of law, equality for all, economic security, cultural diversity, medical care, safety and security transportation, and access to clean water. International cooperation was necessary to create and prepare Palestinian institutions for statehood. Alongside assisting Palestinians in their preparation for self-governance, donor nations have provided limited support for conflict resolution. This involves facilitating private discussions in which the parties can interact directly with one other. While many matters were deemed excessively contentious to address, several Western nations confronted them directly, facilitating behind-the-scenes discussions among the parties and ultimately devising strategies for resolving fundamental difficulties. To address the issues of Palestinian refugees, the Refugee Working Group was founded in a Conference in Madrid in 1991, and Canada’s position as the “glory holder” of this group is an example of this. After that, Canada quietly participated in what was called the “Ottawa Process,” initiatives that took place between 1997 and 2001 and involved both Israelis and Palestinians. By bringing Israelis and Palestinians together, the International Development Research Centre (IDRC) continued to work with the support of the Canadian government to find out a proper solution to address the concerns of the Palestinian refugees. This solution would include measures such as reimbursement, relocation, and repatriation. A framework for the shared administration of the contentious city without lowering the standards of either side’s sovereignty claims was offered by the Jerusalem Old City Initiative, to which Canada also participated. The global community’s accomplishments in the MEEP included preparing the Palestinians for statehood, placing the framework for a bargained peacetime, and keeping the public’s attention on the need to resolve the issue. Labeling laws that differentiated things ready in Jewish colonies from those made in Israel were enacted by European nations in response to these initiatives. European efforts to set standards and raise corporate consciousness are not part of the MEPP, but they have helped solidify the core principle that arrangements are not constitutional and that the international community must reject them if they want to end the fight. These steps upheld the idea of a Palestinian state symbolically, even though they accomplished little to change the current circumstances. THE ROLE OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY IN RESOLVING THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT 110 The Peace Model and Its Failures The sources that have criticized the MEPP, and their criticisms help to explain why the international community has not been able to make significant progress in resolving the conflict. There have been numerous failed attempts at peace talks after Canada’s most recent Track II discussions. A number of scholars have pointed out that Israel has been able to maintain an economical occupation with the help of donors, which has diminished the incentive to seek a settlement with formal politicans. According to Mandy Turner, Israel was able to implement its “methods of controlling population to ensure participation to the process of occupation” in Palestinian lands because to Western peacebuilding strategies that included administration, security cooperation, and neoliberal economics. According to Ben-Porat (2008) and Turner (2011), the MEPP was inadequate since it did not change the engagement terms to make Israelis and Palestinians interact as equals or to fix the power imbalance. There was an initial flaw in the approach since the two sides’ understandings of mutual acknowledgment were too different to make it work in practice. Some argue that the European Union’s participation in the process hindered efforts to resolve the dispute, focusing on the EU’s role specifically. Although the EU’s goal of getting the parties to cooperate with each other’s plans in good faith and make necessary concessions is admirable, it has led to contentious procedures that have made a negotiated settlement less likely. Hugh Lovatt observes that although European Union states profess their dedication to the two-state solution, they hesitate to utilize the requisite tools to actualize it. He argues that by perpetuating a flawed model, including EU member’s states are underperforming collectively. Instead of assuming a proactive role, they merely serve as intermediaries during successive phases of United States-led diplomacy. Despite the numerous institutions and organizations comprising the MEPP, including the Quartet’s office and various regional special envoys, they have failed to establish an institutional framework or relational space conducive to the development of mitigated antagonism. The United States’ part is equally significant in analyzing the collapse of the MEPP. According to Khaled Elgindy, one of the key reasons for the peace process’s failure is a longstanding American local “blind spot” that ignores the enormous power mismatch between the sides and Palestinian political reality. More related to the current argument are the possible down for the count prejudices of MEPP workers. Brown and Nerenberg argue that the MEPP has devolved into a “façade” that “convinces only its members of its DR. MUHAMMAD SAFDAR BHATTI - MISS MARIA NOOR - RAO SHARIF MANSOOB - DR. ALI IJAZ 111 viability,” and that global leaders’ negligence and rejection of local realities— particularly Palestinian political degeneration and rejection by Israeli of the alternative solution—aptly defines the current state of the conflict’s recent history. These expectations are epitomized in the shared donor conviction that the circumstances for peace will ultimately be favorable on both sides, and that should concurrently continue to bolster the MEPP. This assumption neglected to consider evolving circumstances that rendered the formation of a Palestinian state in the West Bank progressively impractical. According to Peace Now, an Israeli NGO, 116,300 Israeli settlers were residing in the West Bank at the commencement of the peace process in 1993. As of January 2020, the population of Jewish settler in the West Bank, without East Jerusalem, has reportedly reached 463,535. In East Jerusalem, 218,000 Israelis residing, which the majority of the global community considers unlawful. Certain Western leaders deliberately disregarded this difficult truth, while others did so unintentionally; yet, nearly all MEPP officials functioned within the same cognitive framework and embraced comparable underlying beliefs. Variety of sources criticize the MEPP, showing the global community’s incapacity to meaningfully advance conflict resolution. Other failed peace initiatives after Canada’s latest Track II talks include Bill Clinton’s 2000 Camp David peacekeeping summit, the 2001 Taba city talks, the 2002 Arab Conflict Initiative, the 2003 Geneva Summit, the Middle East Quartet’s 2003 Roadmap, the 2007 Annapolis talks, and the 2014 Kerry procedure. Some scholars assert that donor support has allowed Israel to uphold a cost-efficient occupation over an extended duration, hence diminishing the impetus to seek a formal political resolution. The MEPP’s insufficiency has been ascribed to its inability to address the power disparity between the parties or to amend the engagement conditions that would facilitate equal interaction between Israelis and Palestinians. The system was inherently damaged from the outset, as the parties’ perceptions of mutual acknowledgment were excessively varied to enable practical application. The creditable objective of forcing the parties to undertake necessary compromises by genuine cooperation, in the absence of influence, has led the EU to participate in divisive processes that appear to diminish the scenarios of a discussed settlement. Donor Groupthink: A Challenge to Effective Policy To thoroughly analyze the global community’s attitude to the MEPP, it is essential to examine the policymakers’ norms which they employed in developing policies and programs for the region. In reaction to critiques regarding the diminishing opportunity for a two-state resolution, a prevalent THE ROLE OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY IN RESOLVING THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT 118 outdated notion of the two-state solution as the only path to peace, or will the MEPP policy community recognize the reality of the one-state today? 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Retrieved from https://www.worldbank.org/en/programs/palestinian-recovery-and-development-program-trust-fund#3(open in a new window) (Open in a new window)Google Scholar UNWRAPPING THE LAYERS OF PALESTINIAN IDENTITY: A HISTORICAL AND CULTURAL EXPLORATION 134 identified as “Palestinian Jews,” the majority of Palestinian Jews, a crucial part of the Palestinian people, began to identify with the Zionist movement at the turn of the 20th century, setting themselves apart from the rest of their own people1. However, Palestinian Christians were and still are proud to be Palestinian Arabs, and this pride has only grown stronger with the development of Zionism. As previously stated, the term Palestine underwent multiple phases of evolution. History provides ample proof of Palestine’s creation, encompassing not just its mandatory borders but also, occasionally, portions of “other” territories. Nonetheless, Palestine has always been a part of a larger empire, and we will never find a distinct pattern that would identify Palestine as a geographical unit within its roughly required borders. The concept’s pointillistic borders are not historically fixed, but it is as a matter of location and identity. Palestine and the other nations and territories that surround it (Jordan, Syria, and Lebanon) are not distinguished by this historical background; they were all interconnected and a part of larger empires. During the Assyrian, Babylonian, Persian, Greco-Roman, Byzantine, Arab-Islamic, and Ottoman empires, several of these regions— including Palestine—enjoyed a degree of independence or autonomy. A detailed account of Palestine’s historical evolution over the ages is outside the purview of this article. Nonetheless, it is important to note that in the 18th and 19th centuries, a semi-independent state within the Ottoman Empire was founded in the northern regions of Palestine, occasionally encompassing the central region as well, with Acre serving as its capital. This state was led by Dhahir al-‘Umar (Manna’ 2000, p. 47 ff). Periodic autonomy within Palestine persisted until the 1831–1840 Egyptian conquest in various forms. Dhahir al-‘Umar is regarded by certain historians from various backgrounds as the originator of the concept of the contemporary Palestinian independent state. Others believe that the establishment of a Palestinian entity and identity began with the 1834 Palestinian uprising against the Egyptians. At least from a cultural perspective, a growing number of Palestinians, including those who represented Palestine in the Ottoman Parliament, joined the criticism of the Ottoman Empire’s policies of turning its subjects—including the Arabs— into Turks by the end of the 19th century. These practices persisted until the turn of the 20th century, leading to an increasing amount of “localism,” particularly Palestinian localism (Manna’ 2000, p. 26-37). The subject of how the “Palestinians” relate to Palestine has been brought up by a number of historians. Rather than being a genuine discussion of identity, this subject should be interpreted in the context of the denial of political rights. Palestinian identity, according to this school, is merely a DR. MUHAMMAD SAFDAR BHATTI - MISS MARIA NOOR 135 response to the Zionist cause and its claim to Palestine (Khalidi 1997, p. 89). Here, we must distinguish between an identity that developed from the mobilization of reactions, conflicts, and important aberrant facts, and identity in its historical, social, and cultural dimensions. No society has ever faced persistent difficulties without reformulating, reshaping, and restructuring its identity. Undoubtedly, during the past century, Palestinian identity has undergone significant transformations and advancements, which were undoubtedly influenced by Zionist assertions. Like any other identity that is subjected to repression and denial, this one is characterized as being extremely vibrant and having a strong capacity for integration and adaptation. Undoubtedly, the Palestinians’ fight against Zionism and thereafter the state of Israel had a significant impact on their identity in particular as well as on the Palestinian people in general. Without the tension, this identity cannot be comprehended. Regardless of location or history, Palestine gained international recognition as a symbol of liberation and the fight against colonialism, at least since the 1960s, and in Latin America, Africa, and the Middle East in particular. Yasser Arafat was one of the most well-known figures in the world since his photo with his kufiyya was shown all over the world as a symbol of Palestine. Whether or not the Palestinians themselves were at ease with this picture, it was evident that an internationally recognized Palestinian identity was reflected in this setting. This “identity” is a symbol of revolution, surpassing the significance of Palestine itself, and it represents a portion of the Palestinian identity, that portion covering the fight for independence. Following the 1967 occupation, Palestinians’ interest in conserving their material culture was rekindled as a means of reaffirming their “national identity” and sense of belonging to the land. Protecting what was left of the local heritage—historical structures, monuments, archeological sites, and remnants of ethnographic artifacts, personal possessions, and other items— was one manifestation of the “Palestinian awakening” that emerged in the 1970s. Individuals’ interest in preserving, promoting, and amassing various “heritage” items—mostly embroidered costumes—later evolved into a more formal framework. This push was started by NGOs, mostly women’s philanthropic groups and other national establishments, in the lack of a governmental body. Symbols of Palestinian pottery, needlework, architecture, landscape, and cultural history have been integral to the artists’ chosen themes in the plastic arts. These emblems were intended to highlight themes of pride, belonging, national identity, and a strong connection to one’s own heritage. Is it possible for Palestinians to express their identity in a different way than they now do? Yes, I believe the answer is. The people of Greater Syria UNWRAPPING THE LAYERS OF PALESTINIAN IDENTITY: A HISTORICAL AND CULTURAL EXPLORATION 136 were forced into the artificial split. I doubt that the Palestinian people would have selected an independent state as a container for their identity if the Sykes-Picot Agreement had not been in place. However, identification is unrelated to statehood; a state may have a number of different identities and peoples. In actuality, the Palestinian national movement persisted in marketing the war as a “Arab-Israeli” one rather than a “PalestinianIsraeli” one, and the idea of an independent Palestinian state was only lately brought up. Following the October War and certain national, regional, and international political events, the concept of a Palestinian independent state was first proposed in 1973. In 1974, it served as the foundation for the PLO’s political agenda. Since then, Palestinian life has been entirely structured around it, and I’m not sure how long that has been the case. Palestinian identity underwent a significant politicization process with the formation of the PLO and other resistance groups, primarily in the 1960s. The PLO’s global reach outstripped its significance on a national and regional level. The Palestinian identity became “revolutionary,” or at least labeled as such, with the PLO. The Palestinian turned into a young person with a machine pistol and the kufiyya. The PLO had a complex challenge: how to create a common identity and unite a country of people from various socioeconomic backgrounds and political regimes, including Jordanians, Egyptians, Israelis, and members of the regional and global diasporas. In order to create a fighting country that seeks liberation, the PLO genuinely carried out a variety of political, cultural, and social initiatives and put a lot of effort into developing, strengthening, and reshaping the national identity in relation to the Arab identity. This was a fantasy strategy in the middle of the 1960s, yet it had quite noticeable outcomes. Effective use was made of the common political goal, which was difficult to uphold and unite people around. The contemporary “Palestinian identity” was largely shaped by this goal. Under extremely challenging conditions, the PLO was also able to establish communications networks that connected the many Palestinian communities and factions worldwide. The Arabs were the first to recognize the Palestinian people as a result of this effort, and the rest of the world community followed suit gradually. Aspiration and political rights were the true goals of this recognition, not identity. It is important to bring up the well-known claim made by the late Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir that the Palestinian people do not exist in order to comprehend what that means. Regardless of the right to self-determination, Israel now formally recognizes the Palestinian people as such, and this recognition will soon follow. DR. MUHAMMAD SAFDAR BHATTI - MISS MARIA NOOR 137 Identity and Cultural Heritage Due to their extensive experience integrating into their surroundings, the Palestinian people have developed a rich cultural history that has become a vital component of who they are. Historical and archeological monuments, a wealth of vernacular architecture, sacred shrines and sanctuaries, folk songs, dances, and proverbs, ethnographic equipment and instruments, needlework, and more are all part of this legacy. Over the past 50 years, these diverse elements have been used, replicated, reorganized, and refined primarily in response to the denial of a Palestinian identity and the devastation of over 400 Palestinian towns and villages following the 1948 war. This wave of destruction caused enormous and largely irreparable losses to the Palestinian cultural legacy. The Mandate period’s built-up area maps, people’s recollections, and a few photographs are all that are left. However, many structures, churches, mosques, plazas, maqams (the sanctuaries of saints), the cultural landscape, land usage, memories of places and spaces, graves, sacred trees, caverns, and other elements of identity based on cultural heritage were permanently lost (Khalidi 1992). Notably, the majority of these components have a rural origin. In reality, it is exceedingly difficult to distinguish Palestinian urban centers from those of the rest of Greater Syria, and they do not play a similar role in the particularistic identity. On the one hand, because the village was primarily targeted for destruction, people often use its cultural symbols; on the other hand, village symbols are a perfect way to think about the relationship between the Palestinian people and their land, which is a central theme in the ongoing conflict between Israel and Palestine. In literature, dancing, fine art, and of course, political education, the adoration of the country was also a means of expressing cultural identity. We must remember that the state of Israel expropriated hundreds of towns and villages in 1948 together with the Palestinians’ exodus from their homeland. Crude attempts to gain political, historical, and cultural legitimacy in Palestine resulted from Israel’s Zionist nature. The existing Palestinian cultural heritage was exploited, destroyed, and manipulated as a result of this hegemony. As a result, almost 400 towns and villages with distinctively Palestinian architectural features were destroyed or eliminated in a conscious effort to erase any recollection of the history and presence of Palestinians on their territory. The majority of the tangible facets of Palestinian culture and society, including homes, furnishings, personal effects, photos, and records, were gone. Unfortunately, in their haste to leave, Palestinians only took the essentials, leaving behind homes and public spaces brimming with memories and artifacts that testified to the history, taste, beliefs, and social life of Palestinian culture for generations. UNWRAPPING THE LAYERS OF PALESTINIAN IDENTITY: A HISTORICAL AND CULTURAL EXPLORATION 138 Above all, the majority of Palestinians were compelled to abandon their ancestral natural, historical, and archaeological inheritance. Those who stayed in the Israeli-occupied territory had to fight to maintain their identification as “Arab” or “Palestinian.” Palestine does not have a single legal system. Because the nation has had several rulers since the end of the nineteenth century, distinct laws still apply to it. In addition to the Ottoman heritage, the Israeli occupation, Jordan, Egypt, and the British Mandate published a great deal of legislation, some of which is still in effect in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Legislation pertaining to several aspects of life in the Palestinian territory was also enacted by the Palestinian Legislative Council (PLC), which was established in March 1996. However, the Palestinian Authority’s different levels of sovereignty in the West Bank and Gaza Strip (areas A, B, and C), the ongoing Israeli military orders in area C, the ongoing Israeli occupation of East Jerusalem and the implementation of Israeli law there, and the reoccupation of areas A by Israeli troops in April 2002 placed significant limitations on the PLC’s legislative, judicial, and executive functions to enforce this legislation. The British Mandate Law of Antiquities of 1929 (which only applies to the Gaza Strip), the Jordanian Law of Antiquities of 1966 (which only applies to the West Bank), and the Israeli laws of 1978 (which apply to East Jerusalem) comprise the current legal framework pertaining to cultural and natural heritage in the Palestinian territories. There was a provision about heritage protection in the 2003 Palestinian Basic Law. This is the only mention of heritage in the draft constitution, and it is limited. The President pledges, under this line, “to be faithful to the homeland and holy places, to the people and its national heritage.” The conservation of cultural and natural heritage3 continues to lack a strong constitutional foundation because the Palestinian constitution has not yet been enacted. The definition, which reads, “Antiquities are any movable or immovable remains or any part of them that were constructed, or formulated, or decorated, or inscribed or built in any form or any addition by a human being before 1700 AD,” is the fundamental issue with the 1966 Law of Antiquities. Remains of people or animals from before the year 600 AD are also considered antiquities. They also include any building constructed after 1700 AD that has been designated as such by the Department of Antiquities’ Director. The director’s authority was never put to use. Any archaeological sites (including historic structures) and artifacts (movable objects) that date after 1700 AD are expressly excluded from the term. Religious structures and natural heritage sites are also not included in the criteria. These two regulations do not identify or include moveable objects DR. MUHAMMAD SAFDAR BHATTI - MISS MARIA NOOR 139 or architecture (groups of structures, monuments) as distinct categories. Both the architecture and the archaeological sites demonstrate the richness and complexity of the Palestinian legacy. Palestine is home to several important historic towns, including the ancient city of Jerusalem, Hebron, Nablus, and Bethlehem, in addition to its many imposing religious structures, including the Dome of the Rock, the Nativity Church, the Holy Sepulchre, and the Ibrahimi (Abraham) Mosque. The diversity and depth of this legacy are further enhanced by the naturally lovely peasant architecture seen in Palestinian villages. The “throne village architecture,” which refers to the feudal mansions in rural Palestine throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and the desert monasteries on the eastern slopes both serve as examples of another architectural typology in Palestine. The diversity and depth of this cultural legacy are further demonstrated by the caravanserais along ancient trade routes, the scattered holy shrines (maqamat), and the exquisitely built dry stone farmhouses found on Palestine’s generally terraced hills. Jerusalem’s historic center is on both the UNESCO World Heritage List and the list of endangered cultural sites. As soon as the right circumstances arise, more Palestinian historic city centers may be included on the list. Unfortunately, the construction boom that occurred between 1995 and 2000 is primarily (though not exclusively) to blame for the alarming degradation, destruction, and carelessness of Palestine’s architectural heritage. Urban, agricultural, and natural landscapes have all undergone tremendous transformation as a result. In the majority of Palestinian towns and villages, this period saw the construction of nearly half of the buildings. All of the buildings from earlier periods make up the remaining 50%. At least in Palestine, this extraordinary development magnitude occurred inside the borders of Palestinian cities and villages that have been prohibited from growing since 1967. This is because the great majority of land is still under Israeli control (Area C), and Palestinians are only permitted to construct in areas that are under the administration of the Palestinian National Authority (Areas A and B). Areas A and B contain all of the historic Palestinian towns and villages. The old towns and villages have lost a great deal of their fabric and many of their buildings as a result of this utterly unplanned, unregulated, and chaotic building expansion. The fact that the vast majority of Palestinians are refugees served as the inspiration for the majority of the well-known symbols of Palestinian identity. Kufiyyah, embroidery, traditional music, dabka, home keys, portraits, land registration documents, Palestinian passports (British Mandate), maps of Palestine, images of the Dome of the Rock, and other nostalgic tales about various locations were all part of the mobile identity of UNWRAPPING THE LAYERS OF PALESTINIAN IDENTITY: A HISTORICAL AND CULTURAL EXPLORATION 140 the refugees. The construction of identity had been largely influenced by the immovable cultural heritage. Palestinian exiles and diaspora members may carry these aspects of their identity with them wherever they go, and they may be readily discovered. Prior to 1991, there was an increase in interest in material culture, particularly ethnographic collections in museums, in the occupied Palestinian lands. These were mostly founded by women’s philanthropic groups such Baituna al-Talhami in Bethlehem, Dar al-Tifl al- ‘arabi in Jerusalem, and In’ash al-Usra in al-Bireh. The difficulties of Israel’s 1967 occupation of what was left of Palestine served to fortify them. At the same time, a number of publications seemed to emphasize the Palestinian identity and cultural legacy. Majallat al-Turath wa-l-Mujtama’ (Heritage and Society), published by Jam’iyyat In’ash al-Usra, was the most well-known. This phenomena was prevalent among Palestinians living abroad as well as in Palestine in 1948 and 1967. However, before 1991, moveable artifacts and pertinent research were the most significant components of cultural heritage. Here, the PLO’s impact as a diaspora liberation group is evident. In its hands, heritage evolved as a means of strengthening the shared identity of many Palestinian communities dispersed throughout the Middle East and beyond. It was recognized that the owners of such a heritage are the ones who own these rights since the tool was effectively employed throughout the conflict, primarily to emphasize the right of return and the right to self-determination. As previously stated, the PLO was primarily a representative of the diaspora; at that time, its efforts were not centered around immovable cultural assets. Only Palestinians living under Israeli occupation were able to conduct research. This was not actually accomplished in the first twenty years since the PLO’s beliefs and methods were dominant inside Palestine. Even while archaeology, one aspect of Palestine’s immovable cultural heritage, has been the focus of extensive study since the latter part of the 1800s, it has nevertheless been subjected to ideological competition for control. Even so, the extensive research period yielded a vast amount of data on important locations throughout Palestine, recreated the major historical eras, produced thousands of publications (books, articles, maps, illustrations, reports, etc.), and unearthed innumerable archaeological artifacts that are now on display or in storage in museums, academic institutions, and private collectors worldwide. Western-born archaeologists used local Palestinian laborers to locate archeological sites, yet they kept in touch with the local communities. In addition to publishing the findings of their research in their home tongue, they were object hunters. An essential component of anthropological reference for comprehending the findings was the local populace. However, DR. MUHAMMAD SAFDAR BHATTI - MISS MARIA NOOR 141 the local community had only a minor amount of commitment to their historical landmarks. Even with the creation of the Palestinian Department of Antiquities, the local situation has remained mostly unchanged to this day. The ongoing economic crisis is the most worrisome development since there is a direct correlation between poverty and unemployment and the destruction of historical and archeological sites. Archaeology garnered more attention than architecture, which is the other aspect of Palestine’s immovable cultural heritage. To shed light on the matter, three distinct types of Palestine’s architectural legacy must be investigated. The first one concerns imposing historical structures. These are covered by the existing antiquities regulations and are considered archeology if they were constructed prior to 1700. They have generally caught the attention of both researchers and authorities. Greco-Roman, Byzantine, Early Muslim, Crusader, Ayyubid, and Mamluk monuments are all included in this discussion (Burgoyne 1987). More recently, scholarship has also focused on the Ottoman buildings (Pringle 1981). Then came religious structures: authorities (mostly religious ones) and researchers were interested in Muslim, Jewish, and Christian holy places, regardless of their legal level of protection. Lastly, although being a significant part of Palestine’s cultural history, vernacular architecture received relatively little attention. Scholars like C. conducted early research and documentation. G. Wilson and T. Wilson (Wilson 1906). Rather than investigating the link between the Palestinian people and their surroundings, Dalman (Dalman 1928–1942) sought to rebuild biblical traditions. These studies are therefore overflowing with references to the Bible and the Talmud, despite the fact that they are crucial to the restoration of traditional life in Palestine. Tawfiq Canaan, a Palestinian physician, was far more successful than earlier scholars in defining the relationship between man and his surroundings (Canaan 1933). Additionally, as the local Palestinian intellectual elite emerged following the 1967 occupation, the significance of the relationship between humans and their surroundings gradually increased. The need to rediscover and preserve heritage was made more urgent by Israeli settlement practices, and more people became interested in the cultural environment (Fuchs 1998, p. 54-67; Kanáan 1993; Khasawneh 2001; Amiry 2003). The idea of a cultural landscape was nonexistent in Palestine 150 years ago when Western academics first arrived. Places were only associated with historical or religious events because they operated within the context of historical geography. The Palestinian Excavation Fund and the Survey of Western Palestine were the first steps toward new discoveries in Palestine’s cultural environment. Maps of Palestine were divided into 27 regions at a scale UNWRAPPING THE LAYERS OF PALESTINIAN IDENTITY: A HISTORICAL AND CULTURAL EXPLORATION 142 of 1:100,000. Local and biblical names were used to identify geographical and cultural landmarks. This poll was conducted concurrently with several others. The most significant survey actually goes all the way back to the French invasion of Palestine in 1799. However, the issue with these surveys is that they were unable to create maps that were realistic. Rather, they identify cultural and geographic features without relating them to scale maps, geography, or sea level. Along with the surveys, several of the foreign missions also authored travelogues that combined historical, ethnic, or geographic ideas with documentation of Palestine. (Edward and Smith 1841; Smith 1894). These texts are valuable because they depict Palestine’s cultural landscape. They did not, however, profit from the technologies of the 20th century. Eventually, historical and cultural landmarks replaced the cultural landscape as the main focus of the study. This is due to both the influence of urban archaeology, which examines the evolution of pottery to understand the history of nearby civilizations from antiquity to the present, and the continuous concentration on historical places associated with Old Testament events. Thus, the relationship between a location and its surroundings, or cultural landscape, was overlooked. The Bible had barely a minor impact on the cultural landscape, which remained mostly unaltered. Because of the advancements in modern scientific technology and theories related to cultural landscape sciences, particularly geology, it is crucial for the future growth of archaeology and other historical sciences. In Palestine, archaeology has always been a delicate, politically and ideologically polluted topic. This is due to the fact that, since the 1850s, archaeological studies in Palestine have been closely linked to the historical evolution of the area. In order to evaluate the current situation and its prospects for the future, it is imperative that this context be reviewed. This evaluation’s goals are not limited to highlighting the shortcomings, setbacks, and achievements of earlier initiatives; it also traces the historical trends that gave rise to the more modern, objective, and scientific archaeology of today, which is still fighting to break free from the ideological pressures and influences of political conflicts. The Ottoman Empire made a number of adjustments known as the Ottoman Reforms (tanzimat) at the end of the Egyptian conquest of Palestine in 1840. These were a response to mounting European pressure on the Empire as well as an effort to improve Ottoman societies through new laws. In addition to the establishment of foreign working groups in the areas of geographical, archeological, and historical research, this also marked the start of European religious and consular missions to Jerusalem in particular and the “Holy Land” in general. A conservative school of thinking based DR. MUHAMMAD SAFDAR BHATTI - MISS MARIA NOOR 143 on core Christian principles found in Old Testament passages dominated their almost universal Orientalist approach. The primary purpose of these texts was to interpret Palestine’s cultural past (see Arieh 1984, p. 1–12). Since there was no communication with the local intellectuals, basic factual data was gathered in this way, although not without bias. At any rate, there was no intellectual elite with the expertise needed to create an information framework for the history of its urban society in particular and its people in general. The traditional Islamic educational system, which was very different from the one adopted in the West at the end of the 19th century, was the primary source of the scientific information that was available (see Khalidi 1992, Manna’ 2000). The topography of Palestine, including its primary cultural and archaeological sites, was investigated by foreign organizations like the Palestine Exploration Fund, the École Biblique et Archéologique Française, the German Protestant Institute of Archaeology, the British School of Archaeology, and the American School of Archaeology (The Albright Institute). They consequently created intricate maps, frequently in accordance with interpretations found in the Old Testament. The majority of the discoveries from the era’s archaeological digs have been distributed among museums, European academic institutions, “Oriental” research organizations, and worldwide museums. On a deeper level, western tourists and ethnographers turned to the Near East at a time when Europe was industrializing and much of the local, unrecorded custom and legacy was disappearing. The locals there were still deeply rooted in their traditions, both practically and figuratively. With the help of the Palestine Exploration Fund’s Survey of Western Palestine, which included maps showing the distribution of areas dominated by agricultural communities, a deeper understanding of the social and economic structures of Palestine could be established. Nevertheless, this endeavor was not solely a means of delineating the socio-economic milieu of the region; rather, it was a component of an endeavor to connect this state of affairs with the customs of biblical tribes that called the area home throughout the Iron Age. The British Mandate began after Ottoman control in Palestine ended as a result of World War I. In order to establish a department of antiquities (formerly the British School of Archaeology in Jerusalem), British experts were sent to Palestine. There, they conducted a variety of excavations and archaeological surveys. A Department of Antiquities was established in the 1920s, and the Antiquities/Archaeological Law was enacted in 1929. The Israeli authorities subsequently used this same law, adding minor Jordanian revisions from 1966. Other cultural assets are barely mentioned in the statute,