Spatial Agency and Occupation: Migrant Domestic Workers in Hong Kong

Kwok, E elyn
Book
Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion: Mig an Domes ic
Wo ke s in Hong Kong
Edinbu gh S udies in U ban Poli ical Economy
P o ided in Coope a ion wi h:
Edinbu gh Uni e si y P ess
Sugges ed Ci a ion: Kwok, E elyn (2024) : Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion: Mig an Domes ic Wo ke s
in Hong Kong, Edinbu gh S udies in U ban Poli ical Economy, ISBN 978-1-4744-7918-9, Edinbu gh
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Co e
E elyn Kwok
Mig an Domes ic Wo ke s
in Hong Kong
EDINBURGH STUDIES IN URBAN POLITICAL ECONOMY
‘Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion consolida es he ajec o y o E elyn Kwok’s highly
o iginal heo ising and me iculous esea ch on he in e sec ions o space, economics,
gende and labou o o e a decade. A powe ul and mo ing analysis o he
discipline and ma ginalisa ion o emale mig an wo ke s wi h unique insigh s in o
hei esilience and e e yday esis ance. In e disciplina y schola ship a i s bes !’
Maggy Lee, The Uni e si y o Hong Kong
‘This is a ema kable book ha p o ides aluable insigh s on mig a ion, ca e, no ms
and he global poli ical economy ha shape he op ions, choices and expe iences
o Indonesian and Filipino mig an domes ic wo ke s in Hong Kong. Kwok de ly
in e wea es he his o ical and s uc u al discou ses wi h pe sonal na a i es, he eby
deepening ou unde s anding o he unde lying powe ela ions and con adic o y
ou comes o mig a ion policies. He explo a ion o hese wo ke s’ esou ce ulness
p o ides ood o hough ega ding esilience and women’s agency.’
Ma ia S. Flo o, Ame ican Uni e si y, USA
Explo es he esis ance o a ma ginalised emale mig an wo k o ce
h ough he in e sec ion o space, economics and labou
The e a e a ound 340,000 o eign domes ic wo ke s in Hong Kong, bu he ways in
which hey expe ience mig a ion is la gely hidden in he homes o hei employe s.
Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion helps us o unde s and he complexi ies o mig an
expe iences by analysing he socio-spa ial consequences ha eme ge om global
mig an labou and examining he capaci y o he disen anchised o c ea e new
spa iali ies by using public space o esis hei disempowe men . This app oach
gi es oice o a phenomenon silenced by he hegemony o mains eam u ban
economics and, in u n, e eals p ac ices ha cu ac oss global labou .
By shedding ligh on he impo ance o space in moulding hese p ac ices and
how hey, in u n, shape space, Kwok demons a es he powe and limi s o spa ial
agency in pushing back agains he dele e ious consequences o conside ing labou
as ano he commodi y and e eals wha lies behind he cu ain o Hong Kong’s
‘success ul’ spa ial capi alism.
E elyn Kwok is Resea ch Assis an P o esso a Hong Kong Bap is Uni e si y.
Co e image: Ika Seamless Pa e n Design o Fab ic, Shu e s ock
Co e design: Bekah Dey and S ua Dalziel
E elyn Kwok
Spa ial Agency
and Occupa ion
Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
EDINBURGH STUDIES IN URBAN POLITICAL ECONOMY
Se ies edi o : F anklin Obeng-Odoom
978-1-4744-7916-5_PPC_Fo ma : 234 x 156mm_Ex en 224pp_T immed a wo k size: 274 x 367.7mm_Spine 15.7mm_Book Code 5981
3767 eup Kwok_PPC.indd 13767 eup Kwok_PPC.indd 1 17/08/2024 10:5917/08/2024 10:59
Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
Hal Ti le
Edinbu gh S udies in U ban Poli ical Economy
Se ies Edi o : F anklin Obeng-Odoom
In a wo ld cha ac e ised by ci ies, hei disp opo iona e sha e o p oblems as
well as p ospec s, and he limi a ions o mains eam u ban economics as a com-
pass, he Edinbu gh S udies in U ban Poli ical Economy se ies s i es o publish books
ha seek o be e unde s and, and o add ess, such challenges. The Global Sou h
is o pa icula in e es , bu i is by no means he only ocus. As an al e na i e
poli ical economy se ies, i emphasises social sus ainabili y o u ban ans o -
ma ions, encou ages he use o ansdisciplina y poli ical-economic app oaches
o u ban economics, and welcomes books ha a e bo h he e odox and plu alis
in hei economics. Books in he se ies s i e o bo h engage and o anscend
mains eam u ban economics, in me hodologies, alues, and isions, while plac-
ing hei insigh s a he disposal o he wide ields o u ban s udies and poli ical
economy.
Ti les in he Edinbu gh S udies in U ban Poli ical Economy se ies include:
Published:
Open Access Coal and Ene gy in Sou h A ica: Conside ing a Jus T ansi ion
Lochne Ma ais, Philippe Bu ge , Maléne Campbell, Dei d e an Rooyen and
S ua Paul Denoon-S e ens
Open Access U ban Poli ical Economy: Ma x’s Theo y o Land and Ci ies
Don Mun o
Open Access U ban Inequali y in Finland: Land, Housing and he No dic Wel a e S a e
Mika Hyö yläinen
Open Access Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion: Mig an Domes ic Wo ke s in Hong Kong
E elyn Kwok
Fo hcoming:
U ban Regene a ion and Go e nance in A ica: The Poli ical Economy o Ma ke
Rede elopmen in Ghana
Lewis Abedi Asan e and Ilse Helb ech
Se ies Page

Spa ial Agency and
Occupa ion
Mig an Domes ic Wo ke s
inHongKong
E elyn Kwok
Ti le Page
Copy igh
This book is dedica ed o mig an women wo ke s a ound he wo ld, who wo k o he
possibili y o a be e li e o hemsel es and hose a ound hem.
Edinbu gh Uni e si y P ess is one o he leading uni e si y p esses in he UK. We publish
academic books and jou nals in ou selec ed subjec a eas ac oss he humani ies and social
sciences, combining cu ing-edge schola ship wi h high edi o ial and p oduc ion alues o
p oduce academic wo ks o las ing impo ance. Fo mo e in o ma ion isi ou websi e:
edinbu ghuni e si yp ess.com
We a e commi ed o making esea ch a ailable o a wide audience and a e pleased o be
publishing Pla inum Open Access ebook edi ions o i les in his se ies.
© E elyn Kwok, 2024, unde a C ea i e Commons A ibu ion-NonComme cial-NonDe i a i e
licence
Co e image: Ika Seamless Pa e n Design o Fab ic, Shu e s ock
Co e design: Bekah Dey and S ua Dalziel
Edinbu gh Uni e si y P ess L d
13 In i ma y S ee
Edinbu gh EH1 1LT
Typese in 11 on 13p Baske ille MT P o
by Cheshi e Typese ing L d, Cudding on, Cheshi e, and
p in ed and bound in G ea B i ain.
A CIP eco d o his book is a ailable om he B i ish Lib a y
ISBN 978 1 4744 7916 5 (ha dback)
ISBN 978 1 4744 7918 9 (web eady PDF)
ISBN 978 1 4744 7919 6 (epub)
The igh o E elyn Kwok o be iden i ied as he au ho o his wo k has been asse ed in
acco dance wi h he Copy igh , Designs and Pa en s Ac 1988, and he Copy igh and Rela ed
Righ s Regula ions 2003 (SI No. 2498).
Con en s
Lis o Figu es i
P e ace: I Takes a Village ix
Acknowledgemen s xiii
A No e on Te ms and In e iewees xi
In oduc ion: A Ma e o Space and People 1
1. Policy and/ s People: Mobili y and S agna ion 36
2. Na a i es o Opp ession: Se i ude, In isibili y and Spacelessness 69
3. Agency and Resis ance 96
4. Li le Manila and Beyond 127
5. Commodi ica ion o Ca e: Cos s and Sac i ices 150
Conclusion: A Ma e o Gende , Labou and Space 174
Bibliog aphy 183
Index 201
Con en s
Lis o Figu es
0.1 Pho og aph o domes ic wo ke s in he Fo me Cen al Ma ke
A cade on a Sunday a e noon. 2
0.2 An example o how he si e analysis is documen ed ia pho og aphy,
d awing and anno a ions. 26
0.3 A loo plan ske ch o one in e iewee’s bed oom p oduced du ing
ieldwo k. 28
0.4 The inal digi al e sion o he d awing o DD’s bed oom, showing
he scale o he occupancy in do ed lines, in he same scale as he
employe ’s child, wi h whom she sha ed he oom. 29
0.5 A digi al image ha p esen s he space he wo ke has a home,
nex o he empo a y social space she c ea es o he sel and he
iends on he oo pa h ha can be expanded, on an ele a ed
walkway on a Sunday. 30
2.1 D awing o KL’s bed oom, whe e KL and he space a e ou lined
in do ed lines. 76
2.2 D awing o wo scena ios in do ed lines (A and B) o FH’s sleeping
a angemen . 78
3.1 Map o Cen al Ele a ed Walkway. 105
3.2 The ca dboa d uni s a e o en ein o ced by s ing and cable ies
connec ed o he balus ades o c ea e s u dy s uc u es o eside in
o he day. 107
3.3 Spaces ou side o closed shop on s in he Fo me Cen al Ma ke
a cade, which has been eno a ed and eopened since 2022, we e
popula wi h wo ke s because hey we e comple ely p o ec ed om
he wea he . 108
3.4 Cha e Road hos ed he global campaign ‘One Billion Rising’ on a
Sunday in 2015 as hund eds o mig an domes ic helpe s ga he ed
o pa icipa e in cho eog aphed dancing. 110
3.5 Wo ke s ga he o p ac ice hei dance ou ine as pa o he pa ade
o he 125 h anni e sa y o Philippines Independence Day. 110
3.6 & The wo pho og aphs show he ac i i ies c ea ed by Angelique
3.7 San os as pa o The Essence o Sundays. 111
3.8 Indonesian wo ke s ga he in Vic o ia Pa k o adi ional dance
pe o mances on Sunday. 116
Lis o Figu es
Acknowledgemen s
The esea ch o his book o igina ed om my PhD p ojec a he Uni e si y o
Technology Sydney, Aus alia be ween 2012–2018. F om 2019 onwa ds, I elo-
ca ed o Hong Kong and since hen, he wo ld has changed and shi ed in many
unexpec ed ways, along wi h my esea ch. Fi s ly, my deepes hanks go o he
edi o o his se ies, F anklin Obeng Odoom, P o esso o Global De elopmen
S udies a he Uni e si y o Helsinki, whom I me a decade ago a he beginning
o my PhD, as a colleague and iend. He saw he alidi y and cla i y in my wo k
well be o e I was awa e, and he con inued o show encou agemen h oughou
he yea s, e en a e we wen ou sepa a e ways o di e en pa s o he wo ld.
My hanks also ex end o Sa ah Foyle, Sam Johnson, colleagues a Edinbu gh
Uni e si y P ess and he e iewe s o he manusc ip .
The book could no ha e been w i en wi hou he gene osi y o he mig an
domes ic wo ke s I me o e he las decade, who spen ime wi h me sha ing
hei s o ies, goals and d eams o e ood, laughs and ea s. I am deeply awa e
ha hey a e eal people beyond he wo ds I ha e ep esen ed hem wi h he e,
and ha hei comp omises, sac i ices and esilience a e e y eal and ongoing. I
am honou ed and humbled by hei pe se e ance o a be e li e o hemsel es
and hose a ound hem.
I wan o hank my colleagues a he Academy o Visual A s a Hong Kong
Bap is Uni e si y and my esea ch assis an , A hena Cheng. I also would like
o hank Jus yna Kabala o in oducing me o he membe s o Guhi Kulay –
C is, Jonalyn, Lyn, Ma i Ch is and Dong – and o hei wonde ul a wo ks and
en husiasm o doing hem o his book. I wan o acknowledge he coaches o
he sel -de elopmen and leade ship p og am I did du ing he inal s ages o his
book, in pa icula Colin Benne and Dee Cheung. This book would no ha e
mo ed o wa d wi hou hei encou agemen and commi men in ge ing me o
ake ac ion.
Las ly, I wan o hank my pa en s – my mo he , my s epdad and my a he –
o hei uncondi ional lo e.
This book has been unded by he Gene al Resea ch Fund o Hong Kong
Resea ch G an s Council and he Academy o Visual A s’ Quali y Resea ch
Fund a Hong Kong Bap is Uni e si y.
Acknowledgemen s

A No e on Te ms and In e iewees
This book ocuses on he mig an domes ic wo ke s in Hong Kong, who a e
legally called Fo eign Domes ic Helpe s. The e a e e ms used h oughou he
book o ep esen mig an domes ic wo ke s a ying om ‘wo ke s’, ‘mig an
wo ke s’ and ‘domes ic wo ke s’.
As he majo i y o mig an domes ic wo ke s a e women, all in e iewees ea-
u ed in his book a e women. This book ea u es s o ies om wen y- i e wo k-
e s, selec ed om eigh y-se en o mal in e iews and ieldwo k da a collec ed
be ween 2013–2023. Thei names ha e been changed in o ac onyms o al e ed
o uphold anonymi y.
A No e on Te ms and In e iewees
In oduc ion: A Ma e o Space and People
Sunday: a public encoun e
I was a ypical Sunday a e noon, and I was walking along he Cen al Ele a ed
Walkway, owa ds he In e na ional Finance Cen e shopping mall in he Cen al
Business Dis ic on Hong Kong Island. The Cen al Ele a ed Walkway is a
sys em o ele a ed walkways ha connec o e wen y- i e buildings in he a ea.
Such is a ypical u ban wonde o ci ies like Hong Kong, whe e he walkways
c ea e an al e na i e ne wo k o pa hs abo e g ound le el o people o access he
a ious anspo hubs and comme cial owe s wi hou se ing oo on he s ee .
As a spa ial design esea che , I am in e es ed in he way public space is ac i-
a ed and app op ia ed by ci y use s. Th oughou my c ea i e p ac ice, I ocused
on how people ha e used and ans o med public space o hei own pu poses
and he eme gence o empo a y u ban spaces. P o es s, public assemblies, lash
mobs, ska eboa de s and o he kinds o empo a y in e en ions all ascina ed
me wi h hei al e na i e and sub e si e use o public space. The e has been
a long-s anding global phenomenon o small- and la ge-scale spa ial con es a-
ions, and my p ac ice was signi ican ly in o med by a ious philosophe s and
a is s’ ways o eimagining and emapping ci ies in wo-dimensional and h ee-
dimensional ways ha sugges ed di e en ways o occupying he ci y. Thus, some
en yea s ago, I began o look a Hong Kong’s u ban spaces h ough his lens.
On his Sunday on he ele a ed walkways, I began no icing ha hese spaces
we e used di e en ly han on he weekdays. They we e no jus condui s o o ice
wo ke s and consume s o access he a ious shopping malls and o ice owe s.
They we e also a si e o mig an domes ic wo ke s o ga he . I was mo i a ed o
documen hese spaces o abo eg ound ci cula ion.
As I wande ed h ough he Fo me Cen al Ma ke a cade, mos o he shops
we e closed wi h hei shu e s down. Wi h he ow o shu e s o my igh and an
emp y public exhibi ion space o my le , he a cade se ed as a pedes ian co i-
do o a s eady low o ou is s and locals.1 My ocus shi ed o people si ing on
he loo in on o hem. G oups o women sa on la ca dboa d boxes; ea ing,
cha ing, sleeping o applying beau y ou ines o hemsel es and o he s. Small
sui cases and a ious pe sonal i ems we e a anged o o m new se s o delin-
ea ed spaces. Some g oups s ood hei ca dboa d boxes up igh , o he s opened
umb ellas o ac as ba ie s be ween he pedes ians and hemsel es. Shoes we e
In oduc ion: A Ma e o Space and People
2 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
placed on he pe iphe y o he ca dboa d ma s, esembling he common Asian
p ac ice o emo ing shoes when en e ing he home. Some o he women had
hei backs u ned away om he oo pa h, denying eye con ac wi h pedes ians.
Abso bing he de ails o he scene in on o me, i became e iden ha I was
seeing whe e mig an domes ic wo ke s come oge he in o mally o socialise
and o ha e some space o hei own. Connec ing he do s be ween my pe -
sonal in e ac ions wi h my cousins’ wo ke du ing my childhood and o he dis-
pa a e pieces o ela ed in o ma ion o he scene in on o me, i made sense in
ways i ne e did be o e. I was o e whelmed by he in ensi y o hei collec i e
appea ance and occupa ion o public space.
A ew momen s la e I eached he end o he a cade and wi nessed mo e
mig an domes ic wo ke s occupying he nex sec ion o he Cen al Ele a ed
Walkway; he U-shaped ele a ed walkway ha connec s o he Hang Seng
Bank owe . Unlike he enclosed a cade, his sec ion has glass balus ades, p o-
iding unhinde ed iews o he s ee s below. He e he g oups o wo ke s we e
leaning agains he glass panels which, when iewed om he s ee , can o e
a sense ha he people a e loa ing in an ele a ed space wi hin he densi y
o he ci y. In his ele a ed walkway, he g oups we e also sea ed on la ened
Figu e 0.1 Pho og aph o domes ic wo ke s in he Fo me Cen al Ma ke A cade on
a Sunday a e noon. (Pho og aph by au ho ).
In oduc ion 3
ca dboa d boxes, al hough hey did no make e ical di ide s be ween hei
occupancy and he pedes ians. The wid h o he walkway was na owe
han he a cade and I was ollowing he pedes ians in on o me in single
ile, mo ing uncom o ably h ough and be ween g oups o sea ed women,
who seemed o be in ensely ocused on each o he and hei con e sa ions in
Tagalog, an Aus onesian language na i e o he Philippines (i s s anda dised
o m is Filipino, which is he o icial language o he Philippines alongside
English). I was an uncom o able expe ience because i el as hough I was
en e ing a p i a e space whe e women we e engaged in domes ic ac i i ies.
In o mally speaking o Hong Kong locals abou his phenomenon on Sunday,
many exp essed hei us a ion a how conges ed, di y o noisy Cen al ( he
dis ic ) had become due o he o e bea ing numbe o mig an domes ic
wo ke s. By con as , when I hea d Filipino wo ke s alk abou Sunday, many
o hem a ec iona ely called Cen al ‘Li le Manila’, which is a commonly
used e m o desc ibe hei ga he ings in Cen al (Law, 2001; Tam, 2016;
Kwok, 2019).
The dis ibu ion o he popula ion o mig an domes ic wo ke s is spli almos
e enly be ween he Philippines and Indonesia (Go e nmen o Hong Kong
SAR, 2019). On Sunday, Cen al Hong Kong’s o e passes, walkways and pock-
e s o public space a e domina ed by Filipino mig an domes ic wo ke s while
Indonesian mig an domes ic wo ke s ga he in Vic o ia Pa k, some h ee kilo-
me es away in Causeway Bay and p oli e a e in many public spaces h oughou
o he subu bs and e i o ies. In Cen al, di e en u ban in e io and ex e io
spaces – o mally and in o mally – o e a ange o goods and se ices o he
Filipino communi y. Wo ld Wide House p o ides Filipino ood and magazines,
Wo ld Wide Lane sells in e na ional phone ca ds, Cha e Road p o ides open
spaces o cho eog aphed dancing and poli ical allies and Connaugh Road
Cen al becomes a packing and loading zone o ca e packages en ou e o he
Philippines. On ea ly Sunday mo nings, pieces o ca dboa d boxes can be seen,
laid la , in a ious pa s o Cen al – on he Cen al Ele a ed Walkway, he
g ound- loo a ium o he HSBC headqua e s building, a ious unde passes
and shel e ed oo pa hs – symbolising he in o mal dema ca ion o such public
spaces. These pieces o ca dboa d a e e en ually used by he mig an wo ke s
o cons uc makeshi home-bases o empo a y inhabi a ion be ween e ands
ha day. E e y Sunday, speci ic public spaces in Cen al a e linked by he i -
ualised inhabi a ions o mig an domes ic wo ke s. Wha eme ges is a unique
ecology; a empo a y bu epea ed socio-spa ial sys em o o e lapping spaces
o an e hnic encla e, a si e o con en ion be ween he ci izens and he wo ke s,
and he ec ea ion o a se ies o domes ic spaces. Fu he , i e lec s he p oblems
wi hin he labou condi ions, whe eby wo ke s ha e no legal access o a home
o hei own ou side o he wo kplace, in e sec ed wi h low wages, empo a y
esidency s a us and de egula ed wo king hou s. Mig an domes ic wo ke s a e a
4 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
socially, economically and spa ially ma ginalised g oup ha makes up 5% o he
ci y-s a e’s popula ion.
The scope: space and people
This book explo es he socio-spa ial phenomenon o he mig an domes ic wo k-
e s in Hong Kong h ough he in e sec ion o space, economics, gende and
labou . The scope will begin wi h in oducing he physical con ex o Hong Kong
h ough space and he mig an wo ke s as people.
Space
Hong Kong is loca ed on China’s sou h coas , connec ed by land o he Chinese
Special Economic Zone o Shenzhen and enclosed by he Sou h China Sea and
Pea l Ri e Del a, wi h a o al useable land mass o 1,089 km2 and a popula ion o
7.34 million (Hong Kong SAR Go e nmen Census and S a is ics Depa men ,
2023). Hong Kong SAR consis s o Hong Kong Island, he Kowloon peninsula,
New Te i o ies and 200 small o sho e islands. Hong Kong’s geog aphic e ain
is moun ainous, wi h hills and slopes h oughou Hong Kong Island and he
Kowloon peninsula. App oxima ely 25% o Hong Kong’s land is a ailable o
u ban de elopmen , wi h he majo i y in Kowloon, he no h coas al edge o
Hong Kong Island and sca e ed a eas o New Te i o ies. Vic o ia Ha bou
uns be ween Hong Kong Island and Kowloon, sepa a ing hei co po a e and
comme cial skysc ape -domina ed skylines. Hong Kong’s u ban densi y may
seem complex and chao ic as shopping malls, ho els, co po a e owe s and es-
iden ial owe s ascend in quick succession and in ense p oximi y, me ging and
blu ing spa ial and p og amma ic bounda ies. A chi ec s Adam F amp on,
Jona han Solomon and Cla a Wong summa ise Hong Kong’s u ban planning
s a egy as ‘a combina ion o op-down planning and bo om-up solu ions, a
unique collabo a ion be ween p agma ic hinking and comp ehensi e mas e
planning, played ou in h ee dimensional space’ (F amp on, Solomon & Wong,
2012, p. 6).
In Cen al, he comme cial dis ic o Hong Kong Island whe e he mig an
domes ic wo ke s om he Philippines cong ega e e e y Sunday, he compac
densi y is speci ically aided by sub e anean and e ical connec i e spaces.
These public spaces a e p edominan ly p i a ely-owned public spaces which a e
egula ed wi h a ious modes o su eillance such as equen secu i y pa ols,
closed-ci cui ele ision and nume ous signs o imply a s ic sense o spa ial
o de and egula ed public beha iou . Homeless people, buske s and o he dis-
en anchised mino i ies who canno a o d admission in o hese spaces by means
o consump ion disco e oppo uni ies in he liminal spaces ha a e in be ween.
E e y Sunday, g oups o mig an wo ke s inhabi such liminal spaces: ele a ed
walkways, co po a e a iums, unde passes, open s ai ways and pedes ianised

In oduc ion 5
oads. In doing so, hey ans o m hese spaces by enac ing hei agency in ways
ha c ea e new spa iali ies and his o ies.
Hong Kong’s colonial his o y and pos colonial poli ical landscape ha e shaped
i s unique cul u al iden i y, which can be easily o e looked as an a che ype o
‘Eas mee s Wes ’ (Abbas, 1997; Ma hews, Ma & Lui, 2008), wi h Eas being he
Chinese e hnic o igin o Hong Kong and Wes e e ing o B i ish occupa ion
(1842–1997). Ye , o ca ego ise Hong Kong’s cul u al iden i y as a bi u ca ion
o cul u es is oo gene ic. Ra he , i has been moulded by he complexi y o he
in e wined s ands o Chinese, B i ish colonial and pos colonial in luences, in
addi ion o laissez- ai e economic p ac ices, which ha e c ea ed a s ange amal-
gama ion embodying aspec s o capi alis cosmopoli anism, adi ional Chinese
pa e nalis ic and pa ia chal alues, and in e na ional p og essi eness. This
in ica e iden i y has o med he ounda ion o Hong Kong people’s li es yle
and hei iden i ica ion wi h ce ain poli ics and eedoms. O e he las decade,
wi h many la ge-scale social e en s ha esul ed in a ious changes o i s poli ical
s uc u e, he ci y-s a e is and con inues o unde go signi ican social, cul u al,
poli ical and economic changes.
Hong Kong became a B i ish colony in 1842, and he Sino-B i ish ea y
be ween he B i ish and Chinese go e nmen s was signed in 1984, es ablishing
he ‘one coun y, wo sys ems’ policy, unde which Hong Kong’s ule o law and
economic sys em we e p omised o emain unchanged o i y yea s a e he
hando e , be ween 1997 and 2047. This was o bene i bo h B i ain and China,
as i ensu ed he con inua ion o Hong Kong’s capi alis mixed se ice economy,
which is dis inc ly di e en o China’s au ho i a ian, planned economy, while
ac i a ing a g adual ansi ion o ies o China owa ds 2047 (Lim, 2015, p. 4).
Hong Kong’s pos colonial, di e se socio-cul u al iden i y o e s a unique poli -
ical, social and u ban-spa ial con ex o his book, which se s he scene o he
socio-spa ial ecology ha he mig an domes ic wo ke s c ea e and dwell in.
People
Mig an domes ic wo ke s a e li e-in domes ic wo ke s employed on a wo-
yea con ac ual basis, ea ning a minimum wage o HK$4,870 each mon h,
which is app oxima ely US$622 (Hong Kong Immig a ion Depa men , 2023).
Acco ding o hei con ac , hey ha e one weekly es day and o he speci ied
wo king condi ions (Hong Kong Immig a ion Depa men , 2022a). They a e
esponsible o all domes ic du ies wi hin he home, including ca ing o he chil-
d en and elde ly who eside in he home. Thei legal mon hly wage is subs an-
ially below he Hong Kong ci izens’ minimum wage o HK$40 pe hou , which
equa es o a mon hly sala y o HK$16,300, app oxima ely US$2,083 (Hong
Kong SAR Labou Depa men , 2023b). F om ieldwo k da a collec ed be ween
2012–2017 and 2019–2022, nea ly hal o he eigh y-se en wo ke s who we e
o mally in e iewed ea n less han he legal minimum amoun o 10–20% below
6 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
ha , many due o p i a e nego ia ions wi h ec ui men agencies and employe s.
The o e whelming majo i y o he people en e ing in o Hong Kong unde he
Fo eign Domes ic Helpe isa a e women. Many o hese women lea e behind
hei amilies in hei home coun y o come o Hong Kong alone, and wo k as
domes ic helpe s o middle- o high-income amilies.
Acco ding o he legal speci ica ions, mig an domes ic wo ke s a e equi ed
o li e in hei employe s’ homes. These wo ke s ha e no legal access o en
p ope y on hei own. Due o he limi a ions o apa men sizes in Hong Kong
and e y li le speci ica ions abou he p o ision o p i a e spaces in he con ac ,
he mos common sleeping a angemen o domes ic wo ke s is a makeshi bed
on he loo o he child en’s bed oom o one ha is empo a ily placed in he
li ing a ea and used only when he es o he amily ha e e ea ed o hei
bed ooms. Such spa ial es ic ions and lack o sepa a e spaces wi hin he home
ha e a signi ican impac on he wo ke s’ capaci y o ha e p i acy, au onomy and
e uge wi hin he home ha is also hei wo kplace, whe e hey spend mos o
hei ime in Hong Kong. Beyond being economically ma ginalised, he wo ke s
a e also spa ially es ic ed.
Mig an domes ic wo ke s om he Philippines i s en e ed Hong Kong in
1975 (Law, 2002). As Hong Kong’s economy con inued o g ow, mig an domes-
ic labou con inued o be in demand, wi h he numbe o mig an domes ic
wo ke s g owing om 30,000 o 380,000 be ween 1990–2020, hus suppo ing
he economy indi ec ly by ul illing he domes ic oles o local women (Chiu,
2003; Philippine O e seas Employmen Adminis a ion, 1992; 2020; Hong
Kong SAR Immig a ion Depa men , 2022b). Despi e he impo ance o hei
oles, mig an domes ic wo ke s a e one o he mos ma ginalised wo k o ces
in Hong Kong due o hei low income, in lexibili y o e hei wo k, no choice
o e hei place o accommoda ion and no igh o pe manen esidency. Thei
iden i y, s a us and occupancy in he domes ic and public ealm a e ma ginalised
and con es ed.
Employmen p ocess
Be o e he wo ke s se oo in Hong Kong, hei employmen p ocess begins wi h
applying o he Fo eign Domes ic Helpe isa wi h a po en ial employe . This is
o en no a smoo h, s aigh o wa d p ocess and is i e wi h po en ial o exploi a-
ion, nego ia ions and miscommunica ions.
In he sample mig an domes ic wo ke employmen con ac p o ided by he
Hong Kong Immig a ion Depa men (2022), he e a e sub le dispa i ies be ween
he Chinese and English e sions ha subsequen ly al e he pe cep ion and po -
ayal o he mig an wo ke and hei ela ionship wi h he employe . The o mal
legal e m ‘Fo eign Domes ic Helpe ’ in he English con ac is ep esen ed in
he Chinese e sion as ‘
外國聘用家庭傭工
’, which ansla es o ‘Hi ed Family
Se an om O e seas’. The dispa i y be ween he English and he Chinese
In oduc ion 7
legal ep esen a ion is p oblema ic, as he e a e signi ican implica ions wi hin
‘Helpe ’ and ‘Se an ’, ‘Domes ic’ and ‘Family’. A ‘helpe ’ is someone who helps
wi h an ac i i y, which does no au oma ically deno e he pe son o a lowe s a us
o belonging o he pe son who he o she is helping (Camb idge Uni e si y P ess,
n.d.). In con as , a ‘se an ’ is de ined as ‘a pe son who is employed in ano he
pe son’s house, doing jobs such as cooking and cleaning, especially in he pas ’
(Camb idge Uni e si y P ess, n.d.). The e is an unsaid and well-p ac iced expec-
a ion o a se an obeying ules and being unde he con ol o an employe o
mas e who is o highe s a us economically and socially. Subsequen ly, he e ms
‘Fo eign Domes ic Helpe ’ and ‘Hi ed Family Se an om O e seas’ a e incon-
sis en in hei Chinese and English ansla ions, hus alsely ep esen ing hei
meaning. The implica ion o he ole emains ambiguous as he concep o se i-
ude and obedience is los om he Chinese o he English ansla ion. The e a e
also di e ences be ween ‘domes ic’ and ‘ amily’ as ‘domes ic’ e e s o he home
o he household, while ‘ amily’ insc ibes a close ela ion be ween spouses, pa -
en s and child en. The mig an wo ke is an indi idual who is no ela ed o he
employe by name o by blood. They a e hi ed on a p o essional basis o pe o m
domes ic du ies and no amily du ies. In his si ua ion, domes ic du ies a e ecog-
nised as paid labou , while amily du ies can be pe cei ed as a mo al obliga ion.
The mig an wo ke is no wo king o he employe due o mo al obliga ion.
Howe e , he misuse o e minology, miscons ued meanings and expec a ions
can impac how employe s in e ac wi h he mig an wo ke s. An example o
how he language used has di ec impac on he wo ke s was in 1997, when he
Hong Kong go e nmen educed he domes ic wo ke s’ legal minimum wage
due o he inancial c isis. A he ime, he a gumen used o jus i y his was ha
he wo ke s a e ‘membe s o he amily’ and should also bea he sac i ices ha
he ci izens we e acing (Wee & Sim, 2005). This ‘membe o he amily’ iden i y
is used o en in many ci cums ances publicly and p i a ely as a means o jus i y
con ol and con inue o access cheap domes ic labou (Cons able, 2007).
The Chinese ep esen a ion o ‘Fo eign Domes ic Helpe ’ as ‘Hi ed Family
Se an om O e seas’ is dishones as he e m abs ac s he p agma ic di -
e ences be ween a paid assis an and a pe son who is mo ally obliged o obey
o de s. The Chinese e sion o he employmen con ac u he sugges s a
mas e -se an ela ionship be ween he employe and he mig an wo ke
as he English con ac uses he e m ‘Employe ’, while he Chinese e sion
uses he e m ‘
雇主
’, which ansla es o ‘Employe , Hi e o Mas e ’. This e m
in he Chinese con ac openly p omp s an ambiguous powe imbalance be ween
he ‘Hi ed Family Se an om O e seas’ and he ‘Employe /Hi e /Mas e ’.
Despi e he inequali y be ween employe s and employees, he English e sion
po ays a mo e p o essional employmen ela ionship be ween he ‘Fo eign
Domes ic Helpe ’ and he ‘Employe ’. Many employe s o mig an domes ic
wo ke s a e Hong Kong Chinese, which gi es hem access o bo h he Chinese
8 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
and English e sions o he con ac . On he o he hand, he mig an wo ke s a e
no o Chinese backg ound, which limi s hem o eading he English e sion o
he employmen con ac only. The e o e, he dispa i ies in ansla ions be ween
he wo language e sions disad an age he wo ke s as he Hong Kong Chinese
employe s ha e he disc e ion o command he e ms o employmen ha deno e
he mas e -se an ela ionship. As a esul , hese gaps encou age he iden i y
o he employe as he mas e and he mig an wo ke as he se an . On he
o he hand, he mig an wo ke ag ees o a mo e p o essional, up on employee-
employe ela ionship ha is sugges ed in he English e sion o he employmen
con ac . The dispa i ies o e ms in he con ac ex end beyond legali ies o he
pe cep ion and iden i y o he wo ke . One simple and p ominen example is
he way hey a e colloquially add essed condescendingly in Can onese as ‘
賓妹
’,
which di ec ly ansla es o ‘Filipina gi l’ and is unde s ood as ‘Filipina maids’
e en when hey may no be om he Philippines and e ases he ac ha hey a e
g own adul women who may likely be he b eadwinne s o hei amilies. The
way he domes ic wo ke s a e ep esen ed in language has di ec impac on he
way hey a e consequen ly ea ed.
Con ac s, ees and deb s
The dispa i ies in ep esen a ion con ibu e o he ole and iden i y o he mig an
domes ic wo ke s, making hem mo e open o manipula ion o exploi a ion by
hei employe s and he ec ui men agencies. To begin, he employmen p o-
cess can be aided in se e al ways: h ough agencies in bo h he labou -sending
and labou - ecei ing coun ies, online pla o ms, and e e als by iends and
amily membe s. Assis ance by agencies is he cos lies o bo h he employe
and employee, and inc eases he chance o he wo ke being exploi ed by he
agencies due o illegal ees ha can lead o he accumula ion o mon hs o deb
be o e hey ha e e en begun hei employmen (Hong Kong Helpe ’s Campaign,
2023; Lindio-McGo e n, 2013, pp. 45–53; Mission o Mig an Wo ke s, 2018).
Online pla o ms such as Helpe Choice minimise he agency ee and allow wo k-
e s and employe s o pos job ad e isemen s and connec wi h anspa ency o
a small ee (Helpe Choice, 2023). Pe sonal e e als a e usually he mos di ec
way o connec o employe s and employees, wi h no hi d-pa y cha ges, ye
i does no nega e exploi a i e si ua ions o e e bal ag eemen s and pe sonal
communica ions.
To unde s and he p ocess o employing a mig an domes ic wo ke in Hong
Kong, I spoke in 2021 and 2022 o h ee employmen agencies based in Hong
Kong – O e seas Employmen Cen e L d, Sunligh Employmen Agency and
Fai Employmen Agency L d – and he Immig a ion Depa men . Legally, all
mig an domes ic wo ke s mus submi a S anda d Employmen Con ac as
speci ied by he Immig a ion Depa men in Hong Kong, which hen c ea es
a Fo eign Domes ic Helpe employmen isa (Hong Kong SAR Immig a ion
In oduc ion 15
The New Economics o Labou Mig a ion has in ac been li le mo e han an
a a a o he neoclassical app oach in which only ma ginal concessions and
changes we e made, while he co e a ionali y, me hodological indi idualism, lack
o ega d o s uc u al ends and cons ain s emained un ouched. (Ibid., p. 64)
Ab eu’s easons o a new ‘his o ical-s uc u al syn hesis’ a e a mo e sa is ac o y
al e na i e o bo h he new economics o labou mig a ion and he s anda d
neoclassical heo y. As men ioned, mig an domes ic wo ke s in Hong Kong a e
o en discussed and unde s ood as pa o he millions o mig an wo ke s wo ld-
wide o a e o en subsumed wi hin he g oup o Filipino o Indonesian mig an
domes ic wo ke s. This subsump ion obscu es he wo ke s’ expe iences o spe-
ci ic ma ginalisa ion in Hong Kong ha has been uniquely shaped by he ci y
s a e’s social, cul u al, economic and spa ial o ces. Fu he , an impo an pa
ha is missing wi hin New Economics o Labou Mig a ion is he impac o
indi idual mig an agency, as he i le o he book emphasises spa ial agency; ha
is a moulding o he indi idual by space and ecip ocally, he space is shaped by
he indi idual. I has been he gene al p ac ice wi hin exis ing li e a u e o speak
o and iew he wo ke s as a sec o o mig an wo ke s om he labou -sending
na ions. The e a e p ac ical easons o analyse and unde s and he issue om a
mac o pe spec i e; howe e he collec i e is made up o many indi idual wo ke s
and hei amilies, and he signi icance o indi iduals’ mo i a ions, iden i y and
agency should be explo ed. The key poin he e is ha his book add esses hese
many gaps and mo es ou unde s anding and ac ions o wa d, as undamen-
ally, he manne in which mains eam (u ban) economics add esses ques ions o
iden i ies and powe ela ions is p oblema ic. The issue o iden i y has been seen
as a niche issue in economics, in ha ocusing on ce ain aspec s such as ace
and eligion has he endency o be side-lined as ‘iden i y poli ics’ (Bu nazoglu,
2023; Ozkul, 2019). Failing o dis inguish be ween ‘iden i y poli ics’, which chal-
lenges he opp ession o ce ain iden i ies, and Iden i y Poli ics, which excludes
o he s o i s own gain, has se ious ami ica ions o esea ch, policy and p ac ice
(Obeng-Odoom, 2022, p. 7; Da i y, 2021). Cu en social and poli ical mo e-
men s use iden i y poli ics o challenge he cen alised no ion o he ‘a e age
man’ and mo ing away om his e e ence poin opens he discussion o iden i y
beyond he dicho omous s uc u e o wha is conside ed ‘no mal’ and ‘abno -
mal’ (Bu nazoglu, 2023, p. 12). In addi ion o edging away om his so-called
no mali y, he idea o he ‘a e age man’ is o en he a e age, whi e man, which
has clea limi a ions in being used as a no m o unde s and women mig an
wo ke s in Hong Kong, who o igina e om non-whi e dominan na ions in he
global sou h. Me e Bu nazoglu asse s ha ‘Objec i i y, a ionali y, uni e sal-
i y all appea s o de aul man (“ e e ence man”), bu “seeing he wo ld om a
emale pe spec i e … is niche, ideological”’ (2023, p. 15; C iado-Pe ez, 2019,
p. 22). S a i ica ion economics and eminis economics a e possible al e na i e

16 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
app oaches o he s anda d economic app oach o he ‘a e age man’ and a e
gaining momen um in demons a ing wha is a s ake, as hey
Focus on economic and poli ical ins i u ions in sea ch o a deepe , sys emic, and
in e sec ional unde s anding o he mechanisms behind inequali ies by looking
a he in e play be ween iden i y and s uc u ally disc imina ing and excluding
labou ma ke s and hei consequen inequali ies. (Bu nazoglu, 2023, p. 13)
E iden ly, o adequa ely add ess he in e sec ed issue o he mig an domes ic
wo ke s in Hong Kong and con ibu e o he exis ing schola ship o he opic
a la ge, an in e disciplina y amewo k combining economics, space, gende
mig a ion and labou mus be used.
E hnog aphic ieldwo k, in e iews, spa ial analysis and
d awing as me hods o u ban poli ical economy
In e iews: posi ionali y and powe dynamics
One way o add essing he issues conce ning mig an domes ic wo ke s in
Hong Kong and expanding he s udy o hese issues is o ocus on he quali y
o he s udy’s da a. This book uses combined ieldwo k da a collec ed in Hong
Kong om 2012–2018 o my doc o al esea ch, and in addi ion o his book
be ween 2020–2023. Du ing hese yea s, I ha e o mally in e iewed eigh y-
se en mig an domes ic wo ke s and ha e me and had in o mal con e sa ions
wi h mo e han 100. Be o e he pandemic, in e iews we e conduc ed in public
spaces. In he la e pe iod du ing he global pandemic o COVID-19, in e iews
we e conduc ed a a sa e physical dis ance in public space, o e he phone o
on Zoom. Th oughou he ea ly yea s o he pandemic, Hong Kong had many
s ages o es ic ions on public ga he ings, which also signi ican ly impac ed on
he mig an wo ke s’ daily li es; he way hey engage wi h hei du ies inside and
ou side o he home, he way hey ga he in public space on hei day o wo k,
hei access o heal hca e, and o he ac o s ha u he ed hei ma ginalisa ion.
In ea ly 2022, he e we e cases epo ed ega ding mis ea men o mig an
domes ic wo ke s in Hong Kong in ins ances whe e wo ke s we e sacked, locked
ou o hei employe s’ homes and denied hospi al ea men when hey con-
ac ed COVID-19 (Wai, 2022). Lisa Law, Simona Azzali and Sheila Conejos
discussed how empo a y u banism has esul ed in he ime o COVID-19; how-
e e he e was no speci ic e e ence o how mig an domes ic wo ke s in Hong
Kong ha e been adap ing o new social dis ancing measu es in public space and
beyond (Law, Azzali & Conejos, 2021). This book will include discussions on he
nega i e impac he pandemic has had on he mig an wo ke s in Hong Kong.
E hnog aphic esea ch is almos always messy. I is messy because i is con-
duc ed by people wi h people, and people a e inhe en ly in luenced by and a e
p oduc s o socie al cons uc s, poli icised ideals and con ex ual iden i ies. Being
In oduc ion 17
an academic esea che does no exemp one om subjec i i y, e en i one wo ks
wi h igo ously es ed and suppo ed me hodologies and pee -app o ed ame-
wo ks. Many e hnog aphe s ha e acknowledged he in luence o posi ionali y,
e lexi i y and powe ela ions. Re lexi i y in esea ch in ol es e lec ion on sel ,
p ocess, ep esen a ion and c i ically examining powe ela ions and poli ics in
he esea ch p ocess, and esea che accoun abili y in da a collec ion and in e -
p e a ion (Jones e al., 1997; Falcone Al-Hindi & Kawaba a, 2002). Fa hana
Sul ana no es ha i is impo an o e lexi i y o be p esen h oughou he
en i e esea ch p ocess, and ha he esea che ’s e lexi e e lec ions and exam-
ina ions can c ea e a mo e nuanced and complex unde s anding o he subjec
(2007). Simila ly, Ann L. Cunli e and Gee ha Ka unanayake build on eminis
psychologis Michelle Fine’s concep ualisa ion o ‘wo king he hyphen’ o unpack
he s ickiness o ela ionships and issues o objec i i y, ep esen a ion, powe and
iden i y in esea ch (2013). I can be disce ned ha agili y, lexibili y and cons an
ca e a e equi ed o deciphe he subjec i e/objec i e en anglemen s o p ob-
lems and possibili ies, and i will no be a linea o clean p ocess.
Michelle Fine a gues ha esea che s who wo k di ec ly wi h esponden s
a e in a powe ela ionship ha is o en asymme ical and possibly exploi a i e
because as he esea che obse es, analyses and ep esen s he li es o o he s,
hey a e speaking o and ac i ely cons uc ing hei iden i ies (1994). In addi-
ion, some imes pa icipan s’ oices a e w i en ou o he esea ch and hey a e
p esen ed and p ese ed as gene alised abs ac ions (Cunli e & Ka unanayake,
2013, p. 365), whe e esea che s a e he ‘in en o s o some ques ions and ep es-
so s o o he s, shape s o he e y con ex we s udy … in e p e e s o o he s’
s o ies and na a o s o ou own’ (Fine, 1994, p. 13). C i ical e lec ions along
he lines o wha Fine a icula es we e p esen wi h me h oughou he i s s ages
o conduc ing ieldwo k a ound 2013, howe e only in he o m o ina icu-
la e eelings o doub , hesi a ion and con usion. Only yea s a e I i s began
e hnog aphic esea ch did I begin o ha e some cla i y abou my own posi ion
o acqui ed powe wi hin my iden i y and he cons an ly blu ed bounda ies I
ope a ed in.
As mains eam (u ban) economics deals inadequa ely wi h powe and iden i-
ies, I u ned o s a i ica ion economics, he mos comp ehensi e al e na i e o
conside ace, gende and class o my in e iewees and o mysel as a esea che ,
and an immig an (when I li ed in Aus alia). Mains eam economics has ei he
no gene al heo y o ace wi h espec o global mig a ion o when i does p o-
ide one, i is usually insu icien and p oblema ic (Obeng-Odoom, 2022, p. 63).
F anklin Obeng-Odoom looks a Gunna Myd al’s acclaimed book, An Ame ican
Dilemma (1944) on he subjec ,
The book s uggles wi h de eloping a obus heo y o ace, along wi h many
o he p oblems … Fi s is looking a ace wi hou i s in e sec ions wi h class,
18 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
gende , e hnici y, colou , and cas e. Second is educing acism o belie s and a i-
udes, sugges ing acial consciousness ele a es acial mino i ies in he class hie -
a chy. Thi d is conside ing economic in e es s (in hose cases when such ma e ial
in e es s a e he ocus o some a en ion) as seconda y o subo dina e o so-called
‘cul u e’. A inal c i ique is ha ins i u ionalism educes ace o bina y, black and
whi e ca ego ies. (Obeng-Odoom 2022, p. 63)
Obeng-Odoom u he s his poin ha s a i ica ion economis s (Da i y, 1982,
1995; Da i y and Mullen, 2020) a emp o add ess hese p oblems by emphasis-
ing ha iden i ies a e omnip esen and di e se and a e con inuously p oduced,
ep oduced and ans o med in he p ocess o mig a ion and he impo ance o
hei ocus on he cen ali y o economic in e es s o s a i ica ion by ace, colou ,
cas e and o he iden i ies, including how hey a e in e linked (Ibid.).
As a enowned s a i ica ion economis , William A. Da i y J asse s ha as
he ypical pe son holds mul iple iden i ies, some will ma e mo e han o he s in
de e mining hei ela i e social anking and condi ion. Indi iduals may possess
a mix o iden i ies, some o which a e celeb a ed (which may p opel hem) and
o he s denig a ed (Da i y, 2022, p. 403). He explains,
The ull e ec o he iden i y po pou i is an empi ical ques ion ha should be
esol ed on a case-by-case (socie y-by-socie y) basis, bes de e mined by a quan-
i a i e, social, in e sec ional analysis. As such, s a i ica ion economics conside s
he con ex in a way ha adi ional neoclassical u ili y does no . (Da i y, 2022,
pp. 403–404)
These insigh s p o ide a amewo k o my own e lec ions on my iden i ies
and hei en anglemen s wi h powe . My pe sonal iden i y as an Aus alian,
Hong Kong-bo n woman who is p o icien in English and Can onese plays an
impo an ole in how my ieldwo k in Hong Kong was conduc ed. C i ically,
my pe sonal he i age also shapes my app oach as I am pa o a gene a ion o
Han-Chinese Hong Kong ci izens who mig a ed o Wes e n coun ies p io o
he ans e o B i ish so e eign y o China in 1997. My amily’s mig a ion pa h
was shaped by socio-poli ical and economic mo i a ions ha we e beyond ou
household. This is impo an o no e because my socio-poli ical pe spec i es
and esea ch in e es s ha e been shaped and in luenced by a unique mix u e
o Hong Kong’s pos -1997 iden i y, he social, cul u al and poli ical discou se
and p oduc ions c ea ed since hen, as well as by my Aus alian (colonial and
Eu ocen ic) socialisa ion. The pos -1997 iden i y o some Hong Kong people
e e s o an a ini y be ween he colonial cul u al expe ience o be o e 1997
and he expe ience o belonging o he Chinese na ion a e ha ing been a
B i ish colony.
2
While li ing as an immig an and la e as a ci izen in Aus alia,
my Chinese e hnici y and iden i y place me as pa o a ‘model mino i y’,
which e e s o a mino i y g oup whose membe s a e pe cei ed o be achie ing
a highe socio-economic s a us han o he mino i y g oups and he popula ion
In oduc ion 19
a e age (Wong, 2015). Al hough his e m has been la gely used in he Uni ed
S a es o e e o Asian Ame icans as a ‘model mino i y’, i is a e m ha can
also be applied o he Asian diaspo a in whi e-dominan coun ies such as
Aus alia.
3
Wi h hese in e cul u al in luences, my pe spec i e is no simply a
bina y combina ion o ‘Eas and Wes ’; a he i is pa ly au oe hnog aphic
wi h a c i ical dis ance ha equi es ongoing awa eness o my posi ion wi hin
coloniali y ha is in lux. As a esea che , my iden i y is connec ed o a gene a-
ion ha holds a collec i e iden i y. This iden i y is nuanced wi hin he pos colo-
nial and Special Adminis a i e Region (SAR) e a o Hong Kong ha is aking
place now, be ween 1997–2047, which is also no s a ic. The hando e om
B i ish so e eign y was in 1997, when ‘One Coun y, Two Sys ems’ was ag eed
o be ac i e o i y yea s acco ding o Hong Kong’s Basic Law (Go e nmen
o Hong Kong SAR, 2021a).
In he ield, my iden i y acili a ed he success ul acquisi ion o in o ma ion
as I was able o shapeshi be ween many iden i ies and appea ances: a young
Chinese woman who speaks luen Can onese; a young Wes e n-educa ed
Chinese woman who speaks luen English wi h an Aus alian accen ; a emale
academic in a posi ion o au ho i y; and a gene ic-looking and non- h ea ening
Chinese woman pedes ian. Tha I was able o shi om and mo e be ween
hese iden i ies opened oppo uni ies o me while conduc ing ieldwo k in Hong
Kong ha would no ha e he same e ec s o ad an ages elsewhe e. Being bilin-
gual allowed me o unde s and wha was occu ing a ound me, ye I could easily
p e end I did no speak Can onese and blend in as an expa ia e. Gi ing he
imp ession o being an expa ia e can be ad an ageous as hey can be less a -
ge ed by law en o cemen in some ci cums ances and a e some imes a ou ed
by mig an wo ke s as hey a e pe cei ed o be nice employe s and pay highe
wages o wo ke s. This e lec s a deep-sea ed and o en unconscious bias owa ds
whi eness and coloniali y ha s ill exis s in Hong Kong (Lee & Chou, 2018; Li&
Liu, 2021). Essen ially, my gende , iden i y and appea ance allowed me o be
pe cei ed as low- h ea and o be able o walk a ound and be ela i ely unno iced
and easily accep ed.
While being e lexi e abou my/a esea che ’s posi ionali y can be pe cei ed
as a sel -indulgen exe cise, i is impo an o unde s and and c i ically exam-
ine how I pa icipa e in powe ela ions and he impac on how in o ma ion is
ob ained, in e p e ed and e/p esen ed. Aud ey Kobayashi has e lec ed on his
nexus o iden i y and powe since he i s olume o Gende , Place and Cul u e: A
Jou nal o Feminis Geog aphy was published in 1994. In he 2003 wo k, she ema ks
on how e lexi i y can esul in ‘na el-gazing’, ye she insis s ha b inging a en-
ion o one’s posi ionali y is no o sel -indulge, bu o e lec on how one is inse ed
wi hin he g ids o powe ela ion and how ha in luences he way esea ch is
conduc ed (Kobayashi, 1994; 2003). I gi es oom o hinking beyond he wo k
i sel and in o he sphe es o in luences, as Fa hana Sul ana echoes:
20 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
Re lexi i y is in eg al o conduc ing e hical esea ch … as i is also implica ed in
how one ela es o esea ch pa icipan s and wha can/canno be done is-à- is
he esea ch wi hin he con ex o ins i u ional, social, and poli ical eali ies. As
such, i is in eg al o conduc ing e hical esea ch. (Sul ana, 2007, p. 376)
While e lexi i y is an impo an aspec o engage wi h in conduc ing e hical
ieldwo k, i needs o be used in combina ion wi h o he me hods h oughou he
esea ch p ocess in c ea ing a mo e holis ic ep esen a ion o an issue h ough
pa icula oices and pe spec i es – hose o he esea che s and he subjec s.
While my wo k does no i in singula ly wi hin he discipline o eminis geog a-
phy, he esea ch ha I ha e chosen o do has always asked o cons an unlea n-
ing and elea ning o e hnog aphic app oaches ha c i ique he sel , he ield
and he disciplines as bounda ies and ela ions o powe and iden i y ebb and
low.
My unease wi h in e iewing mig an domes ic wo ke s as an Aus alian,
Hong Kong-bo n Chinese woman was e e p esen h oughou my e hnog aphic
esea ch p ocess. F om he s a , i did no go unacknowledged ha I come om
a posi ion o class ha is like ha o some o hei employe s o p ospec i e
employe s. As I am a Hong Kong-Chinese woman, I am pe cei ed as possessing
he inancial abili y o employ a domes ic wo ke . This e idenced i sel as a luc-
ua ing sense o unease and some awkwa d in e ac ions be ween he wo ke s I
in e iewed and mysel .
My i s in e iew was enabled by an in oduc ion o a iend’s wo ke in
he apa men o e dinne one e ening in 2013. A he ime, I knew I had o
unde ake ieldwo k ia bo h obse a ional and pa icipa o y me hods; howe e
I did no know whe e and how o begin app oaching po en ial esponden s. My
iend’s helpe , known as JM, ag eed o in oduce me o he iends on he ol-
lowing Sunday. While I asked he in on o he employe , I was mind ul o no
coming ac oss as oo inquisi i e o demanding and an icipa ed some unease and
awkwa dness. I clea ly explained my p ojec and asked i I could come o one
o he hangou s wi h he iends on a Sunday, espec ing he ac ha I would
be in uding on he day o wo k. Wi h JM being my iend’s employee and he
being much olde han I was, wi h adul child en likely no oo a om my age, I
was awa e ha he e we e se e al possible ela ions o powe be ween us. Fi s ly,
wi hin Asian cul u es, ou age di e ence ga e he senio i y o e me. Howe e ,
as I was he employe ’s iend, a woman wi h a e ia y educa ion, in addi ion
o being a Hong Kong-Chinese pe son, I was on hose coun s in he posi ion o
au ho i y and powe . My unde s anding o his dynamic in luenced he way I
in e ac ed wi h he and he iends, especially in he way I spoke and beha ed
a ound hem. Fo example, ins ead o in e iewing om my p e-planned ques-
ions, which would ha e placed me a he cen e o he g oup, I asked open-
ended ques ions and lis ened and obse ed on he pe iphe y o he g oup, o

In oduc ion 21
show pa ience and espec . This me hod was in ui ed om beha iou s in my
upb inging wi hin Asian pa ia chal cus oms – om gi lhood o womanhood –
a he han any academic esou ce.
Cu en ly, I ha e ye o come ac oss o he women o colou schola s who ha e
e lec ed in de ail on hei way o inco po a ing pa icula i ies o hei cul u al
upb inging in o a p o essional scena io o e hnog aphic esea ch, al hough he
bounda ies o p o essionali y in ieldwo k a e a guably e y much open o in e -
p e a ion. Gee ha Ka unanayake’s expe ience o wo king in a ea plan a ion in
S i Lanka, among local wo ke s who we e he subjec s o he esea ch, sha ed
simila i ies wi h my own expe ience (Cunli e & Ka unanayake, 2013). She is
a S i Lankan-English woman educa ed o e seas who e u ned o S i Lanka o
conduc ieldwo k and who has e hnic and gende sameness o he subjec s, ye
dis ance in educa ion, eligion and class placed he in si ua ions whe e she had
o app oach he subjec s in ways she was no p epa ed o wi hin academia. She
had hi ed some local people who could b idge he di ide, which closed e en u-
ally a e a slow p ocess o in oduc ions and ini ia ions. Like me, Ka unanayake
walked in o he ield wi h epida ion and cau ion, knowing he e we e di e en
powe ela ions a play ha pu he a a dis ance om he subjec s. He si ua ion
was mo e complex han mine as she also g appled wi h eligious iden i ies and
juggled di e en cul u al beha iou s a ached o such di e en iden i ies. She el
like she was a imes an inside and an ou side , and he ad an ages and disad-
an ages o his a ied conside ably be ween di e en people she app oached
(Cunli e & Ka unanayake, 2013, p. 373).
On he i s occasion I me JM and he iends on hei day o wo k a e my
ini ial mee ing wi h he a he employe s’ home, I le wi h nea ly i e hou s o
audio eco ding, wi h mos o hei con e sa ions wi h each o he esponding o
my ques ions o p omp s and chi cha ha happened subsequen ly. This became
he basis o my in e iewing me hodology. I ealised ha being sensi i e o ou
powe dynamics was no enough o jus i y o ligh en my in usion in o hei social
ime on hei day o wo k, bo owing hei s o ies and using ce ain ape u es o
hei li es o my esea ch. I had a niggling eeling ha my esea ch was some-
how oo s aigh o wa d and ha i should be mo e agen ic, ake a mo e c i ical
s ance and ca e o he issue. Ini ially, I had hough ha my in en ions we e o
simply shine a ligh on he wo ke s’ na a i es o s uggle and e eal o e all sys-
emic issues wi hin mig an labou policies. Howe e , h ough my obse a ions,
ime spen wi h hem and ou con e sa ions, i became appa en ha hei lack
o labou igh s and economic condi ions es ic ed hem o empo a y s a us
despi e hei long enu e in Hong Kong. Fu he , hei lack o au onomy and
pe sonal space wi hin he home o hei employe s placed hem in ulne able
posi ions ha a e acknowledged a ace alue, un igh ully jus i ied o an end,
and no ecognised wi h he u gency ha he ma e dese es o be as a di e
b each o pe sonhood o cheap labou . As I ealised he esea ch was p o iding
22 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
a pla o m o he wo ke s’ oices and empowe ing hem o speak up abou he
in e sec ed p oblem o labou , gende and space, my complex posi ionali y also
became mo e appa en .
Beyond he academic and p o essional amewo k, I became pe sonally and
emo ionally in es ed, speci ically wi h espec o my iden i y and pe sonal expe i-
ence as a Hong Kong-bo n woman who has g own up a ound domes ic wo ke s
who enabled he women in my amily o be able o unde ake o mal employmen
ou side o he home. This di ec ly impac ed on my educa ion and wellbeing. I
am he bene icia y o he labou o he domes ic wo ke s I g ew up a ound and
collec i ely, I am pa o a gene a ion o Hong Kong child en who ha e bene-
i ed om he con ingen o mig an domes ic wo ke s. Aside om his, my posi-
ionali y is also s eeped in coloniali y. The Hong Kong go e nmen ’s in en ion o
impo mig an domes ic labou in he 1970s was o in eg a e local women in o
he wo k o ce, and consequen ly disco e ed a eadily a o dable labou s eam
om i s neighbou ing Sou heas Asian neighbou s who needed solu ions o hei
own economic c isis (Cons able, 2007). P io o B i ish occupa ion, Hong Kong
had p ac ised Chinese cus oms o domes ic se i ude ha saw gi ls and women
o all ages as domes ic p ope ies o hei employe s (Cons able, 1996; Jaschok,
1988; Wa son, 1991). Al hough sla e y was abolished by he colonial go e nmen
o Hong Kong in 1923, some Chinese sla e y cus oms illegally emained and
we e o en cul u ally accep ed (Wa son, 1991). Wi hin colonial B i ish house-
holds, hei domes ic se an s we e o en Hong Kong Chinese. The hie a chy
o whi e sup emacy was pe asi e, wi h ligh e skin- oned people a he op and
da ke skin- oned people owa ds he bo om.
As a poli ical ideology, whi e sup emacy seeks o main ain social and ins i u-
ional domina ion by whi e people and has been pu in o e ec o jus i y Eu opean
colonialism in s uc u es such as he Whi e Aus alian Policy, he Jim C ow laws
in he Uni ed S a es and he Apa heid in Sou h A ica, o name a ew exam-
ples (Shain, 2020; Gale de Saxe, 2021). Hong Kong, as a o me B i ish colony,
o o e a cen u y has no been exemp ed om he impac s o such social and
ins i u ional in luences. Racism, in e sec ing wi h classism, was common among
Hong Kong Chinese people, as he e we e p ejudices agains da ke skin- oned
Chinese people, who we e conside ed as labou e s who wo ked in he ields
(Cons able, 1996; 2007; Gaw, 1991). I is no a coincidence ha he impo a ion
o domes ic wo ke s in o Hong Kong in he 70s was, and con inues o be in he
p esen day, o people o a da ke skin one han he majo i y o Hong Kong’s
popula ion, he Han-Chinese. Domes ic wo ke s ha e become synonymous wi h
cheap and easily a ailable labou and he way hey ha e been add essed colloqui-
ally by he media in Can onese as ‘Filipino gi ls’ and ‘Indonesian maids’ e lec s
a commonly accep ed whi e-sup emacis , classis and sexis a i ude. In 1989,
Ame ican ac i is and legal schola Kimbe lé C enshaw coined he e m in e -
sec ionali y as a amewo k o desc ibe how sys ems o opp ession o e lap and
In oduc ion 23
in e sec , c ea ing mul i-laye ed disc imina ions o people who li e in mul iple
iden i y ca ego ies (C enshaw, 1989; 1991). The p ejudices ha mig an domes-
ic wo ke s expe ience in Hong Kong in e sec gende , ace and class ac oss bo h
a colonial and Chinese socie y in ways ha si ua e hei ma ginali y in a e y
localised con ex . To no malise hese e e yday occu ences would be o igno e
he impac s o Hong Kong’s colonial his o y and he complexi y o such in e -
sec ed disc imina ions.
Coloniali y is an impo an poin o b ing in o my posi ionali y as a esea che
in he ield, as no only am I a Hong Kong-bo n Chinese woman, bu I am
also educa ed in a coun y ha has i s own colonial his o y – Aus alia. In o he
wo ds, I embody and pe o m coloniali y in ways ha a e mul i-spa ial and mul i-
di ec ional, which consciously and unconsciously impac he way I beha e in my
ieldwo k in e ac ions. My colonial oo s in luenced he way powe and au ho -
i y we e pe cei ed by my pa icipan s, despi e hei senio i y in age. Du ing my
in e ac ions wi h pa icipan s, I did no openly discuss my backg ound, how-
e e my accen and my pu pose o conduc ing ieldwo k we e una oidable.
Some women we e imp essed wi h my educa ion backg ound and in e es s,
while some women we e no amilia wi h he e ia y educa ion sys em, bu
we e imp essednone heless. Some imes I was also asked i I wan ed o ma y
a HongKong Chinese man o a whi e Aus alian man and occasionally asked
abou he eason why I am pu suing u he s udy ins ead o pu suing po en-
ial ma iage pa ne s. Many pa icipan s we e in igued by my backg ound,
educa ion and my iden i y as being bo h Hong Kong Chinese and Aus alian,
wi h a s ead as associa ion wi h bo h cul u es, a he han he mo e common
social phenomenon o leaning mo e hea ily in o one and main aining a ce ain
dis ance wi h he o he .
On one o he ea lie ieldwo k occasions in 2015, while I was si ing wi h wo
wo ke s, known as MB and CJ, I was mis aken as hei employe ’s daugh e by
hei iend who was walking by. The in e ac ion be ween hem happened e y
quickly in Tagalog ( he Aus onesian language ha o ms he basis o he s and-
a dised language o he Philippines), and hey explained o me wha happened
a e she had le . The iend who passed by ound i e y s ange ha hey we e
accompanied by hei employe (o a p oxy o ) on hei day o wo k. MB and CJ
casually said I was no a ela ion o hei employe and was jus a iend doing a
uni e si y p ojec . Thei iend asked i I was paying hem a ee and walked o
wi h a dismissi e chuckle when hey said I was no . I asked hem i i is common
o be app oached by esea che s. They said i is no uncommon o people o
wan o know abou ‘wha i ’s like o be a wo ke in Hong Kong’. MB elabo a ed
u he :
Some imes, people wan o know wha ou s uggle is, how ou employe s a e
mean o us and how ha d i is o us. They al eady hink hey know wha we do
24 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
when hey wan o alk o us. I don’ know why ha is help ul. Why don’ hey ask
us abou wha makes us happy? I’m e y happy I can gi e money o my amily and
my daugh e can go o uni e si y! (MB, pe sonal communica ion, Janua y 2015,
exclama ion in o iginal)
This esponse e lec ed se e al common assump ions abou o eign domes ic
wo ke s: 1) ha hey a e mis ea ed by hei employe s; and 2) ha hey a e
unhappy in hei job and ha hey need o be escued ou o hei ci cums ances.
These common assump ions s em om legi ima e conce ns as he e ha e been
public p o es s and cou cases o e mis ea men o domes ic wo ke s, pa icu-
la ly ega ding physical and emo ional abuse (Ca alho, 2017; Siu, 2021). F om
my obse a ion o MB, CJ and hei iends o e a ew occasions, my unde -
s anding and in e p e a ion o his commen was a demons a ion o he us-
a ion abou being pe cei ed as a ic im. I also exp essed he desi e o be seen
as a pe son who has a ull spec um o cha ac e is ics and nuanced ideas beyond
being educed o a one-dimensional ulne able ic im o social o economic ci -
cums ances. Mo e impo an ly, i was an exp ession o agency, sel -awa eness
and decisi eness. Cu en ly, he e a e nea ly 350,000 o eign domes ic wo ke s in
Hong Kong. They a e no a monoli h ha sha es he same backg ound, eelings
o ci cums ances. This in e ac ion was a u ning poin o my esea ch as I was
eminded o conside how he wo k will ame he public pe cep ion o he col-
lec i e, pa icula ly how i should no con ibu e o an ongoing na a i e o hei
ic imhood, and should a he es ablish one ha is empowe ing and mul idimen-
sional. Fine (1994) d aws on he idea o a hyphen space ha he esea che and
esponden dwell in du ing ieldwo k, and wi hin his space, bo h he esea che s
and esponden s ha e a mu ual unde s anding ha iden i y can luc ua e and
change in hei con e sa ions as hey accoun o hemsel es and hei ac ions
(Fine, 1994; Cassell, 2005; Cunli e, 2003). This means a e lexi e s ance is
necessa y in explo ing powe ela ions and he mul iple in luences on he co-
cons uc ions o meanings and iden i ies in he ela ional spaces ha esea che s
and he pa icipan s co-inhabi (Cunli e and Ka unanayake, 2013). Th oughou
my esea ch, I was dwelling in a hyphen space ha I co-c ea ed wi h he wo k-
e s I in e iewed. In hese spaces, bo h physically a he ime and he ea e in
my w i ing ha can be conside ed as ano he ‘space’, I el he esponsibili y o
ame hei na a i es no as e idence o hei ha dships h ough ic imisa ion,
bu a he as ones o solida i y and empowe men . This e aming om ic im-
hood o esilience could only ha e happened h ough he con inual e alua ion
o , and e lec ion abou my in e sec ional posi ionali y o gende , educa ion and
e hnici y, as well as con on ing he impac o Hong Kong’s colonial his o y o
domes ic se i ude. This was no an ac I was able o do alone; a he i was
some hing ha could only ha e been concei ed wi h he pa icipan s. Ac ing
wi h in eg i y and ca e wi h he in o ma ion I had access o, being cognisan o
In oduc ion 31
con ex s, indi idual mig an s’ agency and he s uc u es he mig an domes ic
wo ke s ope a e wi hin. Fu he mo e, his book c i ically examines how he
wo ke s c ea e new spa iali ies h ough he weekly econs uc ion o a unique
socio-spa ial ecology. I shows how mig an wo ke s esis he socio-spa ial limi-
a ions and cul u al dep i a ion hey expe ience in hei employe s’ homes, om
he in e connec ed es ic ions in hei labou , by app op ia ing and ans o m-
ing public spaces o hemsel es and using hem o enable agency, ela ionships
and communi y.
S uc u e o he book
This book will use an ins i u ionalis /s uc u alis app oach ha is a mo e app o-
p ia e al e na i e o h ee easons. Fi s , i will conside ace, class and gende in
ela ion o he pa icipa ion o domes ic labou and he eminisa ion o labou . I
will in es iga e bo h he Filipino and Indonesian Fo eign Domes ic Helpe com-
muni ies in Hong Kong o explo e, compa e and unde s and he social ac i i ies
and place-making s a egies hey engage in o enac hei eedoms and agency.
Second, i will analyse he socio-spa ial limi a ions wi hin he wo ke s’ labou o
u he unde s and he pa icula i ies o hei ma ginalisa ion in Hong Kong.
Thi d, i will inco po a e he poli ics, go e nance and use o public space o ec-
ognise he signi icance o he wo ke s’ app op ia ion and occupa ion o public
space o c ea e hei own communi y wi hin hei s a e o disen anchisemen ,
as a demons a ion o agency, esis ance and au onomy. Fu he , he book will
explo e o he ways in which p i a e/pe sonal space is ca ed ou by he wo ke s
in public o p i a e space h ough o he means such as same-sex ela ionships,
ood and eligion o c ea e empo a y emedies o he dep i a ion o au onomy
and space. The book will also a gue ha he cu en me hodology wi hin new
economics o labou mig a ion is lacking in inco po a ing he a ious scales o
con ex s; om he global sys ems o he indi idual’s agencies, space, en , iden i-
ies and powe and conside a ions o pa icipa ion in mig a ion labou .
As his cu en chap e se s he con ex o Hong Kong, in oducing he space
and people, he gaps in exis ing li e a u e and he me hodological app oach o he
book, in Chap e 1 – Policy and/ s People: Mobili y and S agna ion unpacks he eco-
nomic, social and legal amewo ks wi hin which he mig an domes ic wo ke s
ope a e wi h analyses o he go e nmen policies, employmen con ac s, igh s
and wages o he wo ke s, in combina ion wi h exis ing li e a u e ac oss mul iple
disciplines o mig a ion s udies, poli ical economy, u ban geog aphy and cul u al
s udies. Unpacking hese amewo ks is impo an , because i is ia hese ha
ins i u ions inhe en ly es ablished he g ounds o he opp ession and exploi a-
ion o mig an wo ke s, and he chap e makes clea he ailu e o he policies
wi hin labou -sending and ecei ing na ions in p o iding social mobili y and
equi y o he wo ke s.

32 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
The chap e esponds o one o he ou esea ch ques ions o his book –
Wha a e he local and in e na ional con ex s in which hey ope a e ha allow
his sys emic opp ession o be accep ed and o e looked as common p ac ice?
I poses he p oblem o social equi y agains he inc easing economic and
poli ical mo i a ions behind mig an labou , while challenging he cu en
me hods o labou mig a ion and discussing i s ine ec i eness, and p oposes
he ele ance o s a i ica ion economics in c ea ing a di e en amewo k
o discuss he in e sec ed p oblem in his book. I also e eals he easons o
mig a ion h ough e hnog aphic da a and discusses he ‘double bind’ ha
many wo ke s expe ience; mo ing away om hei amilies o p o ide o
hem as hey li e unde he p essu es o unemploymen /unde employmen
and sus aining li elihood o hemsel es and hei amilies in hei home
coun ies. A i s , being able o seek oppo uni ies ab oad o highe wages
seems o be c ea ing physical and economic mobili y, ye he lack o upskilling
po en ial in domes ic wo k and e y minimal sala y inc eases o en lea e he
wo ke s s agnan .
Chap e 2, Na a i es o Opp ession: Se i ude, In isibili y and Spacelessness ollows
on om he sys emic p oblems ha ha e impac ed hei ma ginalisa ion on a
la ge scale by mo ing in o a mo e local scale, exposing he social and spa ial
p oblems c ea ed by he lack o bounda ies be ween he home and wo kplace,
ul ima ely p o iding g ounds ha lead o exploi a ion. The chap e con inues o
aise he esea ch ques ion p esen ed in Chap e 1, ocusing on why he sys emic
opp ession is commonly accep ed and o e looked. I p esen s he in e sec ional
na u e o hei opp ession, discussing how hei gende , ace and class all con ib-
u e o he sys emic and pe sonal p ejudices he mig an wo ke s expe ience ha
only a ew mig a ion schola s ha e ouched on and, hence, emain apped in
space. I a gue ha hese in e sec ional issues ha e di ec ly impac ed on wo ke s’
lack o social and economic equi y on a global and local scale.
D awing on ex ensi e e hnog aphic da a collec ed om 2013–2023, he
chap e will explici ly expose he o ms o con ol ha occu in he employe s’
homes and e eal a ious hemes ha in luence he disciplina y s a egies applied
o he wo ke s by hei employe s. These hemes e ol e a ound he emale body
as a sexual o mo al h ea , sepa a ion and isola ion and he no malisa ion o
con inuous abuse. I will u he demons a e he nega i e impac s o he legali-
ies in he employmen con ac ha sympa hise wi h he Hong Kong employe s
and ul ima ely gi e powe o he employe s. The p ima y da a om in e iews
e eals he de imen al e ec s o he blu ed spa ial bounda ies be ween he
domes ic space and wo kplace, including he acili a ion o exploi a i e scena -
ios ha expose he wo ke s o mis ea men and solidi y hei in isibili y and
spacelessness. The e m spacelessness is c ea ed o desc ibe he condi ion whe e
he wo ke s ha e minimal o no physical and pe sonal space wi hin hei place
o employmen . While cla i ying he issues aised in Chap e 1, his chap e
In oduc ion 33
also aises h ee addi ional ques ions, namely: A e hese wo ke s me e ic ims
o do hey exe cise some agency? I so, how, and o wha ex en , could such
agency be libe a ing? Could he esponse o mig an s p o ide any policy lessons
o he labou -sending and ecei ing na ions? Answe s o hese ques ions will be
explo ed in he ollowing chap e .
A long-s anding deba e be ween neoclassical economis s and Ma xis econ-
omis s is he ex en o which indi idual agency can help o add ess all social
p oblems. The a ional indi idual in he neoclassical model is en i ely eed om
s uc u es and social bonds, while he classical Ma xis models gi e limi ed oom
o indi idual au onomy (Cha usheela, 2005). The app oach u ilised o his
book helps o see ha he eali y among mig an wo ke s is no as dicho omous.
Eme ging om he unde s anding o he in e sec ional opp essions h ough
space, gende and labou ha mig an domes ic wo ke s expe ience, Chap e 3,
Agency and Resis ance, analyses how hey esis he con inuous socio-spa ial opp es-
sion endu ed du ing hei wo k week by c ea ing communi y h ough ga he ing
in public space, and in so doing, pe o m hei iden i y and exe cise he eedoms
hey egula ly a e dep i ed o in a unique empo a y socio-spa ial ecology. This
chap e ocuses on wo o he ou esea ch ques ions o his book – how does
he wo ke s’ occupa ion o public space e lec he p oblems hey endu e in he
wo kplace ha is also hei home, speci ic o he labou and spa ial condi ions
in Hong Kong, and wha ac i i ies do hey engage in ha cul i a e esilience
and agency? The chap e will do so by explo ing how Filipino and Indonesian
mig an domes ic wo ke s esis he limi a ions o hei labou by es ablishing
hei communi y ex e nally in public space on Sunday, and in es iga ing he spe-
ci ic ways hey exp ess social agency h ough ela ionships, ood, eligious p ac-
ices, place-making and social media pla o ms o con inue o cul i a e and enac
social agency. These igne es will demons a e how hese me hods a e signi ican
in acili a ing agency and e lec he ull spec um o esou ce ulness, esilience
and agency o he wo ke s.
Fu he mo e, his chap e will unpack he complexi y wi hin he kind o esis -
ance, esilience and esou ce ulness he wo ke s engage in ha has ma e ialised
as a socio-spa ial phenomenon. I also pu o wa d he a gumen because exis ing
mig a ion schola s and poli ical economis s ha e no p e iously discussed he
esis ance o he wo ke s h ough he in o mal communi ies hey ha e epea edly
es ablished on a weekly basis, and he con inuous signi icance o his esis ance.
Thei small ac s o esis ance ha e been documen ed, bu ho ough discussions
o Li le Manila and o he public spaces Indonesian wo ke s occupy as si es o
esis ance and agency emain hin, and ha e no been discussed o he ull ex en
and con ex ual expansion as I do in his chap e and book. D awing upon Hen i
Le eb e’s Righ o he Ci y and social p oduc ion o space, and he wo ks o Judi h
Bu le ha ocus on public assemblies and appea ance in he public ealm, I
a gue ha he mig an wo ke s’ public assemblies, indi idual and g oup ac i i ies
34 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
and hei collec i e appea ance in public space a e indeed impo an ways o
sel -ac ualisa ion and pe o mance o iden i y and digni y.
The nex chap e , Li le Manila and Beyond, is a pho og aphic and illus a-
i e componen ha p o ides a isual na a i e o mig an domes ic wo ke s’
socio-spa ial occupa ion on Sundays. The pho og aphs will be selec ed om he
da abase c ea ed du ing ield esea ch be ween 2013–2023 and he chap e will
also ea u e illus a ions by Hong Kong-based mig an wo ke s a is collec i e
Guhi Kulay. The isual chap e aims o show he spec um o ac i i ies, e en s
and social in e ac ions, mo ing h ough di e en a eas in Cen al, Causeway
Bay and beyond. This pho og aphic accoun isually displays he eclama ion o
space ha dis up s he ci y-s a e’s hegemonic spaces e e y Sunday and demon-
s a es he mig an women wo ke s’ agency, socio-spa ialised esis ance and joy.
A e a isualisa ion o he scenes on Sundays, he nex chap e , Commodi ica ion
o Ca e: Cos s and Sac i ices in es iga es he o igins o he socio-spa ial phenome-
non and analyses he o igins o mig an exploi a ion. Con a y o claims in neo-
classical economics heo ies o mig a ion abou ‘ ee choice’ and ‘au onomy’ o
mig an s, he chap e a gues ha expe iences o mig an s a e shaped by ce ain
ins i u ions and s uc u es. Mig a ion is no an isola ed ci cums ance o in e -
sec ional disempowe men . Ra he , i is a consequence o a global economic
and labou es uc u ing. When mig an domes ic wo ke s eme ge weekly om
hei wo kplace o use and ac i a e public space, i e lec s powe ela ions and
spa ial con es a ions ha esul om he economic, poli ical and socio-spa ial
inequali y insc ibed in he global ope a ion o mig an domes ic labou . This
chap e exhibi s he global con ex in which he wo ke s’ disen anchisemen in
Hong Kong o igina es and he ne wo k o disempowe men ha is he ope a i e
me hod o global mig an domes ic labou . The chap e will include a discussion
a ound he economics o ca e, pa icula ly h ough a eminis economic ame-
wo k. I will discuss he ype o wo k ha he ma ginalised g oups pa icipa e
in and how ca e wo k and domes ic wo k a e known as pa o he in o mal
o unskilled labou sec o , which unde mines and unde alues i s e o s, and
subsequen ly diminishes he igh s, social mobili y and economic alue o hose
who pa icipa e in his wo k o ce. I poses a ques ion o how much is ca e alued
and how much does i cos , in human e ms and economic e ms. This chap e
aims o ein o ce he ideas exp essed in Chap e 1, by adding he global scale,
ocus on he na u e o domes ic wo k and compa a i e case s udies o p o ide
he eade wi h a holis ic iew o he s uc u al p oblems and sys emic p eju-
dices ha ha e c ea ed he unique scena io ha he mig an wo ke s ope a e
in. I answe s he las o he ou esea ch ques ions o he book – how does he
in e sec ion o he mig an domes ic wo ke s’ wages, gende and labou u he
hei ma ginalisa ion?
The book concludes wi h a summa y o he key indings and a gumen s, and
e lec s on he me hodological con ibu ion o he book. He e, he inal chap e ,
In oduc ion 35
A Ma e o Gende , Labou and Space, will ei e a e he p oblems wi hin mains eam
u ban economics in unde s anding mig an labou and how he book has chal-
lenged he p e ious me hods wi h i s s uc u al app oach, in combina ion wi h
e hnog aphic and ieldwo k da a ha e eal he many in e connec ing laye s and
scales o he issue. In so doing, he book illumina es a new unde s anding o how
he mig an domes ic wo ke s in Hong Kong ope a e, as well as using his as a
amewo k o e iew global mig a ion and o he disen anchised mig an labou
g oups. Finally, a summa y is p esen ed o he a ious ways in which he wo ke s
ha e enac ed hei agency h ough social, cul u al and spa ial ac s, o no only
esis he socio-spa ial deple ion endu ed in he domes ic spaces o Hong Kong
bu also o eclaim physical space and au onomy o con inue li ing a digni ied
li e. This book makes clea ha he e is an u gency o ins a e sys emic changes o
mig a ion labou ha could p e en and minimalise exploi a ion, and empowe
mig an wo ke s o be in eg a ed in o hos na ions wi h equi able oppo uni y.
No es
1. The Fo me Cen al A cade has unde gone eno a ions since he desc ibed e en he e.
Since 2022, i has been ans o med in o an a cade o ood p o ide s and shops, wi h no
space ha mig an domes ic wo ke s could occupy in he ollowing scene as desc ibed.
2. Fo mo e elabo a ion on he opic o Hong Kong’s pos -1997 iden i y, please see Lin,
Chen & Flowe dew (2022), Fung & Chan (2017) and Ma hews, Ma & Lui (2008).
3. The ‘model mino i y’ is a s e eo ype ha can be dele e ious o he eali y o unde s anding
disc imina ion and p ejudices ha occu o and wi hin mino i y g oups placed unde his
ca ego isa ion. Please see Chow (2017).
CHAPTER 1
Policy and/ s People: Mobili y and S agna ion
This chap e unpacks he economic, social and legal amewo ks wi hin which
he mig an domes ic wo ke s ope a e. Wi h analyses o he go e nmen poli-
cies, employmen con ac s, igh s and wages o he wo ke s, in combina ion
wi h exis ing li e a u e ac oss mul iple disciplines o mig a ion s udies, poli i-
cal economy, u ban geog aphy and cul u al s udies, i e eals how he policies
o labou mig a ion, whe he in he labou -sending o labou - ecei ing coun-
y, a e no designed o he well-being o he people ( he mig an wo ke s), and
ins ead c ea e a mobile mig an wo k o ce who a e immobile and s agnan . I
will gi e con ex o he wo labou -sending na ions ha p o ide he majo i y
o wo ke s o Hong Kong – he Philippines and Indonesia – o e eal he o i-
gins o he labou expo policies and he economic mo i a ions. The ollowing
sec ion, The economic o ces o mig an labou , poses he p oblem o social equi y
agains he inc easing economic and poli ical mo i a ions behind mig an
labou , while challenging he cu en me hods o labou mig a ion and discuss-
ing i s ine ec i eness, and p oposes an al e na i e amewo k ele an o he
in e sec ed issue o labou , gende and space as he ocus in his book. The nex
wo sec ions zoom in on Hong Kong, looking a he ci y-s a e’s ac i e pa icipa-
ion in labou impo a ion and how he speci ic egula ions wi hin he Fo eign
Domes ic Helpe con ac c ea e he g ounds o exploi a ions o he wo ke s’
ime and labou and en o ce hei pe manen ly empo a y s a us. Th oughou
he chap e , he easons o mig a ion begin o un old h ough e hnog aphic
da a, such as in Diana’s s o y and o he s, and b ing o ligh he ‘double bind’ ha
many wo ke s expe ience; mo ing away om hei amilies o p o ide o hei
amilies as hey li e unde he p essu es o unemploymen /unde employmen
and sus aining li elihood o hemsel es and hei amilies in hei home coun-
ies. A i s , being able o seek oppo uni ies ab oad o highe wages seems o
be c ea ing physical and economic mobili y, ye he lack o upskilling po en ial
in domes ic wo k and e y minimal sala y inc eases o en lea e he wo ke s
s agnan . Essen ially, his chap e esponds o one o he esea ch ques ions in
his book – Wha a e he local and in e na ional con ex s in which he wo k-
e s ope a e ha allow sys emic opp ession o be accep ed and o e looked as
common p ac ice, and why a e hey so p e alen ? The chap e aims o make
clea he ansna ional con ex s o mig an domes ic labou and he ailu e o
he policies in p o iding social mobili y and equi y o he mig an wo ke s, and
1. Policy and/ s People: Mobili y and S agna ion

Policy and/ s People 37
he chap e a e his will illus a e he opp essi e common p ac ices ha esul
om hese policies and s uc u es.
Diana’s s o y
I wan my child en o g ow up wi h mo e han I had. I hope hey can unde s and
ha I mo ed away only o gi e hem mo e, so hey can go o college and ge a
be e job, a good li e. I has been e y di icul o me o be he e wi hou hem. I
hink abou hem e e y minu e. (Diana, pe sonal communica ion, Feb ua y 2015)
I i s me Diana in 2015 in Hong Kong and I me he again in 2021. Diana
is om Rosa io, he Ba angas p o ince om he Philippines, and i s came o
Hong Kong in 2007. She was he oldes o ou siblings in he amily. A he ime
o he depa u e, he child en we e o he ages o wo and i e. Be o e wo king in
Hong Kong, Diana was s udying o a deg ee in nu sing, bu discon inued in he
second yea because she needed o p o ide o he amily. She ini ially wo ked in
a ood ac o y o i e o six days a week, ea ning a mon hly wage o 7,000 peso
(app oxima ely US$147). He husband wo ked as a cou ie in a eigh company
ha equi ed wo king long hou s, and his ea nings we e double he income. The
couple elied on he help o he mo he and aun o ake ca e o hei child en, as
well as doing some domes ic cho es while hey we e a wo k. Diana i s discussed
wi h he amily he possibili y o wo king ab oad as a domes ic wo ke se e al
mon hs a e gi ing bi h o hei i s child. He husband s ongly objec ed o
his sugges ion a he ime. A ew yea s la e , a e he bi h o hei second child,
he husband had an acciden , which led o a eco e y pe iod ha hea ily educed
his income. Diana acknowledged he bes way o ea n mo e money o he amily
and o a o d be e educa ion o he child en was o wo k ab oad. A e ca e ul
conside a ion and discussions, he couple and hei amilies ag eed ha Diana
would go o wo k in Hong Kong o some ime, a leas un il hei inancial di -
icul ies eased. Diana’s i s Fo eign Domes ic Helpe con ac in Hong Kong
began in Ma ch 2007, ea ning he a mon hly wage o HK$3,800 (app oxima ely
US$489), which was mo e han h ee imes he sala y back home.1 Each mon h,
she sa ed HK$500 o he sel and he emainde HK$3,300 was emi ed back
o he Philippines o suppo he amily. Al hough his new employmen made
signi ican con ibu ions o he amily’s ope a ions, he husband, be o e and
du ing he ime ab oad, asked o he e u n a e wo con ac s ( ou yea s).
A he ime o he in e iew in 2015, Diana was wo king in Hong Kong o
he eigh h consecu i e yea and ea ning HK$5,000 each mon h (app oxima ely
US$643). She had no o eseen spending almos a decade ab oad:
I wan ed o go home a e wo con ac s, bu i is e y di icul o e u n home
because I can help so much wi h my wages he e. My child en can go o a be e
school ou side [ hei illage]. My husband can wo k less. I is oo ha d in he
38 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
Philippines o ha e he same pay. Bu i is e y sad o come back o Hong Kong
a e going home. Ve y sad. I c y o wo weeks a e e e y isi . (Diana, pe sonal
communica ion, Feb ua y 2015)
Despi e he pain o amily sepa a ion and he amily’s plea o he e u n o he
Philippines, Diana saw ime spen wi h he child en as some hing necessa y o
sac i ice in o de o p o ide money o hem. This ‘decision’ o money ea ned
a he expense o ime is no one made om ee will; a he i is a o ced deci-
sion be ween wo di icul op ions ha has pa ly esul ed om he Philippines’
con inuous pa icipa ion in he global mig an labou o ce. A he ime o
Diana’s depa u e in 2007, and he yea s leading up o he decision, he labou
ma ke condi ions in he Philippines we e poo . Wages in he coun y we e low
and decen employmen oppo uni ies o women, e en educa ed women, we e
limi ed (Asian De elopmen Bank, 2013). The a e o employmen o women
du ing 2000–2012 was be ween 42.1 o 46.7% and al hough he Labou Fo ce
Pa icipa ion Ra e o women was ising s eadily be ween 1990–2012, i did no
ansla e o educ ions in he gende gaps in labou ma ke ou comes including
employmen , decen wo k and social p o ec ion (Ibid., p. 13). The Philippines’
go e nmen encou aged Filipino wo ke s o pa ake in o e seas wo k deploy-
men o alle ia e he p essu e o unde employmen in he coun y, despi e he
nume ous discussions abou phasing ou , ye he eali y was ha labou expo
had long been pa o he go e nmen ’s economic de elopmen s a egy gi en
he alue o emi ances o help he na ional economy (Es opace, 1997; O eneo
and Samos e, 2005). O e seas wo k deploymen has been pa o he Philippines
mig an labou expe ience o e he cou se o he las cen u y; o Los Angeles
in he 1920s (Ong & Azo es, 1994), o Rome in he 1980s (Pa eñas, 2001), o
Hong Kong since he 1970s (Cons able, 2007), o he Uni ed A ab Emi a es
since he 1990s (Lindio-McGo e n, 2013) and o a ious de eloped coun ies in
Asia such as Singapo e and Taiwan in he 1980s (Lindio-McGo e n, 2009; 2013;
Pa eñas, 2001).
In A Good P o ide is One Who Lea es, epo e Jason DePa le imme sed himsel
in o he li e o a Filipina woman and he amily o e h ee decades, documen ing
hei mig a o y pa h ha e en ually mo ed hem ou o po e y in o a global
middle class (2019). The book epo s he eali y o he yea s o sac i ices and
sepa a ion o one amily, while holding up a mi o o he housands o mig an
wo ke s and hei amilies ha endu e simila pa hs in o de o c ea e a be e
li e o hemsel es and gene a ions o come. Diana is pa o a consis en mig a-
o y pa h o Filipino women who seek ull- ime employmen o e seas. Rhacel
Salaza Pa eñas, whose wo k ocuses on Filipino mig an domes ic wo ke s
in a ious pa s o he wo ld, se s he con ex o he book up on by s a ing
‘The ou low o women om he Philippines and hei en ance in o domes-
ic se ice in mo e han 130 coun ies ep esen s one o he la ges and wides
Policy and/ s People 39
lows o con empo a y emale mig a ion’ (2001, p. 1). In 2019, he numbe o
O e seas Filipino Wo ke s globally was es ima ed a 2.2 million, o which 56%
we e women (Philippine S a is ics Au ho i y, 2020). Al hough he numbe has
dec eased since COVID-19 became a global pandemic in ea ly 2020 ( om 2.2
million in 2019 o 676,000 in 2021), he ac ual numbe o mig an domes ic
wo ke s om he Philippines in Hong Kong has no dec eased o he same p o-
po ion. The e we e 399,320 mig an domes ic wo ke s in Hong Kong in 2019,
which dec eased inc emen ally due o bo de es ic ions o he pandemic o
373,884 in 2020, 339,451 in 2021 and 338,189 in 2022, wi h be ween 48–57%
om he Philippines (Hong Kong SAR Immig a ion Depa men , 2022b). This
shows ha he demand o mig an domes ic wo ke s has no dec eased a he
same a e in Hong Kong despi e he dec ease in o al ou low globally.
Diana sha es a simila expe ience wi h many women mig an domes ic
wo ke s, which e lec s he s anda dised na a i e o emale labou mig a ion
om he Philippines – a na a i e o disloca ion in which Pa eñas e e s o he
posi ions in o which ex e nal o ces in socie y cons i u e he subjec o mig an
domes ic wo ke s (2001). Pa eñas desc ibes ou key disloca ions ha Filipino
domes ic wo ke s expe ience in hei global mig a o y labou p ocess: pain o
he ansna ional household, con adic o y class mobili y, non-belonging and
pa ial ci izenship (2001, p. 23). The analysis o disloca ions illus a es hei p o-
cess o cons i u ion and he means by which he wo ke s esis in an a emp o
elimina e, o nego ia e o mi iga e he e ec s o hese disloca ions in hei e e y-
day li es. In o he wo ds, om his pe spec i e, he expe ience o mig a ion is
embodied wi hin hese disloca ions (Ibid., p. 3).
Fo all he mig an domes ic wo ke s who pa icipa ed in my ieldwo k
esea ch be ween 2012–2023, I was old ha p o iding o he amily is he
p ima y, some imes he only, mo i a ion o hei mig a ion. These women,
oge he wi h hei amilies, make he decision o mig a e as domes ic wo k-
e s wi h he main goal o imp o ing he li elihood and inancial p ospec s o
hei amilies due o he lack o decen and long- e m employmen oppo uni-
ies in hei home coun y. Mos o hese women emba k on hei jou neys wi h
he in en ion o e u ning a e wo o h ee con ac s, ha is ou o six yea s.
Realis ically, his is usually no he case. Fo Diana, she and he amily eal-
ised how much he income as emi ance p o ides o he suppo o he amily
despi e hei sepa a ion, and she con inued o s ay in Hong Kong. Diana’s expe-
ience may no be he s anda d expe ience o all mig an domes ic wo ke s
in Hong Kong, bu he ci cums ances a e ce ainly common. Suppo ing he
amily can mean p o iding o daily expenses such as ood, anspo , school ees
and so on, o la ge , long- e m inancial asks such as paying o deb s o buying
land ( o build a home) o buying a home. Remi ances om mig an wo ke s
canno p o ide a ini e solu ion o a housing p oblem back in hei home coun-
y (Obeng-Odoom, 2022, p. 246). The mig a ion pa h o he wo ke s, a ying
40 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
om di e en economic schools o hough ; de ini e e u n (neoclassical), ci cu-
la mig a ion (ins i u ional), dependan on household condi ions (new econom-
ics o labou mig a ion), all impac on he ole emi ances play and whe he i
con inues (Obeng-Odoom, 2022; Hun e , 2018). Many wo ke s I in e iewed
eel he longe hey s ay, he longe hey can p o ide inancial suppo e en i
i ’s no a pe manen ix. Many see e u ning as no being a a ou able ou -
come inancially and indeed, i can o en be pe cei ed as edundan in ixing he
housing p oblem (Ibid., p. 246). Despi e his acknowledgemen , many wo ke s
emain in Hong Kong.
In Ma ch 2021, I me wi h Diana again. She in o med me ha he las ime
she saw he amily in he Philippines was No embe 2018, and she had no been
able o a el back due o COVID-19 es ic ions. He child en we e now six een
and nine een yea s old, and she and he husband had sepa a ed some h ee yea s
p io . She el ha o e he las ou een yea s in Hong Kong, some o he ough-
es imes expe ienced we e a he beginning and now, since she had been s uck
in Hong Kong wi hou he capaci y o ly home, e en i she was owed paid lea e
e e y wo yea s, as he con ac was enewed and he Philippines is only a wo-
hou ligh away. A he ime o ou mee ing, she said much o he emi ances
pay o he child en’s school ees, paying o he elde ly mo he ’s medical ca e
and sa ings owa ds buying a house o hem o li e in oge he . Howe e , due o
he mo he ’s declining heal h, she was planning o mo e back o he Philippines
ea lie and pe manen ly o be wi h he child en and he mo he :
I wan o go back home o be wi h my child en, o help my mo he and o see wha
I can do now. I am o y yea s old! I ha e been he e o a long ime. I wan o y
some hing di e en , bu I am also sca ed I can’ come back [ o Hong Kong] and
can’ help hem. (Diana, pe sonal communica ion, Ma ch 2021, exclama ion in
o iginal)
Diana comple ed he high school educa ion bu did no inish he deg ee in nu s-
ing be o e she le o wo k in Hong Kong in 2007. This sense o unce ain y
a ound he a ailabili y o desi ed employmen oppo uni ies in he Philippines
i she lea es and he lack o job secu i y in Hong Kong e en i she con inues
o s ay is e y commonly el among mig an domes ic wo ke s. The epea ed
enewal o he sho - e m con ac gi es he imp ession o pe manence; howe e
i can be anxie y-p o oking as secu i y o enewal is ne e gua an eed, and has
been e en mo e exace ba ed by he global pandemic. Semi-pe manen is he
e m Ligaya Lindio-McGo e n (2013) uses o desc ibe he na u e o mig an
domes ic labou . She explains ha al hough mig an domes ic wo ke s ope a e
on sho - e m con ac s, which echnically classi y hem as empo a y wo ke s,
he eminisa ion o he Philippines’ labou expo policy ha has been supplying
a s eady s eam o emale wo ke s o e he las i y yea s con adic s he em-
po a y na u e as i is ailo ed o he impo policies o labou in he ecei ing
Policy and/ s People 47
sec o s (Ha is & Toda o, 1970; De Haas, 2012; Dannecke and Pipe , 2021;
Obeng-Odoom, 2017; 2022). P io o he 1990s, mig a ion labou was de ined
p ima ily as a necessa y esponse o he need o economic de elopmen in he
labou -sending coun ies. Exempli ied in he case in he Philippines, mig a ion
labou was a empo a y s a egy o elie e he unemploymen c isis and ising
na ional deb , ye e iden ly, ha has no been he case and mig a ion labou
has con inued o inc ease and widen he gap be ween wages and employmen
oppo uni ies a home and ab oad (Pa eñas, 2001; 2008a, Lindio-McGo e n,
2012). In he 1990s, posi i e aspec s o mig a ion and he ole mig an s ha e
in he de elopmen o hei home coun ies we e being celeb a ed by go e n-
men al o ganisa ions, as e idenced in he Philippines, whe e mig an wo ke s
we e deemed as mode n-day he oes and he Philippines’ go e nmen e en c e-
a ed a na ional Mig an Wo ke s Day on 7 June as he Mig an Wo ke s Ac
was signed in o law in 1995 (Pa eñas, 2005a; 2008a).3 The discou se a ound
ha ime shi ed om s uc u al de elopmen o coun ies o one ha began o
see indi idual agency (Rosewa ne, 2010; Pipe , Rosewa ne & Wi he s, 2017;
Mo a & Pipe , 2021). Howe e , he unde s anding o de elopmen and in
andem, mig a ion labou , as an economic p ocess, was s ill placed as p io i y
and pe sis ed.
In 2003, he Wo ld Bank published he Global De elopmen Finance Repo ha
colla ed global emi ances da a showing he po en ial de elopmen impac o
mig a o y lows and emi ances. I c ea ed a new en husiasm, along wi h many
deba es and s a egies, on how go e nmen s and in e na ional o ganisa ions
could c ea e and u he he posi i e ela ionship be ween mig a ion and de el-
opmen (Fais , 2008; Lindley, 2010). Remi ances we e no jus seen as lows o
money, bu as an in lux o knowledge and ideas ha suppo a na ion’s de elop-
men , pa icula ly in po e y educ ion and mo emen o human capi al. This
was an a emp o push back agains he ‘b ain d ain’ a gumen o he 1970s
and 1980s, eplacing i wi h ‘b ain gain’ in he 1990s – he o me was abou
mig a ion labou c ea ing he loss o skilled people wi hin he labou -sending
coun y, while he la e was ocused on he ci cula ion and con inuous low o
people, hus he gaining o skills and people a ound he wo ld (Kapu , 2004).
A ound ha ime, global emi ances we e abou US$167 billion, quad uple he
amoun o US$40 billion in 1990 (In e na ional O ganisa ion o Mig a ion,
2005, p.270). Wi h his signi ican inc ease, since hen, he e ha e been many
s udies ha emphasise he posi i e e ec s o mig a ion and de elopmen , wi h
ewe s udies ha adop a c i ical app oach o he neolibe al o ien a ion o he
so-called indi idual’s agency o b ing a en ion o he discou se a ound wha
exac ly cons i u es he ‘agency’ o he indi idual mig an s – i.e. hei own mo i-
a ions o mig a ion and how hey conside hei own con ibu ion o he coun-
y’s de elopmen (De Haas, 2012; Dannecke , 2009; Wi he s, 2019; Pipe and
Ro he , 2014).

48 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
Neoclassical economic heo y explains mig a ion labou on a mac o- and
mic o-le el; mac o being he geog aphical di e ences in he supply and demand
o labou while a he mic o-le el, mig an s a e iewed as indi idual, a ional
ac o s, who a e assumed o ha e ee choice o mo e on he basis o a cos -bene i
calcula ion (De Haas, 2008). The pe spec i e on indi iduals’ decisions in choos-
ing o mig a e o an expec ed o pe cei ed op imum combina ion o be e wages
and job secu i y, as no ed by John Rees Ha is and Michael Paul Toda o, is ha
he mo i a ion o u al o u ban mig a ion, o mig a ion om less-de eloped
economies o de eloped economies, is because ‘mig a ion p oceeds in esponse
o u ban- u al di e ences in expec ed ea nings wi h he u ban employmen
a e ac ing as an equilib a ing o ce on such mig a ion’ (Ha is & Toda o, 1970,
p.126). Fu he , as he expec ed income in he u ban a ea also depends on he
p obabili y o employmen , Toda o a gues ha as long as u al-u ban income
di e ences emain high enough o ou weigh he isk o becoming unemployed,
he ‘lu e o ela i ely highe pe manen incomes will con inue o a ac a s eady
s eam o u al mig an s’ (Toda o, 1969, p. 147). This Ha is-Toda o-model was
la e e ined and modi ied o include a balance o ac o s such as oppo uni y
cos s o mig a ion, cos o a el, empo a y unemploymen and he psycholog-
ical cos s o mig a ion, e ce e a (Baue & Zimme mann, 1998, p. 97; De Haas,
2008, p. 5).
The c i ique o he model, and o neoclassical economic heo y o mig a ion
labou a la ge, conside s i as being one o an ‘a-his o ical and Eu ocen ic’
amewo k, in ha i assumes ha mig a ion o wo ke s om u al o u ban
a eas sa is ies a mode nisa ion o de eloping coun ies like in nine een h- and
wen ie h-cen u y Eu ope (De Haas, 2008, p. 7), which si ua es he discou se
in he con ex o he global no h and nega es he s uc u al condi ions o he
global sou h.
A his o ical-s uc u alis heo y on mig a ion eme ged as a esponse o he
neoclassical app oach, claiming ha economic and poli ical powe is unequally
dis ibu ed among de eloped and unde de eloped coun ies, leading o people
ha ing unequal access o esou ces, and ha capi alis s uc u e and i s con-
inuing expansion ein o ces hese inequali ies (Cas les & Mille , 2003; Massey
e al., 1998; De Haas, 2008). Fo hose unde de eloped coun ies, hei economic
de elopmen emains apped and s agnan in a dep i ed posi ion wi hin he
global poli ical s uc u e (Sassen, 1990). Addi ionally, his his o ical-s uc u alis
heo y sees mig a ion as a na u al ou g ow h o dis up ions ha a e in insic o
he p ocess o capi alis accumula ion, iewing mig a ion ‘as one o he many
mani es a ions o capi alis pene a ion and he inc easingly unequal e ms o
ade be ween de eloped and unde de eloped coun ies’ (De Haas, 2008, p. 7;
Massey e al., 1998, p. 36).
The e a e elemen s in bo h he neoclassical and he his o ical-s uc u alis
amewo k ha can possibly be applicable o he si ua ion o he wo ke s om
Policy and/ s People 49
he Philippines and Indonesia mig a ing o Hong Kong, pa icula ly he u al o
u ban mo e o highe income and p obabili y o employmen , and he con inual
inequali y o access o esou ces and employmen o bo h o he labou -sending
na ions’ economies and hei ein o ced subo dina e posi ion in he global poli -
ical economy. Howe e , bo h neoclassical and his o ical-s uc u alis heo ies on
he whole ail o explain why some people in a ce ain coun y o egion mig a e
and o he s do no , and why people end o mig a e be ween pa icula places in
a spa ially clus e ed, concen a ed, ypically non- andom ashion (Massey e al.,
1993; Renie s, 1999, p. 680; De Haas, 2008, p. 8). The in e ela ed p ocesses o
demog aphic and economic change impac s on global mig a ion pa e ns, and
Skeldon a gues ha
The e is a ela ionship be ween he le el o economic de elopmen , s a e o ma-
ion and he pa e ns o popula ion mobili y. Ve y gene ally, we can say ha
whe e hese a e high, an in eg a ed mig a ion sys em exis s consis ing o
global and local mo emen s, whe eas whe e hey a e low he mig a ion
sys ems a e no in eg a ed and mainly local. (Skeldon, 1997, p. 52)
Responding o gaps be ween he amewo ks and heo ies came he new eco-
nomics o labou mig a ion, which acknowledges ha mig a ion decisions a e
no made by isola ed indi iduals bu by la ge uni s o people such as amilies
o households (S a k & Bloom, 1985). This amewo k c i icises he p e ious
models as oo indi idualis ic and unable o be applied o he di e se eali ies o
mig a ion. Oded S a k places emphasis on he beha iou o indi idual mig an s
in a wide socie al con ex and by conside a ion o no jus he indi idual bu he
uni , allowing o in eg a ion o ac o s o he han indi idual income maximisa-
ion as in luencing mig a ion decision-making S a k (1978; 1991).
Fu he mo e, he new economics o labou mig a ion sees mig a ion as
isk-sha ing beha iou o amilies and ha be e han indi iduals, households
ha e la ge capaci y o di e si y hei esou ces, especially labou , o minimise
income isks (S a k & Le ha i, 1982). The assump ion is ha people, house-
holds and amilies ac no only o maximise income bu also o minimise and
sp ead isks, and in e na ional mig a ion is pe cei ed as a household esponse
o income isk, as emi ances p o ide income insu ance o households e en
i hei employmen oppo uni ies a e low o hose emaining in he labou -
sending coun y (De Haas, 2008, p. 35).
C i icism o he new economics o labou mig a ion pe sis s. Alexand e
Ab eu a gues ha i is insu icien as i disguises i sel as ha ing econciled bo h
indi idual agency and s uc u es, be ween he mac o and he mic o, ye i is s ill
oo indi idualis in ha i does no conside he cons ain s a he s uc u al le el
ha shape mig a ion dynamics, no o indi idual mig an agency in e ac ing
wi h he s uc u e ha i is in o med and cons ained by (Ab eu, 2012). Ab eu
asse s ha he amewo k is undamen ally misleading as a balanced app oach
50 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
and ha he e should be a new and imp o ed ‘his o ical-s uc u al syn hesis’ as a
mo e sa is ac o y al e na i e (Ibid., 2012). Conside ing he speci ici y o mig an
domes ic wo ke s’ si ua ion in Hong Kong, all h ee heo ies can be applied ye
be insu icien , as he issues o gende , ace and space a e missing.
As men ioned in he in oduc ion o his book, s a i ica ion economics could
be a possible amewo k o conside aspec s o iden i y and powe , in pa icu-
la ace and gende . S a i ica ion economics has been used and pionee ed by
black economis s and economis s o colou as an al e na i e app oach o con-
en ional economic analyses o g oup-based inequali y (Da i y e al., 2015;
Obeng-Odoom, 2020). William A. Da i y J posi s ha s a i ica ion economics
concei es o a wo ld whe e he e is a con inuous compe i i e in e play be ween
social g oups mo i a ed by he collec i e sel -in e es o hei espec i e membe s
(2022, p. 402). He no es:
Collec i e sel -in e es cen e s on ad ancing o main aining he s a us o one’s
social g oup in compa ison wi h ano he o o he s ha a e si ua ionally ele an .
The ame o s a i ica ion economics p o ides a gene al heo y o in e g oup
inequali y. In p inciple, i is applicable o all socie ies and a mul iple le els o
inequali y. (Ibid.)
S a i ica ion economics’ undamen al con ex is ha indi iduals a e conce ned
no only wi h hei absolu e posi ion, bu wi h hei ela i e posi ion; ha is, indi id-
uals gain g ea e sa is ac ion he highe he s a us o he social g oup wi h whom
hey iden i y, and hey gain g ea e sa is ac ion he highe hei pe sonal s a us
wi hin he social g oup wi h whom hey iden i y (Da i y, 2005; 2017; 2022). This
amewo k can be used o u he unde s and and analyse he in e sec ed ine-
quali y aced by he mig an domes ic wo ke s in Hong Kong h ough he social
g oups hey iden i y wi h in Hong Kong and in hei home coun y. The o me
is a socially, economically and spa ially ma ginalised con ingen wi h highe
ea nings han hey would o he wise ha e in hei home coun y, ye back in hei
home coun y, many o hem a e hei amilies’ b eadwinne s, and a e consid-
e ed as na ional he oes. This dispa i y in social s a us and iden i y is pa o he
mo i a ions in which he wo ke s may lea e he labou -sending coun ies, e u n
o hei home coun y, ye a e delibe a ion e u n back o he labou -sending
coun ies o con inue o wo k (Fo u he de ails see Pa eñas 2001, p. 150–196).
Th ough he many s udies abou mig a ion labou om a mac o- o mic o-
le el, no ma e how la ge he emi ance amoun , he indi idual choices o
how choices a e impac ed by s uc u al pa ame e s, he issue o gende and he
ine i able unequal powe ela ions become appa en (Dannecke & Pipe , 2021,
p. 306). Pe a Dannecke and Nicola Pipe e isi he mig a ion-de elopmen
nexus deba e h ough he p ism o gende , poli ics and agency, and asse ha
go e nmen al and in e na ional o ganisa ional ac o s in ol ed in he mig a ion–
de elopmen nexus deba e a he global le el ha e no analysed gende -speci ic
Policy and/ s People 51
powe s uc u es and in e sec ional o ms o agency in a su icien ly comp ehen-
si e manne (2021). They a gue ha much o he mains eam deba e and pol-
icies a ound he mig a ion and de elopmen nexus is oo na owly ocused on
economic aspec s o de elopmen , while neglec ing he social aspec whe e ca e
is a e y c ucial and gende ed elemen . I would conside ha ca e in his ins ance
can speak o bo h he na u e o he wo k as well as he ole o ca ing women ake
on ha u he s he social wellbeing o indi iduals, amilies and communi ies.
Dannecke and Pipe u he conside ha he c ea ion o he he o image o
mig an wo ke s, as ha o he oes o de elopmen , se es he poli ical need o
emphasise why hei mig a ion is ‘good’ o de elopmen , which p ecisely is a
c ea ion ha s ems om he inabili y o see he mig a ion and de elopmen nexus
h ough a gende -speci ic amewo k (Ibid., 2021, p. 304). Wha his glo i ica ion
does is ake away he in e sec ional o ms o p eca i y expe ienced by he mig an
women wo ke s – gende and ace, and po en ially mo e – ha limi hei eco-
nomic agency in he i s place (Pipe , Rosewa ne & Wi he s, 2017). O e all, hey
a gue ha a mo e nuanced unde s anding o mig an agency a he in e sec ion
o mig an igh s, ca e and de elopmen would ha e he po en ial o help gene -
a e policies ha would ha e be e gende ou comes. I asse ha simila ly, using
he in e sec ed lens o gende , labou and space and conside ing powe dynamics
wi hin hese aspec s ( ha is, he ela ionship be ween employe and employee,
labou supply and demand, he igh o land in en , he gende ed na u e o ca e
wo k) o analyse he decades-long p ac ice o mig an domes ic wo k in Hong
Kong, a mo e nuanced unde s anding eme ges ha would ha e new disco e ies
and impac s. These analyses will un old in he nex chap e s o he book.
So a , his chap e has ou lined he mig a ion labou expo ajec o y o
Indonesia and he Philippines and he global mig a ion economic amewo ks
ha i is mos ly si ua ed wi hin whe e he e a e use ul aspec s, ye he e a e miss-
ing elemen s in (u ban) economics and pa icula i ies conce ning space, labou
and gende ha need o be included. Di ing in o he si ua ion in Hong Kong, i
should be made clea ha he ci y-s a e has been a long-s anding labou - ecei ing
des ina ion o mig an domes ic wo ke s om he Philippines and Indonesia
and i is no a passi e labou - ecei ing s a e ha jus happens o be geog aphi-
cally con enien in he pa h o labou mig an s. I s economic s uc u es and pol-
icies ha e been ac i e agen s o he capi alis sys em ha commodi ies mig an
labou , which has hea ily shaped he economic, social and spa ial in e ac ions
and nego ia ions ha he wo ke s ope a e in.
Hong Kong as an ac i e labou - ecei ing s a e
Hong Kong was a B i ish colony be ween 1841–1997. The ci y-s a e’s
laissez- ai e capi alis economy, B i ish libe alism and colonial go e nance by
he s a e unde  he ule o law ha e esul ed in a ela i ely anspa en legal
52 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
in as uc u e, which ha e made i a popula labou - ecei ing des ina ion. P io
o he mig an domes ic labou impo om he Philippines in he 1970s, Hong
Kong was always a popula des ina ion o mig an s om mainland China. In
ac , he ci y-s a e was known o be a s epping s one o Chinese mig an s on
hei way o No h Ame ica. Ronald Skeldon has desc ibed Hong Kong as a
des ina ion o human ci cula ion, obse ing i s emig a ion in he second hal o
he wen ie h cen u y (1995, p. 51). Anecdo ally, ha was also a simila p ac ice
o Filipina mig an wo ke s be ween he 1980s and ea ly 2000s (Wee & Sim,
2005). Despi e his so-called p ac ice, he numbe o mig an domes ic wo ke s
s eadily inc eased om he i s 1,000 in 1975 o 140,500 by 1998, o 189,000 in
2016, o 338,189 in 2022 (Resea ch O ice-Legisla i e Council Sec e a ia , 2017;
Hong Kong Immig a ion Depa men , 2022b). F om he 70s, he in oduc ion
o Filipina domes ic wo ke s coming in o Hong Kong and supposedly using i
as a po en ial ansi ci y o ob ain employmen expe ience o u he mig a ion
o No h Ame ica was coinciden ally use ul o Hong Kong’s own de elopmen-
al ajec o y (Ibid., p. 178). A he ime, he Hong Kong go e nmen sough
ways o make i mo e di icul o immig an s om mainland China o come o
he ci y. One o hese ways was es ablishing he o icial e m Fo eign Domes ic
Helpe , emphasis on he e m Fo eign, which appa en ly was in ended o make
a clea sepa a ion be ween hese wo ke s and he Chinese majo i y popula ion
o Hong Kong, and ensu e ha amily membe s om mainland China would
no be ec ui ed unde he isa, hus e en ually enabling hem o s ay (Chiu,
1999). Minimalising mainland China’s wo ke s om mig a ing o Hong Kong,
and ha ing wo ke s om Sou heas Asia ins ead, wi h a isibly di e en appea -
ance unde empo a y wo k isas, was a s a egy in p o ec ing Hong Kong as a
capi al- ich base (Wee & Sim, 2005, p. 179). By he 1990s, mos o Hong Kong’s
manu ac u e s had mo ed in o mainland China due o cheape labou cos s.
Wi hin a me e wen y yea s, be ween he 1970s and 1990s, Hong Kong’s middle
class also as ly expanded. This new middle class became he employe s o he
mig an domes ic wo ke s, and ha ing ull ime ou sou ced domes ic wo k was
p e e ed by local women who could elie e hemsel es o household du ies and
ocus on hei p o essional ca ee s. The new middle class’s weal h and access o
esou ces we e also c ea ed by hei expe iences o li ing ab oad. P io o he
hando e o B i ish so e eign y o Hong Kong o China in 1997, many Hong
Kong people emig a ed o coun ies wi h de eloped economies, pa icula ly
English-speaking coun ies such as he UK, US, Canada and Aus alia. I was
a common social p ac ice a he ime, and a guably s ill is, o ob ain al e na i e
ci izenship o many economic and social easons. In he ime be o e 1997, many
Hong Kong people sough o mig a e due o he unce ain poli ical and eco-
nomic u u e o he ci y-s a e. Those who e u ned o Hong Kong a e ob aining
ci izenship elsewhe e became mo e employable and had highe incomes, and
we e hus able o a o d a ull ime li e-in domes ic wo ke .

Policy and/ s People 53
In 1982, he minimum mon hly wage o mig an domes ic wo ke s was se
by he go e nmen a HK$1,150 (app oxima ely US$147). A he ime, his min-
imum wage was abo e wha mos Hong Kong people could a o d, excep o
weal hy expa ia e amilies, which mean ha he minimum wage ac ed as a so -
ing mechanism, limi ing he numbe o wo ke s coming in o Hong Kong and he
numbe o employe s who could a o d hem (F ench, 1986; Wee & Sim, 2005).
This all changed in he 1990s due o he ci y-s a e’s economic g ow h. As he
middle class became weal hie , he minimum wage o mig an domes ic wo ke s
did no inc ease a a compa able a e. This mean he gap be ween he employ-
e s’ wages and ha o he mig an domes ic wo ke s widened, making i mo e
a o dable o hi e he wo ke s and inc easing he demand o hem. In 1992, he
minimum mon hly wage was inc eased o HK$3,270 (app oxima ely US$420)
and as o 2023 o he ime o his w i ing, i is se a HK$4,870 (app oxima ely
US$622) (Wee & Sim, 2005; Mission o Mig an Wo ke s, 2018; Hong Kong
SAR Immig a ion Depa men , 2023). Wee and Sim no ed ha while he wo k-
e s’ minimum wage became a o dable o he middle class, mos Hong Kong
people would conside i oo low o i o be a ai enume a ion, ‘leas o all
a job ha equi ed li e-in a angemen s and 24-hou s andby se ice o one’s
employe s’ (Wee & Sim, 2005, p. 182). This has p o en o be a long-s anding
obse a ion ha is pa o he sys emic p oblem o unde aluing he ole o he
mig an domes ic wo ke s, socially and economically, as well as he inconside -
a ion o domes ic wo k i sel as legi ima e labou ha should be compensa ed
equi ably. The e we e sen imen s om many Hong Kong Chinese ha se ing
a s a u o y minimum wage o mig an domes ic wo ke s indica ed he gene -
osi y o he go e nmen , ha hey we e being o e paid and ha hese mig an
wo ke s we e lucky o be able o wo k in Hong Kong (Lowe, 2000, p. 118). While
he e is no ha d e idence o p o e whe he his was s ill a popula sen imen in
2023, om he many in e iews and con e sa ions I had wi h mig an domes ic
wo ke s be ween 2013–2023, I belie e ha his a i ude exis s among some Hong
Kong Chinese employe s, pa icula ly hose who a e olde and ha e classis and
acis p ejudices owa ds Sou heas Asians.4 While he e we e and possibly s ill
a e nega i e sen imen s owa ds he wo ke s abou hei pay, ha ing a legisla ed
minimum wage se s Hong Kong as a good des ina ion o wo ke s as i p o ides
an obliga o y s anda d ha some o he coun ies do no ha e.
The minimum wage o mig an domes ic wo ke s became a opic o con-
en ion in he yea s ollowing he Asia Financial C isis o 1997. To ease he
inancial bu dens o employe s o he mig an wo ke s, in 2003, he go e nmen
educed he mon hly minimum wage by HK$400 (a he ime i was app oxi-
ma ely US$51) and imposed a le y o be paid by employe s o he go e nmen
o he exac amoun . The jus i ica ion was o educe he wages, while using
ha educ ion o und he go e nmen ’s new ini ia e known as he Employees
Re aining Scheme. This caused ou age om he Philippines go e nmen and
54 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
led o a empo a y suspension o all con ac s o domes ic wo ke s coming o
Hong Kong and an in es iga ion by he ILO in o he nega i e e ec s on mig an
wo ke s unde his imposed educ ion. The Philippines Sena e desc ibed his
cu as unjus , especially as a he ime, Hong Kong ci izens we e no liable o
pay income ax unless hey had a mon hly income o HK$9,000 (app oxima ely
US$1,155), which amoun s o nea ly h ee imes ha o he minimum wage o
mig an domes ic wo ke s. A he ime, su eys we e conduc ed whe eby he e
was consensus ha ag eed wi h he go e nmen ’s mo e, which can be ega ded
as a common hough ha he wages o mig an domes ic wo ke s a e leakages
om he economy (Wee & Sim, 2005). The no ion ha he wo ke s elie ed local
women o domes ic du ies, lending hem ime and eedom o be employed ull
ime and con ibu e o he ci y-s a e’s economic g ow h, was a less popula sen-
imen (Hong Kong Ins i u e o Asia-Paci ic S udies, 2003). Penalising mig an
wo ke s o subsidise he local unemploymen was un easonable and ha sh as
he wo ke s we e ‘ axed’, while no ha ing access o social wel a e bene i s ha
ci izens had o he pe manency o s ay. The le y was in e ec om 2003–2013.
Du ing his decade, he numbe o mig an domes ic wo ke s in Hong Kong
anged om 216,000 o 300,000 (Co és and Pan, 2013). Since e e y wo ke was
deduc ed HK$400 pe mon h, his means each pe son would ha e been deduc ed
$400 x 12 = $4,800 each yea . By simple calcula ion, he Hong Kong go e nmen
had ecei ed be ween $4,800 x 216,000 in he yea 2003 and upwa ds o ha e e y
yea o $4,800 x 300,000 in he yea 2013. This is an as onomical amoun o e enue
gene a ed o he wo ke s o a decade o e ain ci izens o ind sui able employmen .
Despi e he le y, Hong Kong was s ill a p e e ed des ina ion o he wo ke s, as
he minimum wage was mo e han wha was gi en back home in he Philippines
and Indonesia. F om he example o he le y imposed be ween 2003 and 2013,
Hong Kong, as a labou - ecei ing s a e, has been ac i ely pa icipa ing in he
global mig an domes ic labou mo emen and bene i ing om he cheap labou
p o ided by i s sou heas Asian neighbou s. The ci y-s a e has con inued o do so
in many o he ways, as o he ea u es wi hin he Fo eign Domes ic Helpe con-
ac , apa om hei wages, bene i he employe s economically and socially.
These include: he imbalanced a io o he wo ke s’ minimum wages o he min-
imum household income o he employe s, he wo-week ule, he lack o pe ma-
nen s ay, he li e-in ule and o he s. These will be unpacked in de ail in he nex
sec ion and u he in he nex chap e .
Mig an Domes ic Wo ke s in Hong Kong: wages, wo-week
ule and non-ci izenship
Wages: o e wo ked and unde paid
Long wo king hou s is one o he bigges challenges o a mig an domes ic
wo ke , as he e is no legally se numbe o hou s each day o each week in hei
Policy and/ s People 55
con ac (Asian Mig an Cen e, 2001; 2005; 2008; Cons able, 2007; Hong Kong
Helpe s Campaign, 2023b; Mission o Mig an Wo ke s, 2022). Acco ding
o he P ac ical Guide o he Employmen o mig an domes ic wo ke s, all
mig an domes ic wo ke s a e en i led o a mon hly wage o no less han he legal
Minimum Allowable Wage and one weekly es day o no less han a con inuous
pe iod o 24 hou s (Hong Kong SAR Labou Depa men , 2022b). I is com-
monly p ac ised ha Sunday is he usual day o wo k; howe e some employe s
migh equi e assis ance on Sunday in exchange o ano he day o . Adhe ence o
he minimum wage and one weekly es day appea s o be easonable. Howe e ,
wha is no speci ied in he con ac is a con ac ual wage a e pe hou o he
numbe o wo king hou s each day, no a e he e sugges ions o bo h gi en. The
lack o s anda dised wo king hou s and lack o wage a e exploi s he wo ke s,
and hei wage a e luc ua es depending on how many hou s hey a e on du y.
In esponse o he lack o s anda dised wo king hou s, he Labou Depa men
and Immig a ion Depa men claim ha household wo k canno be measu ed
and ha p ecise wo k hou s would be oo di icul o en o ce (Cons able, 2007,
pp. 133–136). To claim housewo k canno be measu ed is ac ually alse, as he e
a e asks o do, ac ions o be aken and hose asks can be inished unde a ime
ame ha can be accoun ed o . Ye , o an o icial go e nmen depa men o
s a e ha is demons a i e o how deep and common he sen imen o de aluing
domes ic wo k is in he zei geis .
Fu he , his esponse disad an ages he wo ke s and gi es he employe s dis-
c e ion o de e mine hei wo k hou s. O he eigh y-se en mig an domes ic
wo ke s I ha e in e iewed, eigh y claim o be on du y app oxima ely i een hou s
each day be ween 7 am o 10 pm, and some may wo k a ew hou s be o e hey
lea e home on hei day o wo k, and in he e ening once hey ha e e u ned.
This amoun s o 15 hou s x 6 days, in addi ion app oxima ely ano he 5 hou s,
which equals o 95 hou s each week. Fo he sake o simple calcula ion, minus he
4–5 Sundays, i can be es ima ed ha he e a e 25 days o wo k each mon h, and
he a e age mig an domes ic wo ke possibly wo ks 25 × 15 hou s each mon h,
which is 375 hou s. To include he possible 3–5 hou s a he beginning o end o
hei day o wo k, hen ha will be an addi ion o a minimum o 12 mo e hou s
each mon h, making he possible o al numbe o hou s 387. Acknowledging ha
his is an app oxima ion only, i is no a om he po en ial u h. I ha e done
hese calcula ions wi h some in e iewees and many o hem a e no su p ised
by he amoun , which hey ha e claimed o be he ‘indus y s anda d’.
Compa a i ely, acco ding o he Legisla i e Council’s s a is ics epo in
2018, he a e age weekly wo king hou s o ull- ime employees who a e ci i-
zens o ha e wo king esidency in Hong Kong is 42 hou s (Hong Kong SAR
Legisla i e Council, 2019). The epo highligh ed ha people who wo k in
he se ice sec o can wo k up o 60 hou s each week, wi h no men ion o
he mig an domes ic wo ke s. By he calcula ion o he hou s ha mig an
56 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
domes ic wo ke s a e on du y o an es ima ed 15 hou s each day o 6 days o
he week, hei a e age o 90 hou s each week a exceeds hose included in he
o icial go e nmen epo o 42–60 hou s. Acco ding o labou laws in Hong
Kong as o he ime o his w i ing, he e a e no gene al s a u o y p o isions
o maximum wo king hou s, o e ime limi s o o e ime pay o ci izens and
wo ke s on wo king isas (Hong Kong SAR Labou Depa men , 2023a). This
is p oblema ic as he e is no legal p o ec ion o gua an ee o paid o e ime and
employe s ha e he disc e ion o compensa e o no , and how much o com-
pensa e by. Howe e , mo e conce ning is ha mig an domes ic wo ke s a e
excluded om his labou o dinance and ha hey a e in a sepa a e ca ego y
o wo ke s, wi h much longe wo king hou s and less pay. In 2011, Hong Kong
ins a ed he S a u o y Minimum Wage o Hong Kong wo ke s, which in 2023
was HK$40 pe hou .
Many o he mig an wo ke s I in e iewed exp essed physical exhaus ion
om long wo king hou s. I spoke wi h MZ, a 32-yea -old Filipino mig an
domes ic wo ke , in 2015. A he ime she had been employed o six yea s by he
same employe . She ecalled he long hou s o he daily ou ine a wo k (Pe sonal
communica ion, 8 Feb ua y 2015):
When I i s s a ed, Ma’am [he emale employe ] asked me o wake up a
6.30e e y mo ning and go o sleep by 9 pm a nigh . They lea e he house a
8.30am in he mo ning and I ake he boy [employe s’ child] o school. Many
nigh s Ma’am and Si [he male employe ] inish wo k and a e home by 9 pm. I
cook o hem and clean up a e . I ac ually do no s op wo king un il a ound 11
pm. I also mus check on he boy and he goes o sleep abou 8 pm bu he wan s o
s ay up longe when hey [he employe s] come home. Some imes I ge in ouble
o no making him sleep ea lie .
Wi h his daily schedule, MZ was expec ed o be on du y o nea ly 16.5 hou s
each day. Al hough he employe s ha e se a daily s anda d wo k pe iod o
he , i was o en di icul o abide by hose hou s. In households whe e he e
a e in an s, young child en o elde ly people, wo ke s o en wake up h ough-
ou he nigh and a e expec ed o begin wo k he nex day a he scheduled
ime. F om he employe ’s pe spec i e, he wo ke s usually ha e se e al hou s
du ing he day a home when he child en a e a school and he adul s a e a
wo k, which a e conside ed as ‘ ee ime’ (Cons able, 2007, pp. 96–101). This
assump ion is alse because wi hin ha pe iod, hey a e s ill on du y and doing
o he cho es.
Whe he MZ was ac i ely engaged in a ask o was be ween asks, she was
on du y o app oxima ely 99 hou s o wo k each week. In 2015, M’s mon hly
wage was HK$4,600 and he minimum wage o ci izens was HK$32.50 pe
hou (Hong Kong SAR Labou Depa men , 2015). To illus a e ma hema ically
how he wage dep ecia es wi h he long hou s o wo k, he hou ly a e can be
Policy and/ s People 63
ule’ (Uni ed Na ions Economic and Social Council, 2013, p. 5). Alongside he
UN Human Righ s Commi ee, he Commi ee on he Elimina ion o Racial
Disc imina ion, Amnes y In e na ional, Human Righ s Wa ch and Ox am ha e
also u ged he Hong Kong au ho i ies o epeal he ule, as i has a di ec impac
on he condi ions o employmen and li ing condi ions o mig an domes ic
wo ke s in Hong Kong.
The wo-week ule nega i ely impac s on he mig an wo ke s’ wellbeing, as
he e ms wi hin he o icial con ac con inue o disempowe hem and gi e
hidden leniencies o employe s o exe con ol o e he wo ke s. The ule also
becomes a p essu e poin ha hangs o e he wo ke s as hei income, shel e
and legi imacy in Hong Kong a e in e connec ed and could be denied wi h-
ou eal eason and legal p o ec ion ha suppo s hem. In his way, mig an
domes ic wo ke s a e mo e likely o emain silen and comply wi h ex ended
wo king hou s and o he possible o ms o unp o essional eques s and exploi a-
ion. Conside a ions o wellbeing, om ha ing pe sonal space o aking b eaks
and o he eques s, can also become supe luous and be sel - o ei ed o secu e
employmen .
Non-ci izenship: pe manen ly empo a y
One o he mos con es ed and conc e e ea u es wi hin he employmen policy
ha c ea es a speci ically es ic ed con ex o mig an domes ic wo ke s in Hong
Kong is ha hey will ne e be eligible o pe manen esidency. No ma e how
long a pe son unde he Fo eign Domes ic Helpe isa has li ed in Hong Kong,
and despi e he ac o he o eigne s on di e en isas can apply o pe manen
esidency, mig an wo ke s exclusi ely will no be eligible.
In 2013, he Hong Kong High Cou denied E angeline B. Vallejos, a Filipino
na ional, he eligibili y o apply o ci izenship al hough she had li ed and wo ked
in Hong Kong as a mig an domes ic wo ke con inuously o se en een yea s.
This was a con en ious case as Hong Kong’s immig a ion laws allow any o eign
pe son who has li ed in he ci y-s a e con inuously o se en yea s o apply o
pe manen esidency. Despi e his, he uling made mig an domes ic wo ke s an
excep ion and demons a ed no leniency owa ds Vallejos’s con inuous con ibu-
ion o he Hong Kong employe s. I symbolised a dis ega d o he in eg al ole
ha mig an domes ic wo ke s play in Hong Kong socie y and a non- accep ance
o hem beyond he in e mi en s a us o a empo a y gues wo ke . I also placed
hem in a s a e o excep ion ha sepa a es hem om o he o eigne s wo king
in Hong Kong. F om he in e iews I conduc ed be ween 2013–2023 and he
coun less wo ke s I ha e spoken o, he majo i y ha e enewed hei wo-yea isa
mo e han wo imes and ha e been wo king in Hong Kong o o e i e yea s,
and a he ime o he in e iews we e no planning o lea e. In he case o he
sho es du a ion o a wo ke I ha e me , she had only jus s a ed he i s wo-
yea con ac , while he longes du a ion o employmen o a wo ke I spoke o

64 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
was hi y-one yea s. Legally, hey a e excluded om pu chasing o en ing p op-
e y in hei own name and a e con ac ually obliga ed o he li ing a angemen
p o ided by hei employe s inside hei home. Al hough i has been known ha
some employe s p o ide sepa a e accommoda ion, i is illegal and bo h pa ies
could be p osecu ed i ound. The denial o pe manen esidency also means he
wo ke s canno ha e ano he legal iden i y o he han ha o a mig an domes ic
wo ke in Hong Kong o as long as hey en e ed and s ayed in he ci y unde
ha isa. Unde he legali ies o hei en y, hey a e empo a y wi h exclusi ely
limi ed igh s, ye hey ha e p o en o be a pe manen pa o he socie y, play-
ing an in insic pa in Hong Kong’s economy and li es yle. They dwell wi hin
Go gio Agamben’s ‘s a e o excep ion’ whe e hey a e pe manen ly in a ‘zone
o indi e ence’ whe e he in e nal and ex e nal do no exclude, a he blu wi h
each o he (2005). Thei excep ion o he no m p esen s wo issues: i s ly he
complex in e dependen ela ionship be ween hem and Hong Kong socie y, and
secondly hei con inuous ole in Hong Kong despi e being empo a y esiden s.
D awing upon Daisy Tam’s engagemen wi h Michel Se es’s wo k The Pa asi e,
and Saskia Sassen’s posi ioning o ci izenship and alienage, hese wo issues
e eal an al e na i e way o unde s and he Fo eign Domes ic Helpe s, no jus as
one- dimensional mig an wo ke s; a he as ac o s wi h po en ial o legi imacy
and agency (Sassen, 2005; 2008; Se es, 2007; Tam, 2016). This in o ms he lens
h ough which we can unde s and mig an domes ic labou h ough he agency
o space, gende and labou .
Tam discusses he so-called messy geog aphies o Li le Manila and he pa a-
si ic ela ions be ween Filipino mig an domes ic wo ke s and Hong Kong (2016,
pp. 119–135). Using Se es’s eading o The Pa asi e (2007), Tam in oduces a
pa adigm whe e he gues wo ke s and hos s – mig an domes ic wo ke s and
Hong Kong – a e in e dependen and co-exis ing a he han a one-sided pa a-
si ic dependency om he gues wo ke s on he hos s. Tam expands on he p ob-
lema ic gene alisa ion o he pa asi e: In con empo a y poli ical media, mig an
wo ke s, e ugees and asylum seeke s a e o en po ayed as poache s, pe cei ed
h ough me apho ical associa ions o aking wi hou gi ing back, p o i ee s o
he hos coun y (2016, p. 129). The igu e o he pa asi e ega ded as a pu ely
nega i e, des uc i e o undesi able agen is widely deployed o s igma ise and
e oke dis us ; o example, he blaming o economic p oblems and unemploy-
men on mig an labou e s o bene i chea s. Tam deploys Se es’s poin ha ‘ he
pa asi ic ela ion is in e subjec i e, ha he oles o hos s/gues s a e no ixed,
ha e e y iden i iable ac o is capable o aking up he place o he o he wi h
he shi o ci cums ance’ (Tam, 2016, p. 130).
This poin is c ucial as he complex in e dependen ela ions be ween he
mig an domes ic wo ke s and Hong Kong un old. In Hong Kong, agencies
p o i om ees ob ained om he wo ke s and employe s, households gain
ano he se o income since domes ic labou allows ano he amily membe o
Policy and/ s People 65
ake on o mal employmen , and he Hong Kong go e nmen bene i s om
mo e ci izens pa icipa ing in he o mal sec o and no needing o p o ide he
same social wel a e o he mig an wo ke s as hey a e empo a y esiden s. The
Philippines and Indonesia also ha e a chain o bene icia ies: he mig an wo ke s
ea n a highe sala y in Hong Kong han a home, hei amilies a e suppo ed by
hei emi ances, emi ance agencies collec ees om hei mon hly ans e s,
mobile phone and cellula da a companies ha e made exponen ial p o i om all
mig an wo ke s who a e in cons an communica ion wi h hei iends and am-
ilies, agencies p o i om aining cou ses ha domes ic wo ke s pa icipa e in
be o e a i ing in Hong Kong ha gi e hem a sligh compe i i e edge, and las ly
he wo ke s’ emi ances con ibu e o he GDP o hei home coun ies. F om
hese in e connec ions, i becomes appa en ha he wo ke s ac i a e a se ies
o inancial bene i s whe e i is no longe alid o iew hem wi hin a hie a chy
whe e hey a e simply pa asi ic gues s. The ela ions desc ibed by Tam a e a
collec ion o economic and social ne wo ks ha ha e become a pa asi ic ecology
ha he mig an domes ic wo ke s ope a e in. As pu by Tam, ‘In Li le Manila,
mig an wo ke s do no andalize he ace o Hong Kong. They a e wha makes
Hong Kong’ (2016, p. 133).
Apa om he pa asi ic pa adigm, Saskia Sassen’s conside a ions on he
dicho omy o ci izenship and alienage ou lines he need o eposi ion con empo-
a y unde s andings o hese e ms, as she s a es:
The wo ounda ional subjec s o membe ship in he mode n na ion s a e, he
ci izen and he alien, a e unde going signi ican changes in he cu en pe iod.
The e ec is a pa ial blu ing o each o he ci izen subjec and he alien subjec .
(2005, p. 79)
The s a us o mig an domes ic wo ke s in Hong Kong should be unde s ood as
a blu ed s a us be ween ci izen and non-ci izen. This blu ing o hei in e mi -
en mig an s a us ye es ablished labou ole ende s hei s a us mo e complex
o de ine when hey ac wi h agency. Saskia Sassen no es ha he e a e ce ain
global ans o ma ions ha a e shi ing he ela ionship be ween ci izenship and
he na ion-s a e: i s ly i is he expansion o globalisa ion-linked policies ha
ha e esul ed in economic p i a isa ion since he 1980s; secondly and conse-
quen ly, he communi ies and social g oups ha a e s eng hened by hese ans-
o ma ions ha e inc easingly ques ioned he need o iden i y wi h a na ion as
ep esen ed by he s a e (2005, p. 80). The concep o ci izenship is a complex
one, especially in he cu en global poli ical clima e whe e people a e cons an ly
mo ing o wo k, seeking e uge o ha e been displaced. To eposi ion ci izen-
ship agains hese global ans o ma ions equi es a p ocess o decons uc ing he
basic unde s anding o ci izenship.
Ci izenship can be de ined as he s a e o being gi en he igh s, p i ileges
and du ies o a membe o socie y. I is also a powe ul poli ical ideal as i ela es
66 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
o being a legi ima e pa o a socie y a he han an illegi ima e o a empo-
a y one. I en i les p o ec ion o people in hei home coun y and ab oad.
Ci izenship also alludes o equali y i espec i e o a pe son’s gende , e hnici y,
weal h o sexual o ien a ion. Sassen illus a es ha i is no o mal ea u es o
ci izenship ha ha e changed, a he he embeddedness o ci izenship and he
na ion-s a e, and a gues ha he global o ces a e des abilising he ela ionship
o ci izenship and he na ion s a e, hus c ea ing oppo uni ies o he eme gence
o new ypes o poli ical subjec s and new spa iali ies o poli ics (2005). New
ypes o poli ical subjec s can be a ious non- o malised o pa ly o malised
poli ical ac o s. Fu he mo e, in o mal p ac ices and poli ical subjec s no qui e
ully ecognised (as ci izens) can none heless unc ion as pa o he poli ical land-
scape (2005, pp. 80–81). Undocumen ed immig an s who a e long- e m esi-
den s engage in p ac ices ha a e he same as hose o o mally de ined ci izens
in he ou ines o daily li e; his p oduces an in o mal social con ac be ween
hese immig an s and he communi y.
I asse ha mig an domes ic wo ke s in Hong Kong a e a new ype o
poli ical subjec ha a e nei he ci izens no non-ci izens ma e ialised om
he des abilisa ion o he ci izenship and na ion-s a e couple . They a e no
legally ecognised as pe manen esiden s, bu hey a e an in eg al pa o
Hong Kong’s labou o ce. As such hey a e an indispensable pa o he local
economic, social and poli ical landscape; e e y Sunday, as hey eme ge om
hei employe s’ homes and exe cise hei igh o public space, app op ia -
ing and ans o ming o eclaim spaces o hei own needs. Thus, hey a e
poli ical bodies in Hong Kong and ha e become wha may be conside ed as
eme gen poli ical subjec s and new eme gen s – as subjec s o dena ionalised
o ms o ci izenship (Sassen, 2005, p. 81–88). They also pa icipa e in o he
o ms o engagemen and social exe cise o eedom and powe such as join-
ing in o mal mig an wo ke hobby g oups (kickboxing, yoga, dance, a and
cooking a e e y popula ), liaising wi h local NGOs o ou each e en s and
olun ee ing wi h hem o a ious e en s.
Reconside ing how mig an domes ic wo ke s in Hong Kong a e ca ego ised
wi hin he discou se o ci izenship is ele an due o he spa ial and geog aphical
con ex hey inhabi . Sassen no es ha he eposi ioning o ci izenship and alien-
age is pa icula ly isible in he ‘global ci y’ as i is a s a egic si e o new ypes
o ope a ions, whe e new socio-poli ical claims ma e ialise and assume conc e e
o ms (Sassen, 2014, pp. 9–10). Hong Kong is in ac a global ci y, a s a egic si e
whe e:
Disad an aged people, while powe less, gain p esence and hence he possibili y
o a new kind o poli ics and cul u e. Inso a as immig an s and poli ical e ugees
a e pa o he disad an aged, he global ci y is also a si e o pos -colonial his o y.
Hong Kong emains as a space o a ce ain ype o con es a ion. (Sassen, 1998,
p. 131)
Policy and/ s People 67
Rela ing o Hong Kong as a global ci y, i is also a space o con es a ion and a
si e whe e people wi h less powe , such as mig an domes ic wo ke s, can gain
p esence, au onomy and o an ex en , powe , o c ea e a new kind o poli ics and
cul u e. Sassen u he elabo a es ha he global ci y enables a pa ial ein en-
ion o ci izenship and his ein en ion shi s away om he na owly de ined
na ion-s a e owa ds ci izenship p ac ices ha e ol e a ound claiming igh s o
he ci y (2005, pp. 81–82). In global ci ies, u ban p ac ices con ain he possibili y
o di ec ly engaging s a egic o ms o powe , a signi ican poin in a con ex
whe e powe is inc easingly p i a ised, globalised and elusi e. As eme gen s o
dena ionalised o ms o ci izenship in a global ci y, mig an domes ic wo ke s
ha e ein en ed hei ela ionship wi h Hong Kong by hei con inuous spa ial
and social p ac ices, which simul aneously a e a claim o hei igh s o he ci y.
Da id Ha ey p oposes ha Hen i Le eb e’s ision o he igh o he ci y is:
Fa mo e han he indi idual libe y o access u ban esou ces: i is a igh o
change ou sel es by changing he ci y. I is, mo eo e , a common a he han an
indi idual igh since his ans o ma ion ine i ably depends upon he exe cise o
a collec i e powe o eshape he p ocesses o u baniza ion. The eedom o make
and emake ou ci ies and ou sel es is, I wan o a gue, one o he mos p ecious
ye mos neglec ed o ou human igh s. (2012, p. 10)
Dwelling wi hin a blu ed s a us be ween ci izenship and empo a y esidency in
Hong Kong, mig an domes ic wo ke s, as eme gen s o a dena ionalised o m
o ci izenship, con inue o eclaim space, oge he wi h hei igh o he ci y,
ac ing as empowe ed agen s in he local and global s uc u e o global mig a ion
labou despi e he economic and social limi a ions.
Conclusion
This chap e discussed he economic o ces o mig an labou and p o ided
con ex s o bo h he labou -sending na ions – speci ically he Philippines and
Indonesia, and he labou - ecei ing s a e o Hong Kong. I demons a ed how
he exis ing amewo ks o poli ical economy a e insu icien in g appling wi h
he si ua ion in Hong Kong. The neoclassical economic heo y iews mig an s
as indi idual, a ional ac o s, who a e assumed o ha e ee choice o mo e on
he basis o a cos -bene i calcula ion (De Haas, 2008), and ha he mo i a-
ion o u al o u ban mig a ion, o mig a ion om less-de eloped economies
o de eloped economies, is ‘ ha mig a ion p oceeds in esponse o u ban- u al
di e ences in expec ed ea nings wi h he u ban employmen a e ac ing as an
equilib a ing o ce on such mig a ion’ (Ha is & Toda o, 1970, p. 126). The c i-
iques o neoclassical economic heo y o mig a ion labou a la ge conside
i as being one o an ‘a-his o ical and Eu ocen ic’ na u e, and he his o ical-
s uc u alis heo y on mig a ion eme ged as a esponse, claiming ha economic
68 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
and poli ical powe is unequally dis ibu ed among de eloped and unde de el-
oped coun ies, leading o people ha ing unequal access o esou ces and ha
capi alis s uc u e and i s con inuing expansion ein o ce hese inequali ies
(Cas les & Mille , 2003; Massey e al., 1998; De Haas, 2008). Responding o gaps
be ween he amewo ks and heo ies came he new economics o labou mig a-
ion, acknowledging ha mig a ion decisions a e no made by isola ed indi iduals
bu by la ge uni s o people such as amilies o households (S a k & Bloom,
1985). Howe e , i is s ill oo indi idualis in ha i does no conside he con-
s ain s a he s uc u al le el ha shape mig a ion dynamics, no o indi idual
mig an agency in e ac ing wi h he s uc u e ha i is in o med and cons ained
by (Ab eu, 2012). Conside ing he speci ici y o mig an domes ic wo ke s’ si u-
a ion in Hong Kong, exis ing amewo ks can be applied, ye he e a e missing
elemen s in (u ban) economics and pa icula i ies conce ning space, labou and
gende ha need o be included. This is whe e s a i ica ion economics could
be a possible amewo k o conside aspec s o iden i y and powe , and used o
conside he powe dynamics embedded in he labou , gende and spa ial s uc-
u e en o ced by mig a ion labou policies. In Hong Kong, he mig an labou
policies speci ically c ea ed o Fo eign Domes ic Helpe s e eal how he wo ke s
a e limi ed spa ially and economically, which ein o ces hei pe manen ly em-
po a y posi ion in Hong Kong socie y. I asse ha hese policies we e c ea ed no
o he p o ec ion o he people (people being he mig an wo ke s), a he hey a e
policies agains he people’s p o ec ion, wellbeing and de elopmen , consequen ly
c ea ing a wo k o ce wi h limi ed op ions and s agna ed mobili y o he sake
o cheap, impo ed labou . The nex chap e will di e deepe o illus a e he
impac s o hese policies in he domes ic spaces o Hong Kong, whe e p ac ices
o opp ession b eed and es e , u he ma ginalising he wo ke s’ empo al posi-
ion o a subo dina e one.
No es
1. In 2007, he legal minimum allowable wage o mig an domes ic wo ke s in Hong Kong
was aised om HK$3,270 o $3,480, as publicised by a Hong Kong go e nmen p ess
elease: h p://www.in o.go .hk/gia/gene al/200706/05/P200706050169.h m
2. In 2014, E wiana Sulis yaningsih was a 23-yea -old Indonesian mig an domes ic wo ke
in Hong Kong who had su e ed om eigh mon hs o abuse by he employe s. He
emale employe was ound guil y o causing g ie ous bodily ha m and he case ecei ed
wo ldwide a en ion, speci ically on he p eca ious si ua ions and limi ed igh s o mig an
domes ic wo ke s in Hong Kong and mig an domes ic wo ke s wo ldwide.
3. The Republic Ac No. 8042, also known as he Mig an Wo ke s and O e seas Filipinos
Ac o 1995, was an ac o ins i u e he policies o o e seas employmen and es ablish a
highe s anda d o p o ec ion o O e seas Filipino Wo ke s.
4. P ejudices and examples o he ypes o disc imina ion he mig an wo ke s ace om
hei employe s, and he concep ion o such a i udes, will be discussed in he nex chap e .

CHAPTER 2
Na a i es o Opp ession: Se i ude,
In isibili y and Spacelessness
F om he p e ious chap e , he legali ies wi hin he Fo eign Domes ic Helpe
con ac ha a e p oblema ic ha e been ou lined and unpacked in de ail: hei
meag e wages ha dep ecia e, especially in he commonly p ac iced con ex o
un egula ed wo k hou s, he wo-week ule ha p essu ises he secu i y o hei
wo k con ac and igh o be in he ci y-s a e, and hei unending empo a y
s a us speci ic o hei wo k isa ha denies hei eligibili y o pe manen esi-
dency. Mig an domes ic wo ke s in Hong Kong ope a e in a di e en ca ego y
han all o he wo ke s – local o expa ia e. The single bigges issue ha con ibu es o
hei ma ginalisa ion and unde pins he possibili y o all kinds o exploi a ion is he li e-in
equi emen . I limi s he wo ke s’ spa ial mobili y by assigning hem one space o
wo k and li e in – hei employe s’ homes – o he en i e y o hei ime in Hong
Kong. This case e lec s he b oade poli ical economic a gumen o paying
a en ion o, and ac ing on, ins i u ions o space and en and how hey mould
mig an expe iences ac oss he wo ld (Obeng-Odoom, 2022). In wha ollows, I
nuance, en ich and ex end his a gumen by examining he p ac ices o con ol
and discipline ha occu in he home h ough exis ing li e a u e and in e iews
wi h wo ke s be ween 2013 and 2022. I will begin he chap e by o eg ounding
he his o y o domes ic se i ude in Hong Kong ha con ex ualises he discipli-
na y p ac ices expe ienced by mig an domes ic wo ke s and gi e backg ound o
he o ma ion o he socio-cul u al posi ion o he wo ke s h ough Hong Kong’s
Chinese and colonial his o y. No Home o One’s Own will ollow and unpack he
de ails in he con ac ha sugges s meag e spa ial p o isions wi hin he li e-in
equi emen , e lec ing he policy’s sympa hy owa ds he spa ial limi a ions
o Hong Kong’s housing si ua ion, he e o e gi ing powe o he employe s o
decide how much oom (o en e y li le) o p o ide o he wo ke . This sec ion
is i led as a nod o Vi ginia Wool ’s ex ended essay A Room o One’s Own whe e
she amously a icula es he idea ha ‘A woman mus ha e money and a oom
o he own i she is o w i e ic ion’ (1929, p. 5). A c y o a adical idea nea ly
a cen u y ago o women o be gi en he same inancial and spa ial access in
o de o become equal membe s o men in socie y, ye i emains obsole e in he
con ex o p o iding sepa a e housing o women mig an domes ic wo ke s in
con empo a y Hong Kong. This sec ion includes spa ial d awings o he li ing
expe iences o in e iewed wo ke s o isualise he measu able eali y o no
ha ing a oom o hei own. The h ee sec ions ha ollow unde Subo dina e
2. Na a i es o Opp ession: Se i ude, In isibili y and Spacelessness
70 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
posi ion in he home: ‘Is ha wha you a e wea ing oday?’, ‘Wha a e you ea ing?’ and
‘Whe e a e you going?’ a e i led wi h quo es om in e iews wi h wo ke s ela ing o
hei li ed expe ience, which u he illus a e he o ms o disciplina y p ac ices
occu ing inside he homes ha ein o ce hei subo dina e posi ion in he home.
These p ac ices and expe iences a e o en in isible o ou side s bu a e common
wi hin he expe iences o mig an domes ic wo ke s. This chap e seeks o ully
illus a e and demons a e he de imen al e ec s o he lack o adequa e and
sepa a e housing p o ision o he wo ke s and how hese spa ial, socio-cul u al
opp essions o m he agency and esis ance ha a e on ull display when he
wo ke s eme ge as a collec i e o people, no jus wo ke s, on hei weekly day
o wo k.
Hong Kong’s his o y o domes ic se i ude
Mig an domes ic wo ke s as a labou g oup in Hong Kong o m pa o a
con inuous his o y o se an labou o emale domes ic se an s om China.
A gumen s om exis ing knowledge p o ide he his o ical and cul u al con ex
o se i ude in Hong Kong and demons a e he in luence i has had on he cu -
en disciplina y p ac ices imposed on mig an domes ic wo ke s; he disciplining
o adi ional Chinese emale domes ic se an s in Hong Kong (Cons able, 1997;
2007; Gaw, 1991; Wa son, 1980), he blu ed bounda ies and oles o wi es,
concubines and se an s in p e-colonial and ea ly colonial imes (Sanka , 1978;
Wa son, 1991), he p i a e ela ionships and ensions be ween emale employe s
and emale se an s (Cons able, 1996; Jaschok, 1988; Rollins, 1985) and he mis-
cons ued sexual de iance o Filipino mig an domes ic wo ke s in Hong Kong
(Cons able, 1997).
Nicole Cons able con ends ha Hong Kong employe s discipline he wo k-
e s because hey hold on o he pas images and memo ies o obedien Chinese
se an s who ‘know hei places’ and pose no mo al challenge o exis ing pa -
e ns o au ho i y (Cons able, 1997). In con as , hey see con empo a y mig an
domes ic wo ke s as sexualised o eign women, hus legi imising hei exe cise
o con ol o sa is y p e ious s anda ds o se i ude (Cons able, 1997; 2007).
Cons able adds ha he public conce n abou Filipino mig an wo ke s’ sexuali y
is linked o b oade changes in women’s oles in he home o sa is ying he a-
di ional domes ic oles o mo he hood and womanhood, as well as en e ing in o
he public wo k o ce and becoming inancially independen , and in he social
iden i ies o he wo ke s (1997). The his o ical in luence o he adi ional Hong
Kong Chinese domes ic se an s and he con empo a y me hods o discipline
used in he homes o employe s a e p oblema ic. Toge he , hey ha e dis inc ly
solidi ied mig an domes ic wo ke s’ socio-spa ial and cul u al disen anchise-
men in Hong Kong beyond hei economic ma ginalisa ion and empo a y
esidency s a us.
Na a i es o Opp ession 71
The concep o se i ude and he se an as a common igu e wi hin he
domes ic ealm o Hong Kong uns deep in o i s Chinese and colonial his-
o y (Jaschok, 1988; Wa son, 1980). Du ing he mid-nine een h cen u y, weal hy
Chinese amilies on he mainland elied on ee and un ee men and women
wo ke s. Up un il 1949 ‘China had one o he la ges and mos comp ehensi e
ma ke s o he exchange o human beings in he wo ld’ (Wa son, 1980, p. 223).
Pa icipa ion in domes ic labou by bo h local men and women was p ac ised
in Hong Kong Chinese households and he homes o B i ish go e nmen pe -
sonnel om he ea ly 1900s (Ca oll, 2007; Tsang, 2007). Oppo uni ies a ose
o men o wo k as manual labou e s, ickshaw pulle s o d i e s, which g adu-
ally dec eased hei pa icipa ion in domes ic labou , hus ‘Hong Kong expe i-
enced a s ic e “ eminiza ion” o household wo k’ (Cons able, 1996, p. 452). As
Hong Kong’s manu ac u ing sec o expanded exponen ially in he la e 1960s,
olde Hong Kong women who migh o he wise ha e become domes ic wo ke s
op ed ins ead o ac o y wo k, while new se ice sec o jobs a ac ed younge
middle-class women in o he paid wo k o ce (Cons able, 1996, p. 453). The
numbe o adi ional Chinese domes ic wo ke s dec eased because o old age,
e i emen and o he job oppo uni ies, hus he demand o household wo ke s
con inued o inc ease. This gap led o he impo o mig an domes ic wo k-
e s om neighbou ing Sou heas Asian coun ies. Since hen, domes ic wo k in
Hong Kong has e ol ed in o a sec o ha is synonymous wi h empo a y emale
mig an s om Sou heas Asia, especially hose om he Philippines and la e ,
Indonesia.
Compa isons o he quali y o se ice a e made be ween he p e ious
league o Chinese se an s and he con empo a y mig an domes ic wo ke s, as
Cons able no es: ‘ uelled by a powe ul sense o nos algia, Hong Kong Chinese
employe s ca y p ejudice owa ds he mig an domes ic wo ke s wi h he no ion
ha Can onese domes ic se an s we e mo e supe io ’ (Cons able, 2007, p. 44).
His o ically, in la e Impe ial China and Hong Kong, Chinese se an s came om
a a ie y o social g oups and we e in eg a ed in o he amily o he en i e y
o hei li es (Gaw, 1991). This di e s o how mig an domes ic wo ke s a e, as
hey wo k o he employe s on wo-yea con ac s a a ime, a e no a pa o
he amily as a egula membe and a e iden i ied as o eigne s in he home. The
employmen o domes ic se an s was common in weal hy Chinese amilies in
mainland China h oughou he mid-nine een h cen u y and ex ended o Hong
Kong when i became a B i ish colony. A he ime, house wo ke s consis ed o
bo h ee and un ee men and women. Mos ee se an s we e men, while mos
emale se an s we e un ee. The e we e wo main ypes o emale Chinese se -
an s: he muijai,1 who we e young women pu chased o become li elong se an s
o a amily; and he amah, who we e olde , swo n spins e s who wo ked o a
amily (Wa son, 1991). The undamen al di e ence be ween he wo g oups o
womens’ labou condi ions and iden i y es ed upon hei ee o un ee s a us;
72 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
he muijai, who we e a commodi y pu chased by he amily, held a lowe socioec-
onomic s a us and had less powe han he amah, who we e con ac ed employees
o he amily.
These ypologies o domes ic wo ke s a e no longe p ac ised as hey became
ou da ed and we e e en ually eplaced by mig an domes ic wo ke s. Wi hin he
cul u al con ex o Hong Kong, he con empo a y mig an domes ic wo ke s
a e pa o ha lineage and a e o en compa ed o he s e eo yped iden i y o
muijai – he docile, obedien emale commodi y o he household (Cons able,
1996; 2007). Muijai we e synonymous wi h un ee and young emale se an s.
They we e sold o become inden u ed se an s. Inden u ed se i ude e e s o
he labou sys em widely p ac ised in he B i ish colonies o No h Ame ica in
he eigh een h cen u y, whe e se an s wo ked o a ixed numbe o yea s wi h-
ou pay o ob ain eedom o hen wo k on hei own. Mig an s who a elled
ac oss he ocean o escape po e y in B i ain we e sold as inden u ed se an s
by he seamen who b ough hem o e . This was an exploi a i e si ua ion, as he
inden u ed se an essen ially signed o e hei eedom o li e as he employe
e ained he se an ’s iden i ica ion – he employmen con ac – and epea edly
sold i along wi h he se an o o he employe s.
The muijai in Hong Kong ollowed a simila ajec o y o he inden u ed se -
an s in he Wes . In many cases, o ob ain li elong suppo ou side o inden-
u ed se i ude, emale subjec s p e e ed o be ma ied o , e en in hei eens,
o ano he amily, e en as mis esses o concubines.2 Cons able s a es ha ‘ he
ending o a muijai’s obliga ion o he mas e a ma iage heo e ically di e -
en ia ed he p ac ice om o he mo e ex eme o ms o sla e y’ (2007, p. 49).
This ans e al o iden i y as inden u ed se an s o ma ied subjec s con inually
eins a ed he women’s li es as illegi ima e commodi ies ha emained wi hin he
domes ic ealm. The p ac ice o muijai emained in e ec un il he 1940s e en
hough Queen Vic o ia abolished sla e y in 1844; howe e he p ac ice o muijai
was o en unde ec ed when he emale se an s we e disguised as membe s o
he amily (Jaschok, 1988, p. 133). Al hough he mig an domes ic wo ke s do no
pa icipa e in inden u ed se i ude, hei legi ima e esidency in he ci y-s a e,
including hei accommoda ion and income, elies solely on he employmen
con ac .3
The amah was a pa icula ype o Chinese domes ic wo ke di e en om
he p o ile o he muijai. Du ing he 1930s, spins e s o widowed women om
nea by p o inces in sou he n China eloca ed o Hong Kong seeking employ-
men . Many o hese women wo ked in se icul u e, which collapsed as a esul
o he Chinese ci il wa and he Japanese occupa ion in 1937 (Gaw, 1991).
Simul aneously, he ec ui men o muijai was no illegal ye i was dec easing
in social accep ance, he e o e wi h he in lux o olde women wi h p e ious
wo k expe ience, amah became mo e app op ia e candida es o domes ic wo k.
The e m amah is a de i a i e o se e al o he Chinese e ms pe aining o we
Na a i es o Opp ession 79
On a Sunday a e noon in 2021, I sa wi h KL and FH, on a walkway ou side
Vic o ia Pa k in Causeway Bay. This is an a ea whe e many Indonesian mig an
domes ic wo ke s ga he . P io o he pandemic, many Indonesian wo ke s ga h-
e ed in he pa k on hei day o wo k, howe e , a he ime, he pa k was closed
due o he social dis ancing measu es. We sa on he g ound wi h abou one
me e dis ance om each o he , on a space made up o ou pieces o la ened
ca dboa d boxes. This empo a y space o he h ee o us was app oxima ely
3 me es long by 1.5 me es wide. KL and FH had mo e iends si ing wi h
hem usually, bu because o COVID-19 ules hey had a sepa a e space close
by. Al hough his makeshi space was sha ed, he g oup could expand he size
o hei ga he ing space as hey wished. Compa ed o he makeshi bed space
F had in he li ing oom and KL’s sha ed bed oom wi h he employe ’s child
o six days each week, hei empo a y space on Sunday was nea ly h ee imes
as la ge.
KL and FH’s ci cums ance we e no unique, which echoes he indings
o o he esea che s and o ganisa ions (Amnes y In e na ional, 2013; Asian
Mig a ion Cen e, 2004; Cons able, 2007; Law, 2001; Zoi l, 2008). O he wo k-
e s I in e iewed, he majo i y slep on ma esses o makeshi beds in child en’s
bed ooms o sha ed bed ooms, and a small numbe slep in communal spaces
wi h o wi hou spa ial di ide s, and he smalles numbe had hei own bed oom.
In he a es ci cums ances whe e he wo ke s ha e a oom o hei own, hese
ooms migh no be egula bed ooms, a he hey may be laund y ooms o win-
dowless ooms c ea ed by subdi iding a oom. Nicole Cons able no es h ough
he esea ch ha in cases whe e domes ic wo ke s had hei own ‘qua e s’, hey
we e gene ally a small windowless bed oom and i hey had hei own ba h oom,
i ypically had less ix u es han he amily ba h oom, a squa oile a he han
asea , and a showe ha is a auce ha d ains o a hole in he loo a he hana
sepa a e showe s all (Cons able, 2007, p. 109). Ou o he wo ke s I me who
had hei own bed oom, some did indeed ha e egula bed ooms while some had
bed ooms ha we e con e ed om walk-in wa d obes, laund y ooms and o he
ooms. All o he wo ke s I in e iewed who did no ha e hei own bed oom
men ioned he discom o , di icul ies and o he unpleasan expe iences due o
he lack o hei own p i a e bed oom.
On accep able s anda ds o domes ic wo ke s’ accommoda ion wi hin
employe s’ homes, A icle 6 o he In e na ional Labou O ganisa ion
Con en ion 189 (In e na ional Labou O ganisa ion, 2011, p. 3) s a es: Each
membe shall ake measu es o ensu e ha domes ic wo ke s, like wo ke s gen-
e ally, enjoy ai e ms o employmen as well as decen wo king condi ions
and, i hey eside in he household, decen li ing condi ions ha espec hei
p i acy. This a icle is suppo ed by he ecommenda ion ha when accommo-
da ion and ood is p o ided o , he ollowing a e essen ial (In e na ional Labou
O ganisa ion, 2011, p. 13):

80 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
(a) a sepa a e, p i a e oom ha is sui ably u nished, adequa ely en ila ed and
equipped wi h a lock, he key o which should be p o ided o he domes ic
wo ke ;
(b) access o sui able sani a y acili ies, sha ed o p i a e;
(c) adequa e ligh ing and, as app op ia e, hea ing and ai condi ioning in keeping
wi h p e ailing condi ions wi hin he household; and
(d) meals o good quali y and su icien quan i y, adap ed o he ex en easona-
ble o he cul u al and eligious equi emen s, i any, o he domes ic wo ke
conce ned.
As e iden in he employmen con ac o hi ing a mig an domes ic wo ke in
Hong Kong, he p o isions we e b ie and he o e all one was mo e sympa he ic
o he employe s’ possible limi a ions, a he han making clea and de ailed sug-
ges ions ha conside ed he basic spa ial needs o he wo ke . Mos Hong Kong
employe s ha e sa is ied he loose equi emen s wi hin he employmen con ac
bu do no uphold ecommenda ions by he In e na ional Labou O ganisa ion
as hese a e no sugges ed in he Guidebook o he Employmen o Domes ic Helpe s
om Ab oad o o he simila o icial documen s (Hong Kong SAR Immig a ion
Depa men , 2022a). The go e nmen is esponsible o how he wo ke s will
be ecei ed and be p o ided o , and ha should be demons a ed in he o icial
documen s. As poin ed ou , in many cases mig an domes ic wo ke s’ sleeping
a angemen s ake he o m o a ma ess on he loo o he child’s bed oom
(Kwok, 2019; Amnes y In e na ional, 2013, p. 11; Woh e , 2008, pp. 50–57).
Amnes y In e na ional (2013) epo ed ha o e 60% o mig an domes ic wo k-
e s in e iewed did no ha e a oom o hei own in hei employe s’ home. MA,
a 39-yea -old Filipino Fo eign Domes ic Helpe , had wo ked o he same Hong
Kong employe o en yea s and had ne e had a bed oom o he own (MA,
pe sonal communica ion, 8 June 2022). MA said he sleeping a angemen used
o be a single-sized ma ess placed on he loo o he child en’s bed oom when
hey we e younge . When he child en g ew in o hei eens, one o hem mo ed
in o ano he oom, while he o he emained in his oom and hey sha ed a
bunkbed. When she used o sleep on he ma ess placed on he loo be ween
he wo gi ls’ beds, she cons an ly had backaches and enqui ed abou ob aining
a mo e suppo i e ma ess o e en a p ope bed. He employe s we e willing o
eplace he ma ess wi h a new one ha had mo e suppo , and he condi ion
imp o ed when she mo ed on o a bunkbed. None heless, he oldable ma ess as
ease o s o age de e mined he p io i y and quali y o he ma ess. Realis ically,
he e was no enough space in he bed oom o wo young child en and an adul
pe son. She was much happie when one o hem mo ed ou o ha oom and
she could ha e a bed ha was no a ma ess on he loo , as she exclaimed,
I is much be e ha I ha e a bed nowadays. Back hen e en when I was uncom-
o able I a he sleep in he gi ls’ oom han in he li ing oom. I am a leas no
Na a i es o Opp ession 81
sleeping in he ki chen. Once hey [he employe s] joked ha he only oom ha
can i a bed is he ba h oom, o e he ba h ub. I know hey we e joking! Bu o
cou se I had o say no hank you! (Ibid., exclama ion in o iginal)
Apa om he employmen con ac , employe s a e also gi en a Re ised
Schedule o Accommoda ion and Domes ic Du ies, which e e s o he acili ies
p o ided in hei accommoda ion ha equi e employe s o selec ‘yes’ o ‘no’ o
he ollowing i ems:
(a) ligh and wa e supply;
(b) oile and ba hing acili ies;
(c) bed;
(d) blanke s and quil s;
(e) pillows;
( ) wa d obe;
(g) e ige a o ;
(h) desk; and
(i) o he acili ies.
This lis includes a disclaime ha eads: ‘Applica ion o en y isa will no -
mally no be app o ed i he essen ial acili ies om i em a) o ) a e no p o-
ided ee’ (Hong Kong SAR Immig a ion Depa men , 2016, p. 2). Quan a i e
esea ch ha shows he numbe o employe s icking ‘yes’ o all hese equi e-
men s canno be ound; howe e , my in e iews wi h he wo ke s (some ha e
shown me a copy o hei o iginal con ac ) show ha he e is a lack o con-
g uence be ween wha employe s s a e on pape and he li ing condi ions o
he mig an domes ic wo ke s. MA, o example, used o sha e a bed oom wi h
wo child en, which e en ually u ned in o sha ing wi h one; he e was ba ely
enough space o s o age o he belongings and she was also no p o ided wi h
a wa d obe o he own. She sha ed pa o he small wa d obe wi h he chil-
d en and e en ually she was gi en some s o age con aine s ha i ed unde
he bed when hey ins alled a bunkbed. Technically, MA’s employe s had no
ul illed he c i e ia in he lis o equi emen s and he disclaime . As he sched-
ule does no de ine wha is accep able as a wa d obe o a bed o gi e examples
o he a ia ions o such ea u es, hey can be in e p e ed and skewed o he
con enience o he employe s. Mo e impo an ly, like he c i e ia o a sepa a e
space and i s lis ed a ia ions, he acili ies we e se ou as op ions ha may be
nego ia ed o no p o ided by he employe s a hei disc e ion. The i ems on
he lis a e e e yday essen ials ha should no be op ional bu manda o y. The
disclaime no ing ha he isa will no mally no be app o ed i selec ed i ems
we e no p o ided implies he possibili y ha he isa may s ill be app o ed.
The documen should clea ly de ine he manda o y essen ials o e e yday,
ensu ing he employe s a e p o iding a heal hy, sa e and suppo i e domes ic
en i onmen o he mig an domes ic wo ke o wo k and eside in. Howe e ,
82 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
he lack o speci ic manda es in he schedule e lec s sympa hy and leniency
owa ds he employe s’ spa ial and esou ce limi a ions, as i he e is a silen
unde s anding ha he employe s should sa e as much space as possible o ha
he wo ke should ake up as li le space as possible in hei home. I makes
clea ha p io i ising such limi a ions abo e he quali y o li ing o he wo ke s
in he homes o hei employe s is a esul o ea ing labou as a commodi y,
and he wo ke s could emain in isible in he space o as long as he wo k is
isibly comple ed. The li e-in policy and he clauses o accommoda ion a e
no c ea ed o p o ec he wo ke s, a he hey demons a e a ea men o he
wo ke s as a bi-p oduc o he labou and no as people who a e en i led o
decen li ing condi ions. The li e-in equi emen is a means o ha e hem wo k
as e icien ly as possible, maximising he cos e ec i eness. The impac his has
on he wo ke s is hei con inuous sense o spacelessness and in isibili y in he
home ha is also hei wo kplace.
Ou side o hei sleeping hou s, KL, FH and MA’s sleeping a angemen s
and pe sonal belongings we e in some ways s o ed away and ou o sigh in hei
employe s’ homes. Ul ima ely, hey had no space o ha e as hei own apa om
hei bed space in he hou s when hey we e sleeping. Ou side o hei sleeping
hou s, ha space may be ucked, olded o s o ed away and placed ou o sigh .
They had no legi ima e space o hei own inside he homes ha hey li ed in o
many yea s. Thei p i acy was limi ed o ime spen in he ba h oom and em-
po a ily con ained. Concei ably, hey we e spa ially ‘in isible’ o he majo i y o
hei wo k and li ing. Fo six days each week, KL, FH, MA and many mig an
domes ic wo ke s in Hong Kong become isible only in he ac s o con inuous
domes ic du ies. They a e seen when picking up child en om school, wai ing in
line in he supe ma ke , walking dogs, suppo ing he elde ly and such like. Thei
occupancy a home emains ansi o y. F om he ou se , he lenien p o isions
gi e mo e powe o he employe s o limi he wo ke s’ space in hei home. Bu
his is no a classic case o employe -employee s uggle as desc ibed by Ka l Ma x
in ‘ he wo king day’ (Owusu-Ansah, Ohemeng-Mensah, Talinbe, and Obeng-
Odoom, 2018) o wo easons. Fi s , he employe is also a landlo d. Thus, he
powe o landlo ds is d ama ically inc eased, as is he powe o employe s, as
esea ch in o he con ex s (Obeng-Odoom, 2021) demons a es. Second, unlike
he s uc u alis analysis o Ma x, whe e he employe s a e he s onge class
compa ed o he employees as hey ha e mo e powe o exe o ce and de ine
he condi ions o wo k, such as wages and du a ion o wo k (Ma x, 1867/1990,
pp. 162–165), hese mig an domes ic wo ke s ha e one mo e powe o exe cise,
which is wha I ha e been calling spa ial agency (Kwok, 2015; 2019). Thus, when
his deple ion o space pe pe ua es he in isibili y and spacelessness o mig an
domes ic wo ke s, which disempowe s hem and encou ages a cul u e o docile
and disciplined domes ic wo ke s, e e y Sunday, he impac o he li e-in egu-
la ion mani es s in public spaces whe e he wo ke s engage in domes ic ac i i ies
Na a i es o Opp ession 83
such as ea ing oge he , es ing and g ooming in public, as i hey we e in p i a e
spaces o hei own.
The c oss-con amina ion o he wo kplace and home is challenging o bo h
he employe s and he wo ke s as spa ial and p o essional bounda ies dissol e.
Fo he employe s, sha ing hei homes wi h an employee o six days each week
po en ially exposes hei pe sonal ela ionships and beha iou s ha hey o he -
wise would no sha e wi h hei egula co-wo ke s (In e na ional O ganisa ion
o Mig a ion, 2020, p. 22). Con e sely, he wo ke s ha e li le o no p i a e space
o su icien ime away om hei place o wo k o eco e om hei con inuous
labou ou ine. Bo h he employe s and employees ope a e wi hin a complex
en i onmen whe e p o essional and pe sonal bounda ies cons an ly in e mingle,
dissol e, luc ua e and e o m.
Subo dina e posi ion in he home
The lack o spa ial sepa a ion be ween he wo kplace and home acili a es dis-
ciplina y p ac ices, whe e he employe asse s discipline o e he wo ke s and
places hem in a subo dina e posi ion. A imes, hey a e equi ed o communi-
ca e o hei employe s in a manne ha e lec s obedience, and o speak only in
English o Can onese. Many amilies p e e he wo ke s o speak English in he
home, especially o he child en. The e is o en a bias owa ds Filipino wo ke s
o hei English p o iciency, he e o e hey a e p e e ed in aking ca e o chil-
d en. Howe e , whe e he employe s’ English skills a e no p o icien , hey may
speci y hey wan a wo ke who can speak Can onese. In hese ci cums ances,
Indonesian wo ke s may be p e e ed as he e is a pe cep ion o hei g ea e
p o iciency in adap ing o Can onese. Some wo ke s lea n Can onese in aining
agencies in hei home coun y o h ough in ensi e cou ses p o ided by agencies
in Hong Kong. The use o bo h Can onese and English a e common in many
households wi h mig an wo ke s. Employe s also impose a ious o ms o dis-
cipline o e he wo ke s including en o cing house ules, applying ime-based
asks o Nicole Cons able’s so-called ‘budge ing’ ime, speci ying he wo ke s’
physical appea ances and con olling he ood hey consume. These s a egies
a e echoed in Cons able’s Maid o O de in Hong Kong (2007), whe e she examines
he dialec ic ela ionship be ween discipline and esis ance in he li es o Filipino
mig an domes ic wo ke s in Hong Kong. Simila na a i es ha e eme ged om
my in e iews, including he s a egy whe e employe s coe ce he wo ke s o do
ex a wo k by manipula ing hem o belie e hey a e an equal membe o he
employe s’ amily. Cons able calls his ac ic ‘pa o he amily’ whe e employ-
e s gi e he wo ke s a alse sense ha hey a e equally espec ed as a egula
membe o he amily, and he e o e may lead hem o assis he amily ou side
o con ac ual ag eemen s, wo k ex a days o ecei e less pay (Cons able, 2007,
pp. 112–115). The coe ci e na u e o his me hod places he mig an domes ic
84 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
wo ke s in a ulne able posi ion as ela ionships wi h di e en amily membe s
can be used agains hem as eason o pe sonal con lic .
Th oughou he decade ha I ha e been in ol ed in his esea ch and speak-
ing wi h mig an domes ic wo ke s, he o ms o con ol exe ed o e he wo ke s
by hei employe s ha e changed and e ol ed (Kwok, 2015; 2019). F om ac i ely
p essu ing o e en asse ing con ol o e he wo ke s’ appea ance, he ood
hey consume, hei social beha iou s and so on, o sub le commen s and mo e
‘play ul’ cajoling, he e ha e been mo e ins ances a ound discipline h ough
echnology, o example, applying ime limi a ions a ound ‘sc een ime’, limi -
ing access o he home wi eless in e ne ne wo k, p o iding hem wi h a sepa a e
phone ha nega es access o social media accoun s o pe sonal communica ion
du ing wo k hou s, and ha ing su eillance came as in he apa men ha a e
connec ed o he employe s’ phones, among o he hings. The mo e adi ional
o ms o discipline a e s ill p e alen bu ha e lessened, such as con ol o e
he wo ke s’ a i e, he ood hey ea (sepa a e om he ood hey p epa e o
he amily), se ing house ules and cu ews, budge ing o ime and coe cion
h ough being called as pa o he amily. Howe e , as Hong Kong socie y
has slowly p og essed ega ding gende igh s and a i udes owa ds women,
he mo e adi ional o ms o discipline o e he wo ke s ha e loosened, and
ins ead many ha e become mo e passi e ema ks o unwelcomed commen s
a he han en o cemen . These ema ks a e condescending and disempowe ing
as he wo ke s a e being seen as ulne able o gullible people, a he han adul
women who ha e capaci y o manage households while being b eadwinne s
o hei amilies back home. Al hough a i udes ha e changed, wo ke s ha e
had a long p ac ice o sel - disciplining and emaining subse ien a he isk o
losing hei employmen , hei accommoda ion and igh o be in he ci y-s a e.
All o ms o con ol, whe he exe ed by employe s o exe cised by he wo ke s
hemsel es, a e exace ba ed by he c oss-con amina ion o home and he wo k-
place and some only exis because he e is no spa ial sepa a ion o he wo ke s
and hei employe s. The global pandemic exagge a ed he measu es o con ol
e en mo e when e e yone spen mo e ime a home and he e was a g owing
anxie y a ound con ac ing he i us and in ec ing he household. All o ms o
con ol e lec deg ees o dis us om he employe s, which come om he
insecu i y o li ing wi h a s ange in he home, and p ejudices a ound ace,
le el o educa ion and gende ampli y he dis us and disconnec ion. The nex
sec ion will use s o ies collec ed h ough in e iews o illus a e he o ms o
discipline expe ienced by he wo ke s, and he impac hese ha e had in placing
hem in a subo dina e posi ion in he home, and e ec i ely, hei ma ginalised
posi ion in Hong Kong.

Na a i es o Opp ession 85
‘Is ha wha you a e wea ing oday?’: Con olling physical
appea ances
The physical appea ance o a mig an domes ic wo ke can be used o ep esen
he employe ’s powe and he amily’s social s a us (Cons able, 1997). When
he wo ke s i s began o ope a e in Hong Kong in he 70s, many employ-
e s equi ed hem o wea a uni o m, especially when gues s we e isi ing he
home. A he ime, some wo e a maid’s uni o m, ypically a sho -slee ed, knee-
leng h loose- i ing d ess in ligh blue, pink o g ey, some imes wi h an ap on
a ached. When hese uni o ms we e common, hey we e sold in many places
in Hong Kong, including in he shops in Wo ld Wide Plaza in Cen al, whe e
many Filipino wo ke s ga he ed e e y Sunday. The isual iden i y o he uni-
o m was phased ou om he ea ly 1990s onwa ds. Today in Hong Kong, he
wo ke s do no ha e a designa ed uni o m. Thei wo k a i e is usually casual
e e yday clo hing, and some employe s make equi emen s o wha hey deem
app op ia e. Howe e , on he websi es o ec ui men agencies, candida es a e
s ill pic u ed wea ing a maid’s uni o m simila o he one desc ibed abo e ha
was wo n in he 70s. This ou da ed image o he maid eminds employe s o
a pa icula kind o se i ude hey may expec om mig an wo ke s ha is
un ealis ic and ou da ed. The cus om o he domes ic wo ke ’s uni o m in Hong
Kong sha es simila i ies wi h he adi ional appea ance o Chinese se an s;
amah and muijai. The ypical amah was d essed in a black and whi e adi ional
Chinese wo ke ’s sui wi h hei long hai b aided back, which was a cul u al
symbol o hei spins e hood. The muijai, who we e usually much younge gi ls
o women, we e d essed in a simila wo ke ’s sui in a you h ul, lo al pa e n.
These uni o ms clea ly signi ied hem as domes ic se an s and he amilies wi h
se an s we e adi ionally o high socio-economic s a us (Rollins, 1985, p. 129;
Rome o, 1992, p. 112). En o cing uni o ms on domes ic wo ke s had been a
long-s anding adi ion and a o m o body discipline (Cons able, 2007, p. 102).
Today, mig an wo ke s in Hong Kong no longe wea uni o ms, ye in he
s anda dised pho og aphs o wo ke s on he websi es o all employmen agen-
cies, wo ke s a e shown wea ing uni o ms, o en wi h ap ons, wi h simila hai -
cu s, pos u es and cou eous smiles. Oli ia Killias no es ha such s anda dised
po ai s ‘unde line he ocus on he labou ing body and con ibu e o he idea
ha choosing a domes ic wo ke is a ma e o physical measu emen s…, which
sugges s domes ic wo ke s a e all he same, hus easily epleaceable’ (Killias,
2018, p. 9).
I asse ha al hough he wo ke s do no wea uni o ms in he homes, hei
clo hing and appea ance emain unde he sc u iny o hei employe s as a o m
o discipline and con ol.
This en i lemen o ha ing con ol o e he appea ance o he wo ke s has
been enhanced by he popula mis ep esen a ion among Hong Kong ci izens
86 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
ha hey pose a sexual o mo al h ea o he amilies because hey ha e no come
om a lineage o obedien , chas e women who dedica ed hei en i e li es o he
amilies hey wo k o . They can also be misunde s ood as being sel ish mo he s
and wi es who ha e willingly abandoned hei amilies o ea n highe wages in
Hong Kong han in he Philippines (So, 2015). In eali y, his is a p ejudiced mis-
concep ion ha is un ue. Based on my in e iews wi h mig an wo ke s, and he
esea ch o Nicole Cons able (1996; 1997; 1999; 2007), Rhacel Salaza Pa eñas
(2001; 2005a; 2008a) and Ligaya Lindio-McGo e n (2011; 2013) and he wo ks
o many o he schola s, he main eason hese women pa icipa e in domes ic
labou ab oad is o suppo hei amilies back home, whe he in p o iding o
educa ion, o a amily home o bo h. They a e dedica ed mo he s, wi es and
daugh e s whose decision o mig a e is made unde di icul ci cums ances whe e
sac i icing ime wi h he amily is necessa y in o de o inancially suppo he
amily. The p ejudiced misconcep ion impac s he way he wo ke s a e ea ed
by hei employe s.
In 2019, I spoke o PY o e he phone. I ha e known he since 2015 and a
he ime o he in e iew she had been wo king o he same employe s o se en
yea s. On he days o wo k, PY likes o wea makeup, lea ing he hai long
and d essing in ashionable clo hing. She can only d ess his way on he days
o because he emale employe has p e en ed he om doing so a wo k and
has gi en he he imp ession ha wea ing ashionable clo hes is no aligned wi h
being a good wo ke (Pe sonal communica ion, 8 Feb ua y 2015). Du ing he
i s couple o yea s o wo king o his employe , PY o en ecei ed commen s
on he clo hing on Sundays be o e she le home, usually a he o ical ques ion o
‘A e you eally wea ing ha oday?’ This line o ques ioning would be ollowed
by he employe ’s opinion abou sui able clo hing o he body ype o skin one
and how she may no be d essed app op ia ely o a woman o he age who was
a mo he . PY old me he commen s e en ually s opped, bu she became much
mo e awa e o wha he employe migh hink o he and would d ess mo e
conse a i ely so as o no a ac such commen s (Pe sonal communica ion,
17No embe 2019).
Few o he mig an wo ke s in e iewed had he eedom o wea hei wo k
a i e wi hou commen s o ques ions in he i s ew mon hs o yea o hei
wo k wi h a new employe . Many had es ic ions imposed on hem by hei
emale employe s speci ying conse a i e clo hing o be wo n in he home, in he
o m o high neckline ops ha co e he ches , slee es ha co e he shoulde s
e en in ho wea he , loose clo hing ha does no show con ou s o he body and
no d esses o ski s abo e he knees. Some wo ke s commen ed ha hey ha e
obse ed hei emale employe s becoming ne ous a ound young, a ac i e
wo ke s. PY ecalls occasional unpleasan commen s made owa ds he abou
he clo hing choice on Sundays by he emale employe , di ec ly alleging he
image was oo sexualised:
Na a i es o Opp ession 87
I was wea ing a d ess and some boo s, she says I’m looking oo sexy. She ells
me ha Hong Kong people look a us [Filipino wo ke s] and hink we a e no
good women when we d ess like ha ! (Pe sonal communica ion, 8 Feb ua y 2015,
exclama ion in o iginal)
Simila commen s we e made by o he mig an wo ke s I in e iewed o e he
yea s. Some ecalled accusa ions o being ine icien in hei asks when hey spen
ime on hei appea ance, e en on hei day o wo k. The commen s ecei ed
by PY om he employe s, and o he employe s’ a ious commen s abou he
wo ke s appea ing sexualised, gi e legi imacy o he imposi ion o bodily disci-
pline. The mis ep esen a ion o he wo ke s as a sexual h ea is u he skewed
by hei ep esen a ion in mains eam Hong Kong media, as no ed by Cons able,
‘whe e Filipino mig an domes ic wo ke s a e o en c i icised by employe s in
p i a e con e sa ions and in he media – o hei independence, immo ali y,
impe inence, and lack o commi men and dedica ion o he amilies o whom
hey wo k’ (Cons able, 1996, p. 458). O e he yea s, he pe cep ion o he sexu-
alised wo ke has pe sis ed in he mains eam media, as hey a e o en po ayed
as de ious and sexualised women who wan o cause ha m o he employe s in
Can onese ele ision d amas. These na a i es ha e an impac on he eal li es
o wo ke s, as hese alse sen imen s may be ea ed as eal in public. The web-
si e o a Hong Kong-based mig an domes ic wo ke employmen agency, unde
he sec ion o no es and ips o po en ial employe s upon he applica ion o
wo ke s, s a ed in English:
Bo h he husband and he wi e shall join ly selec he Helpe . A beau i ul o young
good-s a u e helpe is mo e a ac i e o he husband, and may cause an a ec ion
dispu e.
(Peony Employmen Agency L d, 2023)
The Chinese language e sion uses a much mo e p oblema ic exp ession, as i
s a es ‘ ha maids who a e beau i ul o in good shape can easily seduce he hus-
bands’ (Ibid.). The sugges ion o he physical appea ance o he wo ke as a
possible cause o a couple’s dispu e is ac ually unsubs an ia ed and e hically i e-
sponsible. Mo eo e , he sugges ion o he possibili y o he physical appea ance
o he emale wo ke seducing he male employe , and causing a b eakdown o
ma iage, is sexis . Public s a emen s like his con inue o mis ep esen mig an
wo ke s and ampli y gende and acial p ejudices ha al eady exis , and gi e a
alse eason o employe s o jus i y hei use o con ol o e he way he wo ke s
d ess, appea , speak and beha e. Addi ionally, hey e lec a dicho omous iden i y
ha Hong Kong employe s may place on he wo ke s om he ou se , as sexual-
ised s ange s wi h ill in en ions.
In 2022, I spoke o BS, who spoke o me abou a ious expe iences wi h he
emale employe s con olling he appea ance. When we i s me in 2015, he
88 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
hen-employe coe ced he o go o a hai salon o ge he long hai cu sho ,
claiming i was be e o wo k because he hai will no ge in he way o cooking
(Pe sonal communica ion, 1 Feb ua y 2015). She was wen y-se en yea s old a
he ime and was on he i s con ac in Hong Kong, so she was sca ed o objec
o he employe s’ wishes. La e , his employe began o buy clo hes o he o
wea as he daily uni o m. She spoke o he amily and some iends abou he
p og essi ely unp o essional demands, and e en ually wi h he help om Mission
o Mig an Wo ke s, she was able o ind ano he employe igh a e he wo-
yea con ac ended. He nex employe old he no o wea any jewelle y, apply
nail polish o wea makeup excep on he day o wo k. She was no bo he ed
by his eques bu would be ques ioned by he employe on whe he she was
wea ing makeup o no :
She asked me why I look nice o go o he shops. I say I am no doing any hing
di e en . She would walk up e y close o me and look a my ace o see i I ha e
make up on. When I d ess nice o go ou on Sunday, she says I should no look
oo nice, because I will a ac he w ong guys. Maybe because I am no ma ied,
she is sca ed I will ha e a boy iend. She asks me why I don’ ha e a husband
back home. I don’ know wha she wan ed. (Pe sonal communica ion, 1 Feb ua y
2022)
Some employe s ha e a p econcei ed idea ha on he wo ke s’ day o wo k,
hey migh engage in o he jobs, pa icula ly in sex wo k. This is pa o he
misconcep ion ha some wo ke s a e o e ly sexual and would engage in ille-
gal, o wha he employe s deem mo ally ques ionable, ac i i ies. BS specu-
la ed ha he employe s we e con olling o how she looked because hey we e
sca ed she would ind a boy iend, o all p egnan . Legally, he employe s
a e no allowed o e mina e he con ac i a mig an domes ic wo ke alls
p egnan and would ha e o p o ide he and he child wi h adequa e ca e and
ime o .
Pu ing es ic ions o demands on he appea ance o a mig an domes ic
wo ke is no an uncommon p ac ice o exe cising con ol. F om speci ying
i ems o clo hing o banning cosme ics o long hai , he emale body is unde
di ec su eillance and discipline, wi h he aim o opp essing indi iduali y and
eminini y. BS and PY ha e bo h been subjec o bodily discipline mo i a ed
by he sexualised h ea o he emale body. In con as o PY, BS expe ienced
a mo e se e e disciplina y imposi ion as he pe cei ed h ea – he eminin-
i y in he o m o he long hai – was o cibly emo ed. S ipping away he
wo ke s’ agency o e hei own physical appea ance and hiding pa icula
physical mani es a ions o eminini y, disciplina y p ac ices shape he wo ke s
o become homogenous bodies ha only exis as obedien and un h ea ening
subjec s o domes ic labou .
Na a i es o Opp ession 95
o he employe s’ spa ial o economic limi a ions, hen i will con inuously make
sub-pa ea men o he wo ke s ine i able and accep able. On a Sunday a e -
noon in 2022, as BS was alking o me in be ween mou h uls o ood ea en wi h
a glo ed hand, she ges u ed o he g oup o iends nex o us, who we e dancing
and laughing:
A leas we can be who we wan o be once a week. We can alk abou who we a e
no jus as wo ke s, jus be us like we a e back home. When we a e a wo k, some-
imes we a e jus being wo ke s, no eally us, you know wha I mean!? (Pe sonal
communica ion, 15 May 2022, exclama ion in o iginal)
In he nex chap e , he wo ke s eme ge om he domes ic in e io in o public
spaces on hei day o wo k, whe e hei agency and esis ance a e enac ed and
wi nessed in ull o ce.
No es
1. Muijai is de ined as a young gi l, some imes as young as 10 yea s old, who was ans-
e ed om he biological amily o ano he amily wi h he in en ion ha she be used as a
domes ic se an wi hou a egula wage and no a libe y o lea e he employe ’s amily
on he own ee will o he pa en s’ will (Cons able, 2007; Wa son, 1991).
2. They could no be wi es as hey we e deemed as illegi ima e and unsophis ica ed
(Cons able, 2007, p. 50).
3. They can ne e become a pe manen esiden on hei own acco d, unless hey en e in o
a ma iage wi h someone who has pe manen esidency and emain in Hong Kong on a
dependen isa and apply o pe manen esidency a e li ing in Hong Kong o mo e
han se en yea s con inuously unde ha isa.
4. Acco ding o Cons able, he e m amah is no o en used when speaking Chinese bu has
been used by Chinese who speak English and by English speake s in Malaysia, Singapo e
and Hong Kong. The exac meaning and o igin o he e m has been deba ed by Chinese
Singapo ean and Malaysian academics Mimi Chan, Helen Kwok and Kenne h Gaw. See
Chan and Kwok (1990, pp. 204–205) and Gaw (1991, pp. 87–89).
5. In his exce p o he English e sion o he con ac , he e ms ‘helpe ’ and ‘se an ’ we e
used in he same sen ence o e e o he Fo eign Domes ic Helpe . The ambigui y in e -
minology con inues o e lec he pe cep ion o he wo ke as bo h a domes ic helpe and
a amily se an .
6. To gi e an example o meal p ices in Hong Kong, as o 2023, he a e age cos o a meal
a McDonalds is HK$45.

CHAPTER 3
Agency and Resis ance
The challenging condi ions o mig an domes ic wo ke s aise he ollowing
ques ions: A e hese wo ke s me e ic ims o do hey exe cise some agency? I so,
how, and o wha ex en could such agency be libe a ing? Could he esponse o
mig an s make anspa en any policy lessons o he labou -sending and ecei -
ing na ions? This chap e will answe hese ques ions by explo ing he ways in
which he wo ke s esis he con inuous socio-spa ial opp ession endu ed du ing
hei wo k week by occupying and ans o ming public space o hei own needs
on hei day o wo k. In so doing, hey c ea e communi y h ough hei ga he -
ings, hus pe o ming hei iden i y and exe cising he eedoms hey egula ly
a e dep i ed o in a unique empo a y socio-spa ial ecology.
A long-s anding deba e be ween neoclassical economis s and Ma xis econ-
omis s is he ex en o which indi idual agency can help o add ess all social
p oblems. The a ional indi idual in he neoclassical model is en i ely eed om
s uc u es and social bonds, while he classical Ma xis models gi e limi ed oom
o indi idual au onomy (Cha usheela, 2005). Eme ging om he unde s and-
ing o he in e sec ional opp essions h ough space, gende and labou ha he
wo ke s expe ience, his chap e helps us o see ha he eali y among mig an
wo ke s is no as dicho omous. Responding o wo o he ou esea ch ques-
ions in his book: 1) How does he wo ke s’ occupa ion o public space e lec
he p oblems hey endu e in he wo kplace ha is also hei home, speci ic o
he labou and spa ial condi ions in Hong Kong?; and 2) Wha ac i i ies do he
wo ke s engage in, in public space and p i a ely, ha cul i a e esilience and
agency?, his chap e will look a how Filipino and Indonesian wo ke s es ablish
hei communi y ex e nally in public space on Sunday and in es iga e how hey
exp ess social and spa ial agency in and h ough he makeshi spaces, along wi h
how hey ga he and how hey engage in place-making in public and p i a e
spaces. The chap e will analyse and summa ise how he a ious me hods, ac i -
i ies and ela ionships a e signi ican in acili a ing agency and demons a e he
ull spec um o esou ce ulness and agency o he wo ke s.
Exis ing mig a ion schola s and poli ical economis s ha e no discussed hei
esis ance h ough he in o mal communi y ha hey ha e epea edly es ablished
on a weekly basis and i s con inuous signi icance. Thei poli ical p o es s o small
ac s o esis ance ha e been documen ed, bu ho ough discussions o hei
use o public spaces as si es o esis ance and agency emain hin. Fu he , his
3. Agency and Resis ance
Agency and Resis ance 97
chap e will unpack he complexi y wi hin he kind o esis ance and esou ce-
ulness he wo ke s engage in ha has ma e ialised as a socio-spa ial phenome-
non. This chap e a gues ha his unique phenomenon con ains impo an ways
o sel -ac ualisa ion and pe o mance o iden i y and digni y. I will begin wi h
Unde s anding public space in Hong Kong o p o ide con ex o he unique u ban
spa ial o ma ion o Hong Kong, which is i e wi h pocke s o public space o
c ea i e uses and adap a ion. I hen explains and demons a es in ull de ail
he ex en o which Filipino mig an domes ic wo ke s and Indonesian wo ke s
o m hei own spaces and places, hus c ea ing a home away om home in
di e en pa s o Hong Kong on hei day o wo k, in he nex sec ions: Li le
Manila: Cen al Ele a ed Walkways, Cha e Road and beyond, and Place and space making
o Indonesian wo ke s. Th eading exce p s om in e iews, he chap e mo es
o discuss The use o social media o knowledge exchange and building communi y, and
Rela ionships and sexuali y as exp ession o he wo ke s as hey exe cise hei eedoms
beyond jus being wo ke s. On Sunday, on hei day o wo k, mig an domes ic
wo ke s demons a e hey a e no me e ic ims o globalisa ion, bu ac o s wi h
agency and powe .
Unde s anding public space in Hong Kong
Wi h upwa ds o 7.34 million people and he eigh h highes popula ion densi y
in he wo ld, bo h public and p i a e spaces a e limi ed and c owded in Hong
Kong. On a ypical Sunday, c owds p oli e a e in all kinds o public spaces; shop-
ping malls, pa ks, anspo hubs, ec ea ional enues, he s ee s and so on. In
he Cen al Business Dis ic o Hong Kong Island, known as Cen al, p es ig-
ious shopping malls, majo inancial ins i u ions, in e na ional ho els and glob-
ally ecognised high-end ashion design houses all eside wi hin a sho dis ance
o he pho ogenic Vic o ia Ha bou . Sunday is he only day when he usual
business a i ed wo ke s canno be easily spo ed, and in hei place a e ou -
is s, shoppe s and mig an domes ic wo ke s. E e y Sunday, he inancial hub
o Hong Kong ans o ms in o ‘Li le Manila’, whe e Filipino wo ke s come o
ga he and occupy public spaces unlike any o he g oup. They do no ac like he
common consume as hey canno inancially a o d o engage in ypical con-
sume is ac i i ies. Ins ead, hey ga he in pocke s o public space ha a e ‘ ee’
and engage in ac i i ies hey o he wise would ha e i hey had hei own p i a e,
domes ic spaces. They use cheaply a ailable ma e ials and u n hem in o walls
and loo s o c ea e spaces o ea , alk, es , play ca d games, g oom and so on.
They also use s ee a eas o packing and sending ca e packages back home, use
la open spaces o dance p ac ices and many o he ac i i ies hey wan o do.
These uses and adap a ion o public space a e no jus limi ed o Cen al o he
esou ce ulness o Filipino wo ke s. All o e Hong Kong, e e y Sunday, mig an
domes ic wo ke s can be seen and hea d, especially in a eas ha ha e he op imal
98 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
combina ion o ‘ ee’ public spaces and public ameni ies in p oximi y, bo h
indoo and ou doo . These so-called ee public spaces a e ele a ed walkways,
unde passes, wide oo pa hs, a iums, pedes ian unnels, cou ya ds and open
plazas ha a e wi hin each o public anspo , ba h ooms, ee WIFIand so
on. Essen ially, public spaces ha do no equi e money o admission and a e
no hea ily pa olled by secu i y gua ds a e e ile g ounds o mig an domes ic
wo ke s o inhabi o he day.
Public space in Hong Kong has a pa icula impo ance ha di e s om
wha pe ains in o he densely popula ed ci ies. As Anne Haila calls Hong Kong
‘P ope y S a e’ in ela ion o he ole o land e enue made in he p ocess o
u ban de elopmen (2000), he ci y’s housing ma ke has been known o i s
una o dabili y, exace ba ed by apid popula ion g ow h, he in lux o money
om o eign in es o s, he lack o supply o esiden ial land and p ope ies, and
subs an ial land being con olled by p ope y ycoons (Yau & Cheung, 2021,
pp. 428–429). Acco ding o he Planning Depa men o Hong Kong, only
7.1% o useable land in he ci y-s a e is a ibu ed o esiden ial use (Planning
Depa men o Hong Kong, 2019). Wi hin his pe cen age o land, p o iding
a o dable housing o he gene al public has no been p io i ised and has been
s un ed by he monopoly o p ope y de elope s wo king wi h he s a e, caus-
ing cause u ban sp awl and s agna ion o u ban de elopmen (Yau & Cheung,
2021). This has ad e se impac s on he long- e m socioeconomic and en i on-
men al de elopmen in Hong Kong and in esponse o his, one o he common
socio-spa ial and cul u al p ac ices is o amilies o emain oge he in sha ed
houses – ha is, adul s li ing a home wi h hei pa en s, sha ed wi h child en,
he elde ly and domes ic wo ke s.
Wi h limi ed p i a e space in he home o e e y pe son o he household
o com o ably go abou hei a ai s, public space hen becomes a space o
ep ie e o many people, whe e all kinds o in imacy and connec ions ake place
in public away om hei amilies. I is no unusual o see many adul couples
exp ess physical, in ima e a ec ion in public and c ea e o he means o ha e hei
own p i a e space in public, because hey canno a o d o ha e hei own home
oge he (Lee, 2020). In o he wo ds, public space becomes an al e na e p i a e
space, whe e people can ac eely wi hou he gaze o ques ions o amily mem-
be s unde he same oo . The desi e o ha e his kind o eedom and be able o
be onesel is ampli ied o mig an domes ic wo ke s, especially when hey ha e
no spa ial sepa a ion om hei wo kplace o six days each week. Consume s
who can a o d o dine a es au an s and engage in public ac i i ies ha equi e
money do so, while mig an domes ic wo ke s c ea e spaces o hemsel es and
engage in all kinds o ac i i ies ha cos much less.
Mig an wo ke s a e no he only g oup o people who use public space
c ea i ely. Hong Kong has had a long his o y o adap i e use o public space,
om s ee hawke s and endo s o g a i i a is s, ska eboa de s, peace ul
Agency and Resis ance 99
demons a o s and so on. The densi y o Hong Kong’s u ban spaces b eeds
many ‘liminal’, ‘in-be ween’ o ‘loose’ spaces wi h he po en ial o people o
engage in ac i i ies hey we e no o iginally designed o . The e m liminal was
b ough in o p ominence by Vic o Tu ne o desc ibe he i ual s a e o in-
be ween (Tu ne , 1967). De i ed om he e m h eshold, i de ines momen s
ou side he con en ions o e e yday exis ence. In spa ial e ms hese end owa ds
unp og ammed spaces ha a e open o di e se ac i i ies. Ka en A. F anck and
Quen in S e ens use he e m ‘loose space’ o desc ibe u ban public spaces ha
a o d app op ia ion, adap a ion and some isk aking, and a e he opposi e o
igh ly p og ammed spaces (2007). They no e ha ‘People c ea e loose space
h ough hei own ac ions. Many u ban spaces possess physical and social possi-
bili ies o looseness, being open o app op ia ion, bu i is people, h ough hei
own ini ia i e, who ul il hese possibili ies’ (2007, p. 35). This concep o loose
space esona es wi h he public spaces ha he wo ke s app op ia e o hei own
use as he legi imacy o loose space elies on se e al ac o s ha a e p esen .
Fi s ly, people’s ecogni ion o he po en ial o he space; secondly, he de e mi-
na ion o he use s o make use o wha is a ailable, and hi dly, he use s a e no
passi e use s, a he hey a e ac i ely using he public space o sa is y hei own
needs and desi es. Indeed, he wo ke s a e no passi e consume s o public space.
In ac , hey a e esou ce ul and willing o ansg ess he bounda ies o wha may
o may no be socially accep able o ake place, mo i a ed by hei desi e o ha e
a space o hei own. As a coun e poin o speci ically p og ammed spaces ha
ha e li le oom o app op ia ion, loose spaces a e c ea ed om he pi o al poin
whe e ini ial in en ion un a els and o he modes o inhabi a ion can be c ea ed
(F anck & S e ens, 2007). The spaces ha mig an domes ic wo ke s app op ia e
e e y Sunday a e such spaces ha ha e copious po en ial o ‘loosening’: unde -
passes, sidewalks, pedes ianised oads, ele a ed walkways and a iums.
In some ways, hese le o e o loose spaces ha a e empo a ily app op i-
a ed and ans o med by mig an wo ke s can also be pe cei ed as in-be ween,
liminal spaces o non-places. Ma c Auge p oposes non-place as a p oduc o
supe -mode ni y and s a es, ‘I a place can be de ined as ela ional, his o ical
and conce ned wi h iden i y, hen a space which canno be de ined as ela ional,
o his o ical, o conce ned wi h iden i y will be a non-place’ (1995, pp. 77–78).
Auge p oposes a dicho omy o places and non-places, whe e he i s is ne e
comple ely e ased and he second ne e comple ed (1995). This dicho omy has
been de i ed om Michel de Ce eau’s opposi ion o place and space, which sees
space as an in e sec ion o mo ing bodies and place as an assembly o elemen s
co-exis ing in a ce ain o de (De Ce eau, 1984). In his amewo k, one may see
he public spaces ha he wo ke s occupy as spaces c ea ed by hei usage, and
place, namely he ele a ed walkways, unde passes e ce e a, as co-exis ing along-
side he domes ic spaces he wo ke s c ea e. Auge de ines non-places as empo a y
spaces o passage, unde ined and incomple e, ye dedica ed o communica ion
100 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
and consump ion (Auge, 1995). So oo can he ele a ed walkways, unde passes
and co po a e a iums be desc ibed as spaces singula ly dedica ed o speci ic and
linea mo emen a he han he pa icula i ies o p og am. The looseness and
liminal na u e o he public spaces in Hong Kong p o ides p ime oppo uni ies
o augmen a ion.
Beyond Hong Kong and he ma ginal g oups o mig an wo ke s, in ci ies
a ound he wo ld, empo a y inhabi a ion o u ban public spaces exis s and ep-
esen s he cons an challenges agains he p i a ised, egula ed and inc easingly
diminishing eedoms o and wi hin public space. The pa icipan s who oppose
he passi e ways o occupying public space, who sub e he conse a i e bound-
a ies in uncon en ional me hods, come om many socio-economic sec o s o
socie y and a e no limi ed o he disen anchised. They also b ing wi h hem
di e en objec i es and in en ions. In Beijing, as he ci y is cons an ly densi ying,
e i ed ye ac i e ci izens sea ch o accessible and ee public space o p ac ise
aichi and yangge, a adi ional Chinese dance ha celeb a es you h and eedom
(Chen, 2010, pp. 21–35). They app op ia e la , long unused public spaces such
as unde passes and plaza o ecou s and ans o m hem in o public dance loo s.
In New Yo k Ci y, ci izens claimed Zucco i Pa k as he p o es headqua e s o
he Occupy Wall S ee mo emen in 2011 (Shi man e al., 2012). This ig-
ge ed a na ional and global mo emen o p o es s ha a e ongoing and p e alen
h oughou he wo ld. In Chung Shan, Taiwan, Filipino mig an wo ke s plu al-
ise he public spaces in he ci y cen e on hei day o es as hei communi y
hub, despi e some locals’ ejec ion o hei legi imacy o occupy he public spaces
in he ci y (Wu, 2010, pp. 135–146). These ins ances a e no isola ed e en s o
limi ed o geog aphical loca ion, a he hey a e pa o a global phenomenon
o socio-spa ial con es a ion ha he mig an domes ic wo ke s in Hong Kong
a e also pa o . Howe e , he main di e ence be ween o he examples o public
spa ial con es a ions and he spa ial phenomenon o mig an domes ic wo ke s
in Hong Kong is he speci ic socio-spa ial inequali y hey expe ience in hei
place o wo k, which has cul i a ed hei agency o esis . This mo i a es hem o
con inuously, on a weekly basis, exe hei igh o public space and eclaim hei
au onomy in and h ough space.
Li le Manila: Cen al Ele a ed Walkways, Cha e Road
andbeyond
E e y Sunday, as Filipino mig an domes ic wo ke s ga he in Cen al, pa s o
he subu b ans o m in o Li le Manila. G oups ga he acco ding o he Filipino
p o inces hey come om and e u n o occupy he same a ea e e y week.1 Each
a ea o Cen al adop s a di e en unc ion acco ding o he spa ial in as uc u e,
p oximi y o ameni ies and exis ing se ices. Ve y ea ly in he mo ning, while he
es o he business dis ic emains uns i ed, in Wo ld Wide House, a plaza ha

Agency and Resis ance 101
si s wo le els abo e he unde g ound Cen al anspo s a ion, Filipino women
bus le abou , socialising wi h he Filipino e aile s and pu chasing homemade
ood o sha e wi h hei iends o he day. Many o hem wai o hei iends a
he in e sec ion o Wo ld Wide House and he Cen al Ele a ed Walkway be o e
mo ing o hei weekly ga he ing a eas on o he pa s o he walkway o he
su ounding public spaces in Cen al. On Cha e Road, a couple o en e p ising
Hong Kong locals can be seen pulling a olley o la ened ca dboa d boxes,
deli e ing hem o g oups, who will occupy hose spaces and use he ca dboa d
pieces o cons uc empo a y home-bases by dema ca ing public spaces o
he day. Loca ed be ween luxu y shopping malls, his oad is pedes ianised on
Sundays, p o iding open spaces o cho eog aphed dancing, celeb a ions and in
he pas , allies ha a e speci ic o inciden s o iola ion o injus ices expe ienced
by he wo ke s. On Connaugh Road Cen al, some o he Filipino women use
esh ca dboa d boxes o pack goods and gi s o make up ca e packages o send
back o hei lo ed ones in he Philippines. A couple o eigh ucks a e usually
pa ked in he loading zone o Connaugh Road Cen al, unloading mo e la -
packed boxes on o he oo pa h. The e a e h ee Ca holic chu ches ha Filipino
mig an wo ke s equen in Cen al including S John’s Ca hed al, which houses
he Mission o Mig an Wo ke s and he Be hune House Mig an Women’s
Re uge.
As Sunday ensues, hese spaces a e pa o an ac i e scene as pedes ians
nego ia e a ious public spaces wi h he wo ke s. The spa ial o de and egula
use o hese spaces o e lap wi h he cons uc ion and in il a ion o Li le Manila,
p oducing a empo a y bu epea ed socio-spa ial sys em o laye ed spaces – an
e hnic encla e, a si e o con en ion and an u ban domes ic in e io . This has con-
sis en ly occu ed h oughou he las ew decades in Hong Kong as he numbe
o wo ke s has inc eased. No ma e he wea he , e en h oughou dis ancing
es ic ions du ing he heigh o he global pandemic, Li le Manila was p esen
loudly and clea ly.
Li le Manila has o en been e e ed o by a ious schola s as a ‘well-known
spec acle’ and a ‘ca ni alesque ga he ing’ (Hou, 2012, p. 89; Tam, 2016, p. 119).
Th oughou my ime spen in hese spaces, I obse ed he me hods by which
he wo ke s app op ia e and ans o m unoccupied o seemingly o dina y public
spaces in o semi-public p i a e spaces ha acili a e hei socio-spa ial exp ession
and au onomy. I became appa en ha hese ac s o empo a y ans o ma-
ion a e no simply a epea ed e hnic spec acle, a he , hey a e delibe a e and
exp essi e ac s o eedom. This eedom is one ha esis s he spacelessness and
in isibili y he wo ke s endu e o six days each week in hei wo kplace. Many
wo ke s also a ec iona ely e e o Cen al as Li le Manila, as i is hei home
away om home.
Beyond he assump ion o an e hnic spec acle, Li le Manila can pe haps be
iewed as a p edic able si e o con en ion whe e he Filipino women exp ess
102 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
hemsel es ou side o hei domes ic wo ke s a us. As such i can be iewed as a
si e o esis ance whe e he wo ke s dis up he dis ic ’s es ablished public space
o de . The in e iews and con e sa ions I had on si e e ealed a common pe cep-
ion held by Hong Kong locals ha he weekly ga he ings a e a dis up i e e en
on he ci y. In he pas , many locals oiced conce ns abou a lack o cleanliness
in public spaces he wo ke s ga he in, and ea s ha hei appea ance migh a -
nish he p es igious epu a ion o he inancial dis ic . Local media ou le s ha e
also made public accusa ions ha he wo ke s a e a diso de ly c owd o un uly
o eigne s, wi h headlines such as ‘Conges ion eyeso e o ou is s’ (Sou h China
Mo ning Pos , 1998, p. 20) and ‘Mus clean up Cen al’ (Sou h China Mo ning Pos ,
1998, p. 20). Such commen s and discussions e lec a deg ee o p ejudice and
socio-cul u al ensions ha unde lie he weekly e en , making Li le Manila a
si e o con en ion (Law, 2001; 2002). Al hough headlines like hose a ely appea
anymo e in 2023, opinions o his na u e can s ill be hea d in casual con e sa-
ions, and he sen imen o ce ain pa s o Cen al being ‘ aken o e ’ is s ill com-
monly sha ed by some locals. Expe iencing Li le Manila om wi hin, I came
o unde s and ha he wo ke s’ eclama ion o space c ea es he capaci y o be
hemsel es. I is mo e han a con es ed si e; i unc ions as a empo a y domes-
ica ed home ha cul i a es solida i y, esis ance and esilience o he wo ke s.
The concep ion o home cons an ly e ol es ac oss new social and cul u al
se ings, pa icula ly o mig an s. Home can be an exp ession o iden i y, o pe -
sonali ies and he bed ock o cul u al in eg i y and ci izenship (Ralph & S aeheli,
2011). Fo six days each week, he mig an wo ke s’ so-called home does no
uphold hose alues. I is no a place whe e hey can exp ess hemsel es, a he
i is a place o employmen unde Hong Kong’s his o y o domes ic se i ude,
whe e legalised me hods o discipline and con ol sanc ion he e osion o he
wo ke s’ physical and pe sonal space, and dep i e hem o hei social and cul-
u al eedoms. They physically and concep ually ha e no oom o be hemsel es
wi hin he domes ic in e io s o hei wo kplace and a e he e o e denied he
undamen al alue and meaning o home. Home becomes an abs ac concep
ealised on Sunday. Thei con inuously es ic ed eedom, dep i ed pe sonali-
ies and cul u al in eg i y, al hough hey li e and wo k in a domes ic space, a e
ealised ou side he domes ic in e io in ull igou . To desc ibe and analyse he
makeup o hei Sunday home, I ocus on he speci ic spa ial p og ams ha occu
wi hin u ban in e io and ex e io spaces. These spaces cho eog aph he spa-
ial o ganisa ion o Li le Manila and he analysis e eals a complex ne wo k o
semi-public p i a e spaces ha p oduces a unique socio-spa ial ecology o esis -
ance and eclama ion.
Wo ld Wide House and Lane: ood s o e and mass ka aoke
Wo ld Wide House is a mix-use comme cial building loca ed on Connaugh Road
Cen al. Si ua ed wi hin he i s h ee le els o he building is a plaza and he
Agency and Resis ance 103
e aile s a e mos ly Filipino endo s, p o iding Filipino ood, newspape s, mag-
azines, and emi ance and elecommunica ion se ices. E e y Sunday, Filipino
women ill he g ound le el, abo eg ound en ances and s ai cases in and a ound
he building. As Wo ld Wide House is si ua ed di ec ly abo e one o he unde -
g ound exi s o Cen al Mass T ansi Railway s a ion, he in e s i ial spaces ac as
a se ies o empo a y wai ing zones and mee ing a eas. E e y Sunday, all pedes-
ians eme ging om he s a ion expe ience he bus ling esidency o Filipino
wo ke s. Nex o Wo ld Wide House is Wo ld Wide Lane – a na ow pedes ian
laneway. I ac s as an ex ension o he mee ing a eas o Wo ld Wide House and
con ains a popula Filipino as ood s o e, Jollibee, wi h queues o locals and
Filipinos ha s e ch ou on o he oo pa h. P io o he heigh o he pandemic,
on he co ne o he lane, a Filipino elecommunica ion shop held weekly ka a-
oke compe i ions. Usually hos ed by an en husias ic Filipino man who add essed
he c owd in Tagalog and English, his weekly e en a ac ed a sizeable audience
o mig an wo ke s, pedes ians and ou is s alike. The audience would ga he in
he small space a he on o he s o e, and in il a e he limi ed spaces unde he
a ium o Wo ld Wide House and he adjacen pedes ian oo pa h. This space is
sha ed wi h ano he unde g ound en ance o he Cen al Mass T ansi Railway
s a ion. In 2015, I wi nessed an inciden he e whe e a membe o s a om
he ailway s a ion was using a loudspeake o ask he audience o he ka aoke
compe i ion o mo e away om he a ea so as o no hinde pedes ian access
o he s a ion. He epea ed his message in English and Can onese se e al imes,
howe e mos people paid li le a en ion o he announcemen and he e en
ca ied on. I asked a Filipino wo ke nea me wha she hough migh happen i
he gua d pe sis ed. She eplied,
I doesn’ ma e . They’ e no going o do much. I ’s jus ka aoke and we a e
ha ing un. Today is Sunday and we can ind ano he place. Bu his is ou place
oo, you know? (Pe sonal communica ion, 1 Feb ua y 2015)
This scena io demons a ed how he wo ke s ha e he capaci y o ac i a e public
space o hei own use and o s a egically e use o comply wi h discipline ou -
side o hei place o wo k, wi hou using agg essi e ac ics o disobedience. Since
he go e nmen implemen ed dis ancing ules in public ga he ings be ween he
second hal o 2020 h ough o mos o 2022, he shop no longe hos s hese
e en s. Ins ead, many wo ke s now ha e se s o po able ka aoke speake s and
mic ophones, which a e widely seen and hea d h oughou Li le Manila. Wo ld
Wide Lane connec s o Connaugh Road Cen al, which acili a es ano he
impo an unc ion.
Connaugh Road Cen al: ca e package pos al zone
E e y Sunday, app oxima ely 30 me es o his a e ial oad is emo ed om
a ic as a loading zone o ‘ca e packages’ – Balikbayan – o be sen di ec ly
104 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
o he Philippines. Th oughou he day, he su ounding pedes ian oo pa h is
cons an ly occupied by g oups o wo ke s packing la ge pa cels. The pa cels a e
app oxima ely 800 mm in heigh and 700 mm in wid h and leng h. They a e illed
wi h pe sonal hygiene p oduc s such as su gical acemasks, oo hpas e, shampoo,
washing powde and some imes clo hing and oys. Some wo ke s include i ems
gi en by hei employe s, like used clo hing, ha a e no longe wan ed bu a e
s ill in good condi ion, and could be used o eselling o pe sonal consump ion.
Sending packages back home o hei amilies o help ease hei expenses is a
common ac i i y among wo ke s. Each pa cel cos s be ween HK$800 o $1,000
o doo - o-doo deli e y om Hong Kong o he Philippines, and deli e y akes
up o wo weeks o mo e. Many wo ke s I in e iewed use pa o he emainde
o hei wages a e emi ance o pu chase i ems o amily and iends back in
hei home own. Those who ha e hei own bed oom will accumula e i ems in
hei own oom un il he e a e enough i ems o ill a la ge pa cel. Those who
do no ha e hei own oom o space o hold i ems will make pu chases on he
same day as sending he boxes. Many wo ke s can be seen wheeling a ound sui -
cases and la ge nylon bags in and ou o his makeshi pos al zone and some
ha e iends a end o hal - illed boxes while hey mo e abou o do mo e pu -
chases. The pu chasing, packing and labelling con inue all Sundays. Pedes ians
wi ness his packing p ocess and nego ia e hei way h ough he oo pa hs o
his small junc ion o Connaugh Road Cen al ha has become an in o mal
Filipino pos al exchange. Th oughou he heigh o he pandemic, he deli e y
ime o hese packages was delayed, howe e i did no s op he wo ke s om
sending hese ca e packages – a he , due o he inabili y o ly home o hose wo
yea s, he packages became an impo an way o con inually show ca e and lo e
o hei amilies. These ca e packages a e also a small ges u e ha is pa o he
la ge p ocess o he economics o e u n in mig a ion labou (Obeng-Odoom,
2022; Killias, 2018). Fo many wo ke s, whe he hey a e om he Philippines o
Indonesia, he ac o emi ing hei wages is ied o he expec a ion o e u ning
home one day, and e e y bi o inancial esou ce (whe he in ma e ial goods o
cash) symbolises his commi men and ul ima e e u n home. Fo many yea s,
Oli ia Killias documen ed he mig a ion jou ney o Indonesian mig an domes-
ic wo ke s who mig a e om u al illages o u ban a eas in Indonesia and
Malaysia (2018). In Follow he Maid, Killias disco e ed ha he emi ances o he
wo ke s being used o he pu pose o building a house was pa icula ly impo -
an , as i ‘s ood as ma e ial p oo o a mig an ’s plans o e u n – he p esence
o he house compensa ed o he physical absence o he mig an he sel , and as
such, i was in es ed wi h a ec i e engagemen s’ (Killias, 2018, p. 183). Al hough
he e a e cul u al di e ences and di e en expec a ions o he use o emi ances
o Indonesian and Filipino wo ke s, he economics o e u n, in a ious o ms,
is pa o he indi idual and collec i e ne wo k o ies ha keep he wo ke s
wo king ab oad.
Agency and Resis ance 111
Figu e 3.6 and 3.7 The wo pho og aphs show he ac i i ies c ea ed by Angelique
San os as pa o The Essence o Sundays, whe e one e en was a alen compe i ion
and he o he was a i ualis ic b eaking o mi o s ha had he wo ke s’ w i ing o hei
pe sonal nega i e expe iences in hei wo k. (Pho og aphs by Angelique San os).

112 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
Ou side Ci y Hall, communi y a p ojec s and cooking e en s c ea ed by local
a is s and mig an wo ke s also ake place. Be ween he mon hs o Ma ch o May
2023, Angelique San os, a Hong Kong-based uni e si y s uden wi h Filipino
he i age ini ia ed an a p ojec called ‘The Essence o Sundays’ ha gene a ed
se en Happenings on se en Sundays. The p ojec was in ended o public pa -
icipa ion, pa icula ly om mig an wo ke s. The pa icipan s we e encou aged
o collabo a e and c ea i ely exp ess hemsel es h ough p omp s such as dance
compe i ions, ka aoke, ood sha ing, sha ing s o ies o being mig an wo ke s,
and b eaking o p ops ha symbolised social s igma. The in en ion o he p ojec
was o sp ead he message o ca e, compassion and empowe men while cele-
b a ing he mig an wo ke s’ con ibu ion o Hong Kong socie y. Ci y Hall is a
well-known cul u al space in Hong Kong ha hos s all kinds o e en s equi ing
paid admission. San os’s use o he ee space a he o ecou was a cle e way
o si ua e he p ojec and gain he a en ion o mig an wo ke s nea by as well as
esiden s and ou is s.
Li le Manila’s in o mal economy: ca dboa d, g ooming, gambling,
h i s o e, ood se ices
Mig an wo ke s ely on cheap and eadily a ailable esou ces o he con-
s uc ion o hei empo a y spaces e e y Sunday. As i is di icul o s o e
ma e ials like disused ca dboa d in hei employe ’s home be o e Sunday,
many wo ke s ins ead pu chase ca dboa d om a ew en e p ising Hong
Kong locals in he a ea who collec and esell ca dboa d. I is a common sigh
h oughou Hong Kong, whe e locals, anging om he middle-aged o he
elde ly, collec ca dboa d om e aile s and anspo i a ound in push ca s
and olleys. Many o hese locals do no ha e a o mal occupa ion and ely
on collec ing ca dboa d and o he ecyclable and eusable ma e ials o esell
and make a li ing. In Cen al, mig an wo ke s pu chase ca dboa d pieces
om a ew Hong Kong locals who deli e ca dboa d boxes o hei desig-
na ed a eas e e y Sunday. These dis ibu o s ha e knowledge o each g oup’s
egula spaces and how many pieces o ca dboa d hey wan . Each piece o
ca dboa d was p iced om HK$2 o many yea s be o e he pandemic. In
2021, he p ices inc eased o HK$3 and e en HK$5. The ca dboa d is deli -
e ed ea ly in he mo ning, and he amoun owed is collec ed h oughou he
day. The dis ibu o s e u n in he e ening o pick up he ca dboa d pieces
and some imes hey can be eused o a e disca ded. The ca dboa d boxes
we e empo a ily signi ican as hey anspo ed comme cial goods ha a e
no a o dable o he wo ke s hemsel es. Once hey we e no longe equi ed,
hey we e disca ded om Hong Kong’s o mal economy and became ‘ e-
commodi ised’. E e y Sunday, hese disca ded elemen s a e einca na ed as
an a o dable ‘commodi y’ o engende p i acy and p i a e space o one
o he lowes socio-economic g oups o Hong Kong. This weekly in o mal
Agency and Resis ance 113
economy, mo i a ed by he wo ke s’ demand o ca dboa d as empo a y
walls and loo s, symbolises an in e es ing e e sal o supply and demand
be ween Hong Kong and he wo ke s.
Beyond he commodi isa ion o ca dboa d, he wo ke s hemsel es ha e c e-
a ed a supply o goods and se ices in Li le Manila on Sundays. The pedes ian
unnel be ween Cha e Road and Ci y Hall is in o mally known as ‘ he Salon’
as g ooming se ices such as manicu es, Kilay (eyeb ow shaping in Tagalog) and
head and body massages a e a ailable. The cos s o hese se ices a e much
lowe han ha in o mal e ail spaces, wi h Kilay being p iced a HK$20–40,
while in any o mal shop in Cen al hey would cos upwa ds o i een imes
he p ice. Undoub edly, he a ge cus ome s a e he wo ke s hemsel es, so he
p ices a e se acco ding o he wo ke s’ a o dabili y. Some wo ke s ha e lea n
he skills om u o ials online, while o he s ha e had expe iences o e en o mal
aining back home. SM, a Filipino wo ke who has been in Hong Kong o a
decade, is a popula nail a is in Li le Manila. She has a beau ician quali ica-
ion om he Philippines bu had no p ac iced o mally in Hong Kong. He
employe encou aged he o upskill he sel and she would p o ide he se ice
o he employe and he iends o a small ee. She is e y happy o be able o
con inue his skill and passion o he s:
I can’ do nails in Hong Kong because i ’s illegal o me. Bu my boss likes wha I
can do and she pays me ex a. She e en helped me buy he equipmen and hings
o cheap! On Sunday I come he e and do i o my iends and whoe e wan s i .
I ’s good o me and good o hem! I don’ cha ge hem ull-p ice! [she laughs]
(Pe sonal communica ion, 19 Ma ch 2023, exclama ion in o iginal)
I is illegal o mig an domes ic wo ke s o do any kind o wo k, paid o unpaid,
ou side o hei ull- ime con ac wi h hei employe . Some wo ke s may
manoeu e a ound ha law, wi h o wi hou hei employe s’ knowledge. In SM’s
case, he boss is e y suppo i e o he ha ing a hobby and a skill ou side o
domes ic wo k. This is no a common expe ience o mos wo ke s. O he goods
and se ice exchanges also happen on Sunday ia playing ca d games wi h cash,
selling homecooked oods ha a e a e o ind in Hong Kong and swapping and
selling i ems o second-hand clo hing ha a e some imes dona ed by employe s
o om shops ha needed o disca d s ock a e y low p ices. Many wo ke s use
Sunday as a day o es , while some also see he day as an oppo uni y o gene -
a e ex a income o hemsel es. Some imes, wo ke s exchange i ems o se ices
ins ead o money, such as home-made ood o clo hes, o one se ice o ano he .
Exchanges like hese a e common occu ences and hey a e an in eg al pa o
an in o mal economy ha can b ing small joys and a sense o au onomy and
communi y. Mo e impo an ly, hey o ge social connec ions ha a e eminiscen
o he ac i i ies he mig an wo ke migh o he wise engage in wi hin hei own
home, wi h iends and amily.
114 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
Place and space making o Indonesian wo ke s
Al hough wo ke s om Indonesia consis o hal o he cu en numbe o
mig an domes ic wo ke s in Hong Kong (Hong Kong SAR Immig a ion
Depa men , 2022b), a so-called ‘Li le Jaka a’ is ye o be es ablished like he
well-oiled socio-spa ial ecology o Li le Manila. Howe e , Vic o ia Pa k in
Causeway Bay and Kowloon Pa k in Tsim Sha Tsui a e bo h e y popula places
o Indonesian wo ke s and he as ness o hese public pa ks allows o a high
numbe o wo ke s o ga he he e h oughou Sunday. Apa om he public
spaces a ailable in hose pa ks, hei p oximi y o he Consula e Gene al o he
Republic o Indonesia, Bank Mandi i, he la ges Indonesian bank headqua e s
in Hong Kong and he Kowloon Mosque and Islamic Cen e is a good eason o
he wo ke s o epea edly c ea e makeshi communi ies in hose a eas. Causeway
Bay is a popula shopping des ina ion, wi h a wide ange o shopping malls and
a cades ha a e closely clus e ed. Di e en om Cen al, whe e he e is a con-
cen a ion o high-end in e na ional ashion houses, Causeway Bay a ac s a
wide ange o locals shopping o daily essen ials as well as he la es s ee ash-
ion and gadge s. Spa ially, i is mo e densely used han Cen al and he s ee s
a e igh e and sho e , and non-comme cial public spaces a e limi ed e en wi h-
ou he in lux o mig an wo ke s on Sunday. This lea es le o e occupiable
space a ailable o he wo ke s in clus e s, sepa a ed by malls and unoccupiable
s ee s in be ween g oups, unlike in Li le Manila whe e a eas bleed in o one
ano he and di e en unc ions o spaces con inue lowing wi h less sepa a ion.
Tsim Sha Tsui, whe e he Mosque and Islamic Cen e a e loca ed, is known o
i s di e se shops and se ice p o ide s o Sou h Asian and A ican communi ies
in Hong Kong.
Apa om he wo popula a eas, Indonesian wo ke s also ga he in many
places all o e Hong Kong, away om ci y cen es. One o he easons o his
is ha many Indonesian wo ke s’ employe s’ homes a e no on Hong Kong
Island, and he p oximi y o hei iends and communi y mo i a e he dis-
ance hey will a el. F om my in e iewees, a ound 75% o hose who a e
Indonesian wo ke s ha e Hong Kong Chinese employe s who li e in mo e
subu ban a eas, away om he ci y cen es in g ea e pa s o Kowloon, New
Te i o ies and ou e lying islands. I is a common p ac ice ha expa ia e
employe s end o hi e Filipino wo ke s mo e han Indonesian wo ke s and
ha local Chinese employe s do he opposi e. One o he easons o his is
he s e eo ype o Indonesian wo ke s as being mo e docile and less educa ed
han Filipino wo ke s; he e o e hey a e deemed mo e obedien , which aligns
wi h Chinese adi ions and cus oms o domes ic se i ude (Sim, 2009, p. 9).
The p o iciency o languages o he wo ke is also a ac o ha a ac s expa-
ia e employe s o hi e Filipino wo ke s due o hei English p o iciency, while
Indonesian wo ke s a e known o be a ou ed o hei quick g asp o Chinese
Agency and Resis ance 115
(bo h Can onese and Manda in) by employe s who p e e o speak o hem
in Chinese a home, especially i he wo ke is hi ed o ca e o elde ly amily
membe s (O’Conno , 2012, p. 49; Ibid.).
Many Indonesian wo ke s ga he in Vic o ia Pa k in Causeway Bay. A ound
he pa k, he e a e Indonesian ood s o es, salons and eigh ucks in nea by
s ee s, whe e he wo ke s also pack and send ca e packages in simila ways
o he Filipino wo ke s in Cen al. Vic o ia Pa k is a pa k wi h spo s cou s
and g een a eas. I is opened o he public o a ious municipal unc ions,
including o ca ni als and mass demons a ions.3 Wo ke s can be seen ga h-
e ing inside he pa k, ou side on he oo pa hs all a ound he block, as well
as sa u a ing he o ecou s o shopping malls nea by, unde passes and e en
a ic islands. Beyond he oppo une occupa ion o la ge disused a ic islands
unde highways, he mos su p ising and cle e app op ia ion o public space
is he empo a y inhabi a ions o he domes ic s ages in he Swedish u ni u e
show oom Ikea. The show oom is loca ed unde nea h a la ge shopping mall
adjacen o Vic o ia Pa k. E e y Sunday, g oups o Indonesian wo ke s can be
seen using he s aged apa men s as hei own; elaxing on he lounges in he
li ing ooms, ga he ing a ound he dining ables, and using he complimen a y
wi eless in e ne o connec o amily and iends. The show oom manage s do
no ask hem o lea e as he wo ke s a e legi ima ely using he show ooms as
hey a e in ended.
Indonesian wo ke s migh no ha e an ob ious socio-spa ial ecology
like Li le Manila; howe e hei p esence is s ill e y much seen and hea d
h oughou many public spaces. The educa ion le el, eligious backg ound
and cul u al p ac ices impac on he way he wo ke s ga he in public space
as hei habi s, i uals and p e e ences o social connec ion di e . Since 2010,
he la ges numbe o Muslims in he e i o y ha e beenIndonesian, mos
o hem emalemig an domes ic wo ke s, accoun ing o o e 120,000 o
Hong Kong’s Muslim popula ion (O’Conno , 2012). The wo ke s’ Muslim
ai h in luences he way hey in e ac and appea in public. They d ess isibly
di e en ly, o en in a Hijab, Hijab Ami a o a Khima . Thei d ess also o ms
pa o a mo e conse a i e way o being, meaning hey a e less equen ly
seen dancing o singing in public (al hough some s ill do) in he way ha
Filipino wo ke s do in Cen al, d essed in con empo a y ashion and danc-
ing o pop songs. Indonesian wo ke s who do no d ess conse a i ely can
be seen dancing o Ko ean pop songs, hip hop and o he popula music and
dance ou ines. Beyond socialising, ea ing and es ing, some o he g oups
ha ga he in Vic o ia Pa k a e also Islamic s udy ci cles. Acco ding o he
Islamic Union o Hong Kong – he oldes Islamic cha i able o ganisa ion
in he e i o y – he e has been a sho age o Islamic eache s and many
Indonesians u n o he in e ne and social media o eligious guidance and
gene al news on he Muslim wo ld (Subchi e al., 2021). Sunday’s public
116 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
ga he ing can become a day whe e Indonesian wo ke s p each hei ai h o
ec ui new membe s, which is also a way o p ac ising eligion and c ea -
ing communi y away om home. The Mosque and he Islamic Cen e help
os e solida i y and communi y ha a e speci ic o he wo ke s’ eligion, as
wo ke s es ablish eligious s udy g oups o s eng hen hei ai h, simul ane-
ously p o iding an al e na i e suppo ne wo k in acing challenges while in
HongKong (Ibid.).
Apa om eligious g oup ga he ings, Sundayp o ides an oppo uni y
o he wo ke s o de elop new skills and sha e hei knowledge and pas-
sion wi h pee s in a iendly, welcoming en i onmen . The e a e g oups ha
c ea e makeup, ma ial a s and sewing wo kshops. T adi ional Indonesian
dancing also occu s, which is ano he e y popula and spi i ual way o he
wo ke s o eel connec ed o hei iden i y beyond being a mig an wo ke .
On a wa m Sunday a e noon in Vic o ia Pa k, wo kshops and dance pe -
o mances (bo h adi ional and con empo a y) and compe i ions un olded
h oughou he day. I spoke o a wo ke who had jus inished a dance
pe o mance:
Dancing gi es me such a good eeling! I is a way o me o eel spi i ually con-
nec ed o my communi y and eminds me ha I am human and can ha e un!
(Pe sonal communica ion, 26 June 2022, exclama ion in o iginal)
Figu e 3.8 Indonesian wo ke s ga he in Vic o ia Pa k o adi ional dance
pe o mances on Sunday. (Pho og aph by au ho ).

Agency and Resis ance 117
Many wo ke s o m dance g oups and pa icipa e in compe i ions and
ashion shows, which become a way o exp ess hei cul u e and iden i y in a
di e en way o o he o ms o socialising. They also p o ide oom o de elop
gende knowledge, econside a ions o hei sexuali y and in imacy (Lai,
2020).
The use o social media o knowledge exchange and
building communi y
Social media and he use o digi al communica ion ools a e i al pa s o he
daily li es o mig an wo ke s o communica e wi h hei amily back home and
connec wi h hei pee s in Hong Kong o many pu poses. I is well-documen ed
ha he e exis s a common p ac ice o employe s es ic ing wo ke s’ phone
usage du ing wo k hou s, con isca ing wo ke s’ phones o e en in some cases,
no allowing hem o ha e a mobile phone a all (As agini & Sa wono, 2021;
Killias, 2018; Yeoh e al., 2016). All o he wo ke s I in e iewed had a pe sonal
mobile phone and only some o hem had expe ienced employe s cu ailing hei
usage du ing wo k hou s. The easons some employe s es ic phone usage a e
o en abou no wan ing he wo ke s o wa ch ideos du ing wo k, which migh
dis ac hem om hei asks, as well as using oo much bandwid h on he home
wi eless in e ne ne wo k (Pe sonal communica ion, Ma ch 2022).4 Du ing he
heigh o he COVID-19 pandemic, social media became a ep ie e o many
wo ke s I encoun e ed. Ins ag am, YouTube and Wha sApp a e among he mos
equen ly used applica ions – no jus o communica ion, bu o en e ainmen
and in o ma ion exchange. Is ik Wa es, an Indonesian domes ic wo ke li ing
in Hong Kong, has a YouTube channel (Wa es, n.d.) ha has o e 650 ideos
c ea ed be ween 2017–2023. He ideo con en anges om a ious pa s o
he daily li e, om cooking o gi ing ips abou whe e o buy pa icula oods
o Indonesian goods, o in o ma ion abou accine egula ions du ing he pan-
demic. Many o he ideos con ain li e oo age in public spaces; in shops, on he
s ee g ee ing iends, doing ou doo leisu e ac i i ies and so on. The channel
has o e 22,400 subsc ibe s and one o he mos wa ched ideos is om 2021
i led ‘Manda o y!!! Swab es in Hong Kong be o e May 9// How o es o
Co id in Hong Kong’ (o iginal i le in Bahasa Indonesia). In his ideo, she doc-
umen ed he expe ience o going o a communi y es ing cen e du ing he pan-
demic, wi h de ails o whe e o queue, how o p epa e, wha o b ing and so on. I
was common p ac ice, and a imes equi ed by he go e nmen , o be egula ly
es ed a an o icial cen e h oughou he pandemic in Hong Kong. This ideo
was iewed o e 2,700 imes, a ac ed 498 likes and had 126 commen s om
Indonesian wo ke s ha exp essed hanks o he o sha ing de ails and insigh s.
This ideo and he channel a e a ich sou ce o local knowledge o wo ke s,
and he sha ed app ecia ion can be seen by all he posi i e and celeb a o y
118 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
emojis ha we e used in he esponses o his ideo and o he s. Examples o
mig an domes ic wo ke s gene a ing digi al con en om hei daily li es a e
no uncommon, wi h some e en ans o ming hei li es, such as Fa ida Nu han,
an Indonesian domes ic wo ke who became a ood ideo blogge wi h mo e
han 4.9 million ollowe s on he YouTube channel (Nu han, n.d.), and Xyza
C uz Bacani, who was a Filipino domes ic wo ke in Hong Kong who sha ed
pho og aphs she ook as a hobby on he Facebook page and was hen spo ed
by p o essional pho og aphe s. She became a globally- ecognised pho og aphe
ea u ed by he New Yo k Times, and a ac ed o he media a en ion (Giles, 2022).
These examples ce ainly become beacons o hope o wo ke s who aspi e o be
a is s, ideo blogge s o c ea i e en ep eneu s, bu hey also e lec he powe
o social media as a way o cons uc ing iden i ies ha di e om he daily
mundani y as domes ic wo ke s. Nu ia As agini and Billy Sa wono asse ha
‘social media has an impo an meaning o women domes ic wo ke s, because
h ough social media hey can cons uc and iden i y hei ideal sel apa om
hei p o ession’ (2021, p. 232). Fu he mo e, social media allows pa icipan s
o cons uc a di e en eali y in he online ealm ha gi es hem a eeling hei
posi ion is sha ed and equal o o he use s who a e no necessa ily domes ic
wo ke s (2021, p. 228).
Pangyao (meaning ‘ iends’ in Can onese) is a social pla o m ounded by Hong
Kong-bo n Filipino Aileen Alonzo-Haywa d and B i ish expa ia e Ma in
Tu ne . The pla o m is he i s social pla o m in Hong Kong o mig an domes-
ic wo ke s ha consis s o a websi e, a Facebook communi y and a bimon hly
p in magazine, add essing all kinds o challenges o hei labou , how o deal
wi h au ho i ies, as well as celeb a ing hei diaspo ic oo s ia music e en s, s o-
ies, in e iews and o he special ea u es (C eme , 2023). The c ea ion o his
communi y h ough social media, al hough no c ea ed by a domes ic wo ke
bu someone who is pa o he Filipino diaspo a in Hong Kong, has a posi i e
impac on he wo ke s’ communi y by aising public awa eness o he expe i-
ences o he wo ke s and hei cul u e, and builds a sense o collegiali y and
solida i y wi h and o he wo ke s. Many o my in e iewees a e ac i e on social
media pla o ms o expe ience his sense o solida i y and communi y, especially
when hey eel isola ed om hei iends and amily. Th oughou he pandemic,
when social dis ancing measu es p e en ed many wo ke s om ga he ing in la ge
g oups on hei day o wo k, social media became an impo an way o emain
connec ed, as GS, an Indonesian wo ke , exp esses:
I like o wa ch ideos o o he wo ke s doing hings in Hong Kong, and sha ing
hei hough s and eelings some imes. I don’ like o sha e oo much mysel , bu
o wa ch o he s ha e un o know wha ’s happening makes me eel no alone. I
someone was posi i e [ e e ing o being in ec ed wi h COVID-19], hey also can
sha e wi h us and no su e by hemsel es. (Pe sonal communica ion, 6 No embe
2022)
Agency and Resis ance 119
Apa om sha ing upda es on pa icula i ies o hei daily li es, many wo ke s
also sha e hei a ious hobbies such as a wo ks, kickboxing, cooking, sewing
and poe y. Membe s o Guhi Kulay, an a is collec i e o med by mig an
wo ke s who augh hemsel es how o pain , d aw and c ea e a wo ks, o en
sha e hei a wo ks on hei social media accoun s, d awing p aise and a en-
ion om ellow wo ke s and he public. Speaking o one o he ounde s o he
g oup, C is ina Caya , she exp esses he impo ance o sha ing he own a is ic
wo k so she can con inue o de elop he sel , bu also sha ing o empowe and
inspi e o he wo ke s o pu sue hei own hobbies and c ea i e exp essions:
I wan o he s o see hey can do wha I do, each hemsel es how o d aw, pain ,
sew and all ha so we can all do hings no jus as wo ke s cleaning houses. I is
good o e e yone o see so we can all do i oge he and suppo each o he . I
hink his is e y impo an . (Pe sonal communica ion, 28 May 2023)
The e is li le doub ha social media pla o ms and digi al communica ion ools
play an impo an ole in many people’s li es, pa icula ly du ing imes o s ug-
gle such as he global pandemic o COVID-19. Fo mig an domes ic wo ke s,
emaining connec ed o hei amily and iends back in hei home coun y is
undamen al, and o be able o build new ies and nu u e communi y in Hong
Kong is also undamen al o hei wellbeing and sel -exp ession.
Rela ionships and sexuali y as exp ession
Many mig an domes ic wo ke s ha e child en and husbands back in hei home
coun ies. Howe e , he e is also a conside able numbe o wo ke s who a e
single and da e while wo king in Hong Kong, some imes in same-sex ela ion-
ships. F ancisca Yuenki Lai conduc ed esea ch wi h he Indonesian mig an
wo ke communi y in Hong Kong and examined he li ed expe iences and
sexual ideologies ha ci cula e he pop dance g oups o Indonesian women
wo ke s (Ibid.). Lai disco e ed ha he e a e many membe ship-based g oups
ha Indonesian mig an wo ke s a e pa o : dance, eligion, weal h manage-
men , labou igh s and so on. Senio membe s become leade s and o gan-
ise s, who may p o ide mo al, emo ional, skills-based and some imes e en
mone a y suppo o junio membe s. Lai’s esea ch ocused on a pop dance
g oup, Champion, and obse ed hei amily uni -like s uc u e, whe e leade s
and membe s use kin e ms o add ess each o he , which is common among he
dance g oups. A compa ison can be made o he ball oom cul u e ha o ig-
ina ed in New Yo k Ci y in he 1970s, whe e A ican Ame ican and La ino
d ag queens o ganised hei own pagean s in opposi ion o acism and disc im-
ina ion agains LGBTQIA+ people. Ball oom houses we e o med, whe e kin
ela ions we e also c ea ed in hei own spaces. The wo ke s in Hong Kong
do no ha e hei own physical space, so hei kin ela ions a e main ained by
120 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
hei ac i i ies o kin labou , wi hou elying on a ixed home o space (Lai,
2020, p. 48). These dance g oups also a e no jus open o wo ke s who migh
iden i y as LGBTQIA+, a he hey a e open o any Indonesian wo ke who
wan s o dance and be pa o a communi y wi h sha ed alues o kinship and
p es asi, which is he mani es a ion o good ci izenship in Indonesia (Boells o ,
2004). Boells o asse s ha p es asi os e s social connec i i y and i can be
any pe sonal achie emen ha e lec s posi i ely on one’s communi y, which is
a use ul no ion o explaining he p e alence o o ganising and aking pa in
compe i ions in he Indonesian communi y (Boells o , 2004; Lai, 2020, p. 43).
Membe ship in he dance g oups no only gene a es kinship and communi y o
he wo ke s, bu also c ea i i y, as he compe i ions equi e he g oups o c ea e
hei own dance s eps and ashion s yle. These pe o mances li e ally become
a space o he wo ke s o exp ess hemsel es in en i ely di e en ways o hei
daily ou ine, ou wa d exp essions and appea ance as mig an domes ic wo k-
e s. Lai also obse ed ha in he ashion shows and dance compe i ions, as all
he pa icipan s a e physiologically women, he e a e di e en di isions called
omboi and cewek, whe e he omboi d ess in men’s clo hing wi h sho hai , while
he cewek d ess in women’s clo hing in mo e adi ionally eminine s yles (2020).
I obse ed se e al dance compe i ions and ashion shows h oughou my ield-
wo k and ha e ound ha e e yone is chee ed and suppo ed equally and he
a mosphe e is e y jo ial and suppo i e. In he audience, he e a e many people
who a e d essed like omboi and cewek, and some imes hey can be seen holding
hands and showing physical a ec ion in ways ha signi y oman ic ela ionships.
MB, an Indonesian wo ke who has been in Hong Kong as a domes ic wo ke
o eigh yea s, is in a same-sex ela ionship wi h GS, who is also an Indonesian
wo ke . They me a a dance compe i ion in la e 2019, sixmon hs a e GS
a i ed in Hong Kong. They became iends quickly bu did no ge o spend a
lo o ime oge he as in ea ly 2020, he pandemic necessi a ed social dis ancing
measu es and GS’s employe s we e s ic abou he amoun o ime she spen
ou side o he home e e y Sunday. In 2019, GS was 26 yea s old and single, and
had ne e le Indonesia p io o coming o wo k in Hong Kong. She wo ked o
a local Chinese amily in Fanling, a own in he New Te i o ies. He p ima y
job was o ake ca e o an elde ly aun , who equi ed assis ance o e e yday
ac i i ies. She sha ed a bed oom wi h he and had e y li le p i acy in he wo k.
When GS me MB in 2019, she had only been in a ela ionship once wi h a man
in Indonesia, someone in he home own wi h whom she wen o high school.
They we e in a ela ionship o many yea s and in ended o ma y, bu he man
came om a poo e amily and p omised o ma y he when he had enough
money. Be o e she le o Hong Kong, he amily decided she should go ab oad
and ea n highe wages, so she may ha e po en ially be e ma iage p ospec s.
GS ealised ha she did no wan o ma y a all, and was elie ed when he
amily sugges ed o he o wo k ab oad:
CHAPTER 4
Li le Manila and Beyond
E e y Sunday, he majo i y o mig an domes ic wo ke s in Hong Kong ha e
hei weekly day o wo k. F om Cen al o Causeway Bay o Kowloon Pa k o
u he ou in o he New Te i o ies, he wo ke s can be hea d and seen all o e
he ci y-s a e, engaging in wha e e ac i i ies hey wish o do wi hou he daily
social and spa ial limi a ions o hei wo king li es. App op ia ing loose and an-
si o y public spaces like ele a ed walkways, pedes ianised oads, unnels and
unde passes, he mig an wo ke s demons a e hei desi e o ha e hei own
domes ic spaces in which o do as hey would i hey had hei own home. I is in
hese spaces ha communi y occu s, bonds a e o med and solida i y is p esen .
Fu he , hey enac eedom and agency by hei esou ce ul use and adap a ion
o public spaces, demons a ing ha hey a e no simply a labou commodi y, bu
a con ingen o people who a e esilien and powe ul.
So a , his book has analysed he agency and occupa ion o he wo ke s
h ough economic, his o ical, social and spa ial app oaches. While all o hese
a e in o ma i e and necessa y, i is impo an o be able o expe ience wha occu s
on a Sunday, because wha is o en missing in ex -based analysis is he ac ual
humanis ic elemen ha canno be eplaced. His o ically, e hnog aphy and i s
esea ch p ac ices ha e been in o med by i s long adi ions o d awing on isual
elemen s in he pionee ing wo k o an h o pologis s and sociologis s, such as John
Collie J and Pie e Bou dieu (Mannay, Fink & Lomax, 2019, p. 4). Cli o d
Gee z no es ha e hnog aphic esea ch o en in ol es in-dep h s udies o engen-
de da a ha enables hick desc ip ions o sociocul u al phenomena (1973),
‘including he de elopmen o app oaches ha suppo imme sion in he li e-
wo ld o pa icipan s … o ex ended pe iods o ime o enable he e hnog aphe
o unde s and he social p ac ices which ame and cons i u e he li es o hose
being s udied’ (Mannay, Fink & Lomax, 2019, p. 5; Ibid.). Wi hin he limi a ions
o he book o ma , i is in his spi i o ha ing imme sed mysel in he li ewo ld
o mig an domes ic wo ke s in Hong Kong o he las decade ha I belie e i is
i al o isualise he esis ance analysed in he p e ious chap e and p esen he
ac i i ies and spaces ha ha e long been desc ibed and discussed in his book.
Since he de elopmen o s ill and mo ing pho og aphy, many schola s
ha e seen he po en ial o using hese echniques and ools o social change
(Ma ion& Scanlan, 2020). Jou nalis s and documen a ians ha e used pho og a-
phy o connec social jus ice o isual image y in he uni e sally ecognised gen e
4. Li le Manila and Beyond

128 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
o pho ojou nalism, as ha e ilmmake s such as Dziga Ve o , who pionee ed
documen a y ilmmaking wi h a wide ange o came a echniques, as exempli-
ied in Man wi h A Mo ie Came a (1929). While I am in no way claiming I ha e
he pho og aphic skills wo hy o a is ic ele ance in he pho og aphs used his
chap e o in o he chap e s o his book, coming om my backg ound as a spa-
ial design esea che , I am poin ing o he impo ance o isualising and spa ial-
ising he scenes in my esea ch o con ibu e o he uniqueness o he book and o
he ields o esea ch his book s addles. Wi h Hong Kong’s unique u ban land-
scape o ma ion in he backg ound, he isualisa ions demons a e he spa ial
agency o he wo ke s in poignan ways, esona ing wi h his no ion: ‘Some imes
he ci y is sending a clea , s aigh o wa d message, some imes an unob usi e,
sub le and silen one, wi h a hidden agenda o os e alues and belie s, knowl-
edge and powe ’ (Suleimano a & Ti yae a, 2023, p. 1).
This chap e p o ides a isual na a i e o he ac i i ies he wo ke s engage
in and he spaces hey c ea e. The na a i e consis s o some pho og aphs om
my ieldwo k om a ious yea s be ween 2013–2023, and illus a ions by i e
Filipino a is s based in Hong Kong om he a collec i e Guhi Kulay in 2023.
An h opologis s and e hnog aphe s ha e long en ichened hei esea ch wi h
isualisa ions, bu many o he p oduc s can be exploi a i e and s e eo ypical
(Ma ion & Scanlan, 2020). I would like o acknowledge ha in he ea lie yea s
o his esea ch, I ook many pho og aphs and ske ches, ye o his book I would
like o add d awings o wha occu s on Sunday c ea ed by and seen h ough
he eyes o he wo ke s hemsel es. Guhi Kulay was es ablished in Hong Kong
in 2017 and many o i s membe s a e mig an domes ic wo ke s. Guhi Kulay
means ‘ o d aw in colou ’ and i is a pla o m buil by mig an wo ke s o ellow
mig an wo ke s o sha e hei alen s and suppo one ano he h ough hei
sel -exp ession in isual a s. The illus a ions ea u ed in his chap e a e c e-
a ed by Ma ia Ch is ina Ani e, C is ina Caya , Lyn Lopez, Lo eli o Eludo and
Jonalyn Molina.
Figu e 4.1 On he Cen al Ele a ed Walkways, wo ke s c ea e obus ca dboa d
s uc u es o sepa a e hei space om he pedes ians’ oo a ic. As pic u ed he e,
he s uc u e has walls ha a e ein o ced wi h ex a ca dboa d pieces agains he
balus ade o wea he p o ec ion and com o , and he hand ails along he balus ade
ha e been pu o good use as coa and bag holde s. The e a e e en spa e ca dboa d
pieces on a olley pa ked ou side hei space. Wi h he shoes along he ou side o
he lowe ed ca dboa d en ance, his s uc u e pa icula ly esembles a ‘ eal’ p i a e
ga he ing space o he wo ke s o ha e hei own space. (Pho og aph by au ho ).
Li le Manila and Beyond 129
Figu e 4.2 I is e y common o see wo ke s ga he in hei spaces o play ca ds
and sing pop songs om hei po able ka aoke se s. This scene was cap u ed on he
Admi al y oo b idge and d awn by Ma ia Ch is ina Ani e.
130 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
Li le Manila and Beyond 131
Figu e 4.3 Ca d games o all kinds ensue h ough-
ou Sunday, in be ween con e sa ions and sha ing ood.
This scene was cap u ed ou side a bus e minal ou side
In e na ional Finance Cen e shopping mall in Cen al and
d awn by Jonalyn Molina.
Figu e 4.4 Wo ke s c ea e spaces in a eas unde he
ele a ed walkways o p o ec ion om he wea he . They
a e also less equen ed by oo a ic, which o e s a
sense o ease wi hou cons an looks om passe s-by.
(Pho og aph by au ho ).
Figu e 4.5 Mig an wo ke s come oge he o celeb a e each o he s’ bi hdays wi h
ood, d inks and cus omised deco a ions and balloons. Some imes a e he eas s,
wo ke s can be seen elaxing in o a nap in he com o o hei iends. This scene was
cap u ed on he Cen al Ele a ed Walkway nea he Cen al pie s and illus a ed by
Ma ia Ch is ina Ani e.
132 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion

Li le Manila and Beyond 133
Figu e 4.6 On Cha e Road, many wo ke s ind spaces
away om he c owds o ideo call hei lo ed ones, sing
songs o hem on ka aoke se s and make c a s. This scene is
illus a ed by C is ina Caya .
Figu e 4.7 Some g oups o wo ke s collec ex a
ca dboa d pieces o hei iends, who may need mo e
o build la ge spaces. Th oughou he day hei iends
will know who o go o o ex a ca dboa d, and i hey
a e unning o he e ands and do no ha e he ime o
ind some o hemsel es, hey will always know who o
u n o. (Pho og aph by au ho ).
134 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
Figu e 4.8 In Vic o ia Pa k, Indonesian wo ke s like o use plas ic ma s ha can be
easily olded and s o ed and a e also sui able o ou doo wea he condi ions. The wo k-
e s he e a e ea ing Indonesian ood pu chased om Indonesian ood s o es nea by. This
scene is illus a ed by Lyn Lopez.
Figu e 4.9 Some imes, plas ic shee s and ab ic ma s a e also used by wo ke s,
especially i hey a e si ing in unde co e a eas like some o he semi-enclosed ele a ed
walkways in Cen al. They dema ca e space in simila ways o ca dboa d pieces, albei
wi h less igidi y and s uc u e. (Pho og aph by au ho ).
Li le Manila and Beyond 135
136 Spa ial Agency and Occupa ion
Figu e 4.10 Wo ke s ge a lo o joy om singing, especially when hey sing wi h one
ano he o compe e agains each o he . This scene was cap u ed ou side he unde co e
a ea a Cen al bus e minal, and illus a ed by Jonalyn Molina.