Kretek Capitalism: Making, Marketing, and Consuming Clove Cigarettes in Indonesia

Welke , Ma ina
Book
K e ek Capi alism: Making, Ma ke ing, and Consuming
Clo e Ciga e es in Indonesia
A elie : E hnog aphic Inqui y in he Twen y-Fi s Cen u y, No. 13
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Uni e si y o Cali o nia P ess
Sugges ed Ci a ion: Welke , Ma ina (2024) : K e ek Capi alism: Making, Ma ke ing, and Consuming
Clo e Ciga e es in Indonesia, A elie : E hnog aphic Inqui y in he Twen y-Fi s Cen u y, No. 13,
ISBN 9780520399686, Uni e si y o Cali o nia P ess, Oakland,
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KRETEK CAPITALISM
Making, Ma ke ing, and Consuming
Clo e Ciga e es in Indonesia
ma ina welke
KRETEK CAPITALISM
Making, Ma ke ing, and Consuming
Clo e Ciga e es in Indonesia
welke
Indonesia is he wo ld’s second-la ges ciga e e ma ke : wo ou o h ee men smoke, and
clo e-laced obacco ciga e es called k e ek make up 95 pe cen o he ma ke . Each yea ,
mo e han 250,000 Indonesians die o obacco- ela ed diseases. To accoun o he s agge -
ing success o his le hal indus y, K e ek Capi alism examines how k e ek manu ac u e s
ha e adop ed global obacco echnologies and enlis ed Indonesians o labo on hei behal
in ields and ac o ies, a e ail ou le s and social ga he ings, and online. The book cha s
how Sampoe na, a Philip Mo is subsidia y, uses con ac s, compe i ions, and gende , age,
and class hie a chies o ex ac labo om wo ke s, in luence s, a is s, s uden s, e aile s,
and consume s. C i ically engaging na ionalis claims abou he commodi y’s cul u al he i-
age and he jobs i suppo s, Ma ina Welke shows how global capi alism has ans o med
bo h k e ek and he labo equi ed o make and p omo e i .
“Though ul and p o oca i e, his is a supe b book ha will be widely ead, especially by
hose who a e looking o an an ido e o cu en popula suppo o k e ek.”—Abidin Kusno,
au ho o Jaka a: The Ci y o a Thousand Dimensions
“A magni icen book! K e ek Capi alism is des ined o become a classic o bo h medical
an h opology and public heal h schola ship.”—Robe P oc o , au ho o Golden Holo-
caus : O igins o he Ciga e e Ca as ophe and he Case o Aboli ion
“Ma ina Welke a gues ha ubiqui ous Indonesian ep esen a ions o k e ek as an au hen ic,
small-scale indus y in ac es on a oxic addic ion ha is as cul u al as i is chemical. A
b illian , beau i ul, and dis u bing book.”—Ca la Jones, P o esso o An h opology, Uni e -
si y o Colo ado Boulde
“De ailed, a en i e, and ca e ul, K e ek Capi alism is easily he mos g anula , in o ma i e,
and ex u ed e hnog aphy o labo in he obacco indus y.”—Pe e Benson, au ho o
Tobacco Capi alism and S uck Mo ing
Ma ina Welke is Associa e P o esso o An h opology a Co nell Uni e si y and
au ho o Enac ing he Co po a ion: An Ame ican Mining Fi m in Pos -Au ho i a ian Indonesia.
A Philip E. Lilien hal Book in Asian S udies
A elie : E hnog aphic Inqui y in he Twen y-Fi s Cen u y, 13
Uni e si y o Cali o nia P ess · www.ucp ess.edu
A ee ebook e sion o his i le is a ailable h ough Luminos,
Uni e si y o Cali o nia P ess’s Open Access publishing p og am.
Visi www.luminosoa.o g o lea n mo e.
Co e design by Michelle Black. Co e pho os o k e ek p oduc ion by Ma ina Welke .
ISBN: 978-0-520-39967-9
9 780520 399679
6 × 9 SPINE: 0.62 FLAPS: 0
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om UC P ess. Luminos p o ides a amewo k o p ese ing and
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The publishe and he Uni e si y o Cali o nia P ess Founda ion
g a e ully acknowledge he gene ous suppo o he
Philip E. Lilien hal Imp in in Asian S udies, es ablished
by a majo gi om Sally Lilien hal.
K e ek Capi alism
ATELIER: ETHNOGRAPHIC INQUIRY
IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY
Ke in Lewis O’Neill, Se ies Edi o
1. Mo al Doub : T ansna ional Gangs and Social O de in Gua emala Ci y, by An hony W. Fon es
2. Con ingen Kinship: The Flows and Fu u es o Adop ion in he Uni ed S a es,
by Ka h yn A. Ma ine
3. Cap u ed a Sea: Pi acy and P o ec ion in he Indian Ocean, by Ja in Dua
4. Fi es o Gold: Law, Spi i , and Sac i icial Labo in Ghana, by Lau en Coyle Rosen
5. Tas ing Quali ies: The Pas and Fu u e o Tea, by Sa ah Besky
6. Was e Wo lds: Inhabi ing Kampala’s In as uc u es o Disposabili y, by Jacob Dohe y
7. The Indus ial Epheme al: Labo and Lo e in Indian A chi ec u e and Cons uc ion,
by Nami a Vijay Dha ia
8. Pinelandia: An An h opology and Field Poe ics o Wa and Empi e, by Nomi S one
9. S uck Mo ing: O , How I Lea ned o Lo e (and Lamen ) An h opology, by Pe e Benson
10. A Thousand Tiny Cu s: Mobili y and Secu i y ac oss he Bangladesh-India Bo de lands,
by Sahana Ghosh
11. Whe e Cloud Is G ound: Placing Da a and Making Place in Iceland, by Alix Johnson
12. Go wi h God: Poli ical Exhaus ion and E angelical Possibili y in Subu ban B azil,
by Lau ie Denye Willis
13. K e ek Capi alism: Making, Ma ke ing, and Consuming Clo e Ciga e es in Indonesia,
by Ma ina Welke
K e ek Capi alism
Making, Ma ke ing, and Consuming Clo e
Ciga e es in Indonesia
Ma ina Welke
UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS
x Acknowledgmen s
Ray C aib, Simone Pine , Saida Hodžić, Roge Moseley, and Pa isa Vazi i. I ha e
also bene i ed on nume ous occasions om he insigh s o ellow au ho s in UC
P ess’s A elie se ies, including Da cie DeAngelo, Nami a Dha ia, Ja in Dua,
An hony Fon es, Duana Fullwiley, Lau en Coyle Rosen, Ch is ien Tompkins, Kaya
Williams, Lau ie Denye Willis, and Em ah Yildiz.
I is ha d o su icien ly hank Ke in O’Neill o all his suppo , ad ice, and
ene gy as he A elie se ies edi o . A he Uni e si y o Cali o nia P ess, Ka e
Ma shall has p o ided un ailingly swi and sage ad ice, and I’m g a e ul o
Chad A enbo ough and S ephanie Summe hays o shephe ding he manusc ip
h ough la e s ages. I am also hank ul o Richa d Fei ’s ca e ul copyedi ing and
o Am on Leh e o indexing he manusc ip .
I app ecia e he immensely help ul eedback ha Sa ah Besky, Ma hew
Koh man, Abidin Kusno, Tania Li, Robe P oc o , and Nancy Smi h-He ne
o e ed du ing a book manusc ip wo kshop. My hanks o he College o A s and
Sciences a Co nell Uni e si y and o he A elie se ies o unding his wo kshop.
I am also g a e ul o Pe e Benson o his inspi ing wo k and c i ical engagemen
wi h he manusc ip as a whole, and o an anonymous e iewe o UC P ess.
I bene i ed a mul iple c i ical s ages om Philip Saye s’s de elopmen edi ing
and copyedi ing skills.
Fo logis ical suppo , I owe hanks o Fakul as Ilmu Budaya, Uni e si as B awi-
jaya; Kemen e ian Rise dan Teknologi Indonesia; and Amine (Ame ican Indone-
sian Exchange Founda ion). I ecei ed ma e ial suppo om a Fulb igh Senio
Schola G an , he Wenne -G en Founda ion o An h opological Resea ch, and
Co nell’s Einaudi Cen e o In e na ional S udies and Ins i u e o Social Sci-
ences. Fo w i ing suppo , I am g a e ul o Co nell Uni e si y’s A kinson Cen e
o a Sus ainable Fu u e.
I am also g a e ul o he o ganize s and audiences a ins i u ions whe e I p e-
sen ed ea ly d a s o his wo k, including Uni e si as B awijaya; he School o Cul-
u e, His o y and Language in Aus alian Na ional Uni e si y’s College o Asia & he
Paci ic; he Cen e o Socie y, Technology and De elopmen and he Ins i u e o
he S udy o In e na ional De elopmen a McGill Uni e si y; he “Co po a e Righ s
and In e na ional Law” Mellon Founda ion Sawye Semina a Duke Uni e si y;
Co nell Uni e si y’s An h opology Depa men , Global De elopmen Depa men ,
Science and Technology S udies Depa men , and he Sou heas Asia P og am; and
Yale Uni e si y’s Ag a ian S udies Colloquium.
I published an ea lie e sion o Chap e 5 in he Jou nal o he Royal An h o-
pological Ins i u e (Welke 2018), and de eloped some o K e ek Capi alism
’
s a gu-
men s in an a icle in Compa a i e S udies in Socie y and His o y (Welke 2021).
I app ecia e he unwa e ing suppo o my mo he , Ann Welke , and my sis e s
Rena a Welke and Ca la Shumake . I am especially g a e ul o my pa ne , Paul
Nadasdy, and ou child en, Zoli and Ando , o accompanying me on his long
jou ney and making each day special.

1
In oduc ion
Causing ha m and dea h when used as in ended, he ciga e e is no o dina y com-
modi y.1 The k e ek, in u n, is no o dina y ciga e e.
The Indonesian go e nmen makes a simple dis inc ion be ween k e ek and
“whi e ciga e es” ( okok pu ih): k e ek obacco ille con ains clo es, while whi e
obacco ille does no . The di e ence is also communica ed h ough p oduc
packaging; k e ek mus be sold in packs o wel e o six een and whi e ciga e es
in packs o wen y, and h ee-le e ac onyms on he side o Indonesian ciga e e
packs indica e whe he hey a e k e ek o whi e (siga e k e ek o siga e pu ih) and
hand olled o machine olled ( angan o mesin). Hand- olled ciga e es mus be
made wi h hand-ope a ed ools like wood-handled olle s wi h can as bel s.
In e e yday e nacula , Indonesians o en ese e he e m k e ek o hand-
olled clo e ciga e es and classi y machine- olled ciga e es, whe he o no hey
con ain clo es, as whi e. Machine- olled k e ek a e made on Eu opean machines
and look like whi e ciga e es wi h hei uni o m od shape, syn he ic il e s, and
deco a i e lou ishes (b and names, colo ed bands, whi e o aux-co k il e co e s).
All k e ek a o d a dis inc senso y expe ience, beginning wi h hei powe -
ul clo e scen and saccha ine-coa ed ips, which deposi swee ness on smoke s’
lips. When clo e agmen s igni e as smoke s inhale, k e ek some imes make he
c ackling sound ha is he sou ce o hei onoma opoeic name. Smoke s associa e
k e ek wi h sensa ions o wa m h and hea (hanga , panas), as es o swee ness and
spice (manis, pedas), and, especially in he case o he hand- olled k e ek and i s
smoke, quali ies o hickness and hea iness ( ebal, be a ). The whi e ciga e e, by
con as , is bland, as eless, and ligh ( asa awa , en eng) and ends o disappea
quickly; once li , he wind s eal hily consumes i e en i i ’s no ac i ely smoked.
A whi e ciga e e akes abou i e minu es o smoke, compa ed o en minu es
o a machine- olled k e ek and a hal -hou ime commi men o a hand- olled
k e ek. The la e weigh wo g ams, whe eas machine- olled ciga e es weigh a
single g am o less.
2 In oduc ion
The k e ek indus y and i s suppo e s celeb a e k e ek in museums and books
and on social media as embodying a aluable cul u al he i age. In he new millen-
nium, as go e nmen egula ions o e obacco ha e modes ly igh ened and ci il
socie y es ic ions ha e signi ican ly loosened, a k e ek na ionalis mo emen has
ga he ed a ound he claims ha he commodi y is cul u ally dis inc due o i s
combina ion o indigenous clo es and New Wo ld obacco and ha he indus y
p o ides employmen and go e nmen e enue c ucial o na ional de elopmen .
Well- esou ced k e ek na ionalis o ganiza ions and ad oca es wo k o con es
obacco con ol, which hey po ay as a o eign, neocolonial h ea .
Indonesians smoke o e h ee hund ed billion ciga e es a yea . The wo ld’s
ou h mos populous coun y, Indonesia has he second la ges ciga e e ma ke ,
made up o app oxima ely 75 pe cen machine- olled k e ek, 20 pe cen hand-
olled k e ek, and 5 pe cen whi e ciga e es (Wo ld Bank 2018, 4). In addi ion
o i s colossal size and unique p oduc composi ion, he ma ke ea u es s iking
gende dispa i ies; wo hi ds o men smoke compa ed o only abou 5 pe cen
o women. Mass ciga e e consump ion p oduces mass debili y and dea h, wi h
obacco- ela ed diseases claiming an es ima ed 290,000 Indonesian li es each
yea , o e 50,000 o which a e a ibu able o secondhand smoke exposu e.2
This book asks how k e ek capi alism—unde s ood as he accumula ion o cap-
i al h ough he making, exchange, and consump ion o clo e ciga e es—enlis s
Indonesians o labo on i s behal in ields and ac o ies, a e ail ou le s and social
ga he ings, and online. I ocus on he e o s o Sampoe na, a Philip Mo is In e -
na ional (PMI) subsidia y ha claimed abou one hi d o he Indonesian ciga e e
ma ke du ing he 2010s. K e ek Capi alism cha s how Sampoe na uses con ac s,
gami ica ion, sel -imp o emen logics, and class, gende , and age hie a chies o
ex ac o e ime, shi , seasonal, gig, and unpaid labo om wo ke s, in luence s,
a is s, s uden s, e aile s, and consume s.
By cen e ing labo , I de elop an accoun o k e ek capi alism ha acknowledges
bu goes beyond he addic i e hold o nico ine o e indi idual smoke s. Scien-
is s ha e ound ha obacco is ha de o qui han alcohol, cocaine, and opia es,
unde sco ing he li ely and agen i e po en ial o plan s and hei signi ican ole
in shaping human li e (Benne 2010; Gal in 2018; Langwick 2021; Mye s 2017;
Russell 2019). The younge a pe son is when hey s a using obacco, he mo e
likely hey a e o become addic ed. Adolescen nico ine exposu e dis up s no mal
b ain de elopmen , changing how synapses a e o med and ha ming he b ain’s
capaci y o a en ion and lea ning. Scien is s ha e explica ed he physiological
mechanisms h ough which nico ine is abso bed, mo ing om he lungs in o he
blood and al e ing he chemis y o he b ain and cen al ne ous sys em by lood-
ing he b ain’s ewa d ci cui s wi h dopamine and spa king an ad enaline ush ha
inc eases hea a e and aises blood p essu e.3
This kind o uni e sal biochemical ende ing o nico ine addic ion is c i i-
cal bu insu icien o unde s anding k e ek capi alism because i es s on an
indi idualizing, in e nalizing, and o en pa hologizing logic ha neglec s “b oade
In oduc ion 3
issues o con ex , his o y, powe , meaning, iolence, inequali y, and subjec i i y”
(Ga io and Raikhel 2015, 479, 486). The biology o nico ine addic ion canno
explain why smoking a es ha e inc eased in Indonesia while alling elsewhe e o
why mos Indonesian men smoke and mos Indonesian women do no .4 Wa en
Bu e p aised he ciga e e indus y o making an addic i e p oduc o a penny
and selling i o a dolla , bu his special abili y does no es on he commod-
i y’s addic i eness alone; i also depends on cul i a ing exploi able labo , na u al
esou ces, media, go e nmen , and consume s (P oc o 2011, 42). The indus y has
ne e shied away om “making he Go e nmen a li le mo e dependen on he
habi ,” as one Philip Mo is ice-p esiden pu i (Rosenbla 1994). Tobacco capi-
alism is no simply a consume -d i en phenomenon, and ciga e es a e no bo n
on s o e shel es o in smoke s’ mou hs (Benson 2012). K e ek capi alism h i es by
os e ing a achmen and dependency among lea buye s, a me s, ac o y wo k-
e s, in luence s, a hle es, a is s, s uden s, jou nalis s, e aile s, and go e nmen s.
By claiming an essen ial ole o i sel , i ewo ks mo e han b ain synapses; i also
ewo ks socie y i sel (Russell 2019, 66, 69).
Fo Indonesians who a e p oponen s o o wo k o he k e ek indus y, k e ek
capi alism may sound oubling i no ou igh o ensi e. A supe iso in one hand-
olled ac o y I ou ed umed, “Someone called Philip Mo is capi alis [kapi alis].
I go ang y a hem. Don’ alk like ha !” A he eigned punch, he plan manage
jokingly wa ned, “She’s a hug [p eman]!” Al hough o mo e han hal a cen u y,
Indonesia has been a s aunchly an i-communis coun y ha encou ages o -
eign in es men and domes ic p i a e indus y, capi alis emains a ja ing, di y
wo d, a slu ese ed o enemies (Welke 2014, 109). Capi alism e okes nega i e
conno a ions and asocial impe a i es such as maximizing p o i s, exploi ing labo ,
ex e nalizing social and en i onmen al cos s, and aking license o eap p i a e
bene i s om social su e ing—a se o associa ions ha help explain why o di-
na y Indonesians migh ake umb age a he no ion ha he k e ek is he p oduc
o p ocesses ha a e bo h cul u al and capi alis . Fo hose who ega d k e ek as
Indonesian cul u al he i age, k e ek capi alism is, mo eo e , oxymo onic, because
ha which is adi ional, cul u al, and alued canno be capi alis . This kind o
eac ion is indica i e o he pe ennially exed na u e o he ela ionship be ween
cul u e and capi alism, which has led some social heo is s and an h opologis s
o omi cul u e om analyses o capi alism, o ea i as an ex e nal esou ce o
capi al, o o app oach cul u e as he p o ince o subal e ns (e.g., wo ke s, indig-
enous peoples, downs eam communi ies) in con as o bou geoisie, who a e sup-
posedly go e ned by a uni e sal capi alis logic (Yanagisako 2002). Agains such
app oaches, Yanagisako (2002, 21) insis s ha capi alism is always and e e ywhe e
a cul u al phenomenon. I sha e he pe spec i e; my use o he e m k e ek capi al-
ism is delibe a ely p o oca i e and mean o p omo e e lec ion on how capi alis
goals shape he indus y, bu i does no p eclude ecogni ion o cul u al p ocesses
and meanings o he nongene ic ways in which obacco capi alism lou ishes in
pa icula his o ical con ex s and geog aphic se ings (Benson 2012).
4 In oduc ion
K e ek capi alism is shaped by he o en compe ing poli ical and economic
in e es s o a wide a ie y o ac o s. Among hese, ou in pa icula a e wo h
highligh ing: he Indonesian go e nmen , he obacco con ol mo emen , he
k e ek na ionalis mo emen , and he la ge companies ha p oduce mos o
he ciga e es ha Indonesians smoke. The Indonesian go e nmen ’s own ambi a-
lence owa d he ciga e e indus y mani es s in manda o y pack ea u es. Tex on
he side o packs s a es, “Sale o child en unde 18 yea s o p egnan women is
o bidden,” while on and ea pic o ial and ex ual wa nings s ess he haza ds o
secondhand smoke and g aphically depic obacco- ela ed cance s. Bu excise ax
s icke s unde sco e he e enue ha en e s go e nmen co e s wi h each pack pu -
chase. Indonesia has an unusually complex mul i ie ed ciga e e excise ax s uc-
u e ha e lec s p oduce size, ciga e e ype, numbe o ciga e es p oduced, and
pe -uni maximum e ail p ice. I has been simpli ied since 2011 (when he e we e
nine een ie s), bu i con inues o e lec he s a e’s mo al alo iza ion o k e ek
o e whi e and hand- olled o e machine- olled ciga e es, as well as small p o-
duce s o e la ge (Wo ld Bank 2018, 5). The numbe o small p oduce s and he
hand- olled ma ke sha e ha e declined despi e hese p o ec ions. The go e nmen
also equi es ha packs display nico ine and a da a, which c ea es he misleading
imp ession ha hese a e amenable o p ecise scien i ic measu emen , ha some
ciga e es a e sa e han o he s, and ha people can make esponsible decisions
abou wha hey smoke based on hese numbe s. Table 1 illumina es he con a-
dic ions ha cha ac e ize he go e nmen ’s mo al axonomy, mos no ably ha
ciga e es ha a e axed lowe because o hei pu po edly p o-social quali ies (e.g.,
employing mo e wo ke s, inco po a ing clo es, budge p icing) appea o impose
g ea e heal h cos s on indi idual smoke s in he o m o mo e a and nico ine.
Table 1 Ciga e e classi ica ions and excise axes, 2016
B and
Ciga e e ype
(go . classi ica ion)
Excise ax/
s ick ( upiah)
“Fla o ” and
p ice (indus y
classi ica ion)*
Ta
(mg)
Nico ine
(mg)
Sampoe na
Hijau/A
Hand- olled k e ek 245 FF budge 38 2.2
Dji Sam Soe Hand- olled k e ek 320 FF p emium 39 2.3
Magnum Black Machine- olled k e ek 480 FF mid-p iced 33 2.3
U-Bold Machine- olled k e ek 480 FF budge 32 2.1
A-Mild Machine- olled k e ek 480 LTLN p emium 14 1
U-Mild Machine- olled k e ek 480 LTLN budge 14 1
Ma lbo o Red Machine- olled whi e 495 FF p emium 13 1
Ma lbo o Black
Men hol
Machine- olled whi e 495 LTLN p emium 8 0.6
* The indus y classi ies b ands as “ ull la o ” (FF) o “low a , low nico ine” (LTLN).
In oduc ion 5
In e na ional obacco con ol egula ions and obacco indus y esea ch ha e
singled ou he clo e ciga e e among i s “kille commodi y” pee s o ha bo -
ing special dange s (Singe and Bae 2009). K e ek a e e ec i ely banned in o y
coun ies in esponse o public heal h egula ions comba ing indus y eliance
on la o s as a way o ma ke ing ciga e es o you h and masking obacco smoke’s
ha shness.5 S udies by Philip Mo is ound ha a om whi e ciga e es and k e ek
is equally oxic bu ha k e ek deli e a mo e a , nico ine, and ca bon mon-
oxide pe s ick han whi e ciga e es. B i ish Ame ican Tobacco (BAT) esea ch
ound ha clo e-de i ed eugenol is oxic when inhaled and implica ed in acu e
illness, pulmona y hemo hage, and edema (Hu e al. 2012, 307). Eugenol’s opi-
cal anes he ic p ope ies dec ease “ he ha shness o smoke inhala ion by numb-
ing o opha yngeal pain ecep o s,” allowing smoke s “ o deeply inhale smoke
con aining mo e a and pa icula e ma e ” (Hu e al. 2012, 307). Men hola ed
ciga e es, which ha e an anes he ic e ec simila o k e ek, a e conside ed easie
o inhale deeply and ha de o qui . No ably, he ciga e e indus y has disp opo -
iona ely a ge ed Black people wi h men hols, wi h acialized ma ke ing ac ics
helping o make obacco he numbe -one kille and disable o Black people in
he Uni ed S a es (Jain 2003, 296–97; Wailoo 2021). PMI’s and BAT’s decisions o
acqui e Indonesian k e ek companies simila ly enac s “p eda o y inclusion” by
a ge ing a ulne able popula ion wi h a p oduc ha a guably con ains “enhanced
isks” (Taylo 2019).6
Indonesian indus y ac i is s ejec any a emp o posi ion he k e ek as a
pa iah commodi y. The indus y has his o ically spoken o i sel h ough he
powe ul k e ek p oduce associa ion Gabungan Pengusaha Pab ik Rokok Indo-
nesia (GAPPRI), which some imes was allied wi h he whi e ciga e e associa ion
Gabungan P odusen Rokok Pu ih Indonesia (GAPRINDO), bu ecen decades
ha e seen he eme gence o a ious k e ek na ionalis NGOs and coali ions ha
p omo e indus y in e es s and s yle hemsel es as g ass oo s champions o k e ek
smoke s, obacco and clo e a me s, ac o y wo ke s, home indus ies, and ped-
dle s.7 O en closely ied o and unded by he indus y, hey lobby he go e n-
men , s age p o es s, publish books, and use websi es and social media accoun s o
dissemina e he belie s ha making, selling, and smoking k e ek a e pa io ic ac s
and ha obacco con ol is pa o a neocolonial plo o des oy Indonesia.
Like k e ek na ionalis s, I am in e es ed in he o dina y people who a e in ol ed
in he k e ek indus y and he mundane labo hey pe o m. Unlike k e ek na ion-
alis s, I accep he scien i ic consensus ha ciga e es (wi h o wi hou clo es) a e
ha m ul and addic i e, and I aim o unde s and how e e yday k e ek labo se es
he in e es s o he la ge p oduce s who o ches a e and exploi i using global
obacco echnologies. K e ek capi alism is a “ha m indus y” p edica ed on “p ac-
ices ha a e des uc i e o ha m ul o people and he en i onmen ”; ha m has
been “pa and pa cel” o k e ek capi alism’s “no mal unc ioning” om he ou -
se (Benson and Ki sch 2010, 461). Bu he ac o s ha shape k e ek’s occasioning

6 In oduc ion
o ha m—who con ols he means o p oduc ion; which echnologies and people
a e in ol ed in making, p omo ing, and exchanging k e ek; he ex en o public
knowledge o obacco’s ha ms; and he social dis ibu ion o bene i s and ha ms—
ha e shi ed o e ime.
PMI’s $5 billion acquisi ion o Sampoe na in 2005 he alded a new e a o inc eas-
ing o eign con ol o k e ek capi alism. BAT and Japan Tobacco In e na ional
(JTI)—majo in e na ional obacco companies ha p e iously con ined hem-
sel es o he sh inking whi e ciga e e sec o —subsequen ly indigenized by aking
o e Indonesian k e ek p oduce s, soon ealizing a combined o eign ma ke sha e
o o e 40 pe cen . As PMI, BAT, and JTI ha e in es ed hea ily in expanding p o-
duc ion and sales o con en ional combus ible ciga e es in Indonesia, hey ha e
made commi men s o ha m educ ion and a “smoke- ee u u e” cen al o hei
public ela ions pla o m in highe -income coun ies. Such deep con adic ions
and inequali ies, howe e , a e no new o k e ek capi alism; hese kinds o ensions
ha e anima ed i since i i s eme ged as a Cen al Ja anese co age indus y a he
end o he nine een h cen u y.
CLOVES, TOBACCO, AND THE GENESIS
OF KRETEK CAPITALISM
Be o e he k e ek indus y u ned Indonesia in o he wo ld’s la ges consume and
impo e o clo es, he spice his o ically played a ai ly mino unc ion in local cui-
sines and pha macopoeias, wi h clo es p ima ily used o la o and as en oge he
be el quids (Reid 1985, 536). Indigenous o he Spice Islands o Maluku, clo es,
oge he wi h nu meg and mace (which de i e om he same plan ), ne e heless
ul illed an ou sized his o ical ole in gal anizing egional ade and colonial com-
pe i ion, wa a e, and iolence. Beginning ea ly in he Common E a, a ne wo k o
Ja anese, Malay, Indian, A ab, and Pe sian ade s anspo ed he Maluku spices
as a a ield as China, India, he Middle Eas , and Eu ope. Known in a ious lan-
guages as “spice nails,” clo es ha e been alued no only as a culina y spice and
ga nish bu also as a ood p ese a i e, pe ume, deodo ize , umigan , incense
ing edien , embalming agen , aph odisiac, den i ice ing edien , den al analgesic,
disin ec an o open wounds, and ing edien in espi a o y, diges i e, muscula ,
and heuma ic medicinals a iously inhaled, inges ed, and de mally abso bed
(Donkin 2003; F eedman 2008; Tu ne 2004). 8
A e 1500, he Po uguese, Spanish, Du ch, B i ish, and F ench compe ed o
di ec access o and con ol o e he spice. In he se en een h cen u y, he Du ch
Eas India Company (Ve eenigde Oos -Indische Compagnie o VOC) won con-
ol and pu sued a “ adical policy o exploi a ion” ha aimed o concen a e plan-
a ion p oduc ion on Ambon and small adjacen islands and ex i pa e i elsewhe e
(Andaya 1993; Bulbeck e al. 1998; Donkin 2003, 169; Ellen 2003; W igh 1958). This
b u al s a egy dis up ed ancien ade pa e ns and depopula ed islands, al hough
In oduc ion 7
he Du ch ne e en i ely succeeded in p e en ing smuggling o he cul i a ion
o “unau ho ized” clo e ees. In he 1770s, F ench and English ade s b oke he
Du ch monopoly by cap u ing clo e seedlings, and he plan was soon success ully
cul i a ed in Zanziba .
The his o y o he k e ek’s o he key ing edien — obacco—is equally ied
o he global his o y o colonialism. Ch is ophe Columbus was sea ching o a
wes e n passage o he spice ade in 1492 when he landed in he Ca ibbean and
accep ed a gi o obacco om Taíno people whom he would la e subjuga e
and ensla e (O iz 1995). The New Wo ld c op eached he Spice Islands and Ja a
in he six een h cen u y, al hough his o ians ha e disag eed o e whe he i was
b ough by Po uguese colonize s pu suing spices o by ade ne wo ks adia -
ing ou om he Philippines unde Spanish colonialism (Cou w igh 2001; Reid
1985). Small-scale obacco cul i a ion sp ead ac oss he a chipelago and in o he
uplands, and du ing he 1800s, he c op was also subjec o o ced cul i a ion
and plan a ion p oduc ion (Boomgaa d 2004; S ole 1995). In 1863, Jacobus Nien-
huys es ablished he i s comme cial obacco plan a ion in Deli, No h Suma a,
which p oduced ciga lea and elied on Chinese labo e s om Singapo e. People
smoked obacco in pipes o w apped in d ied banana lea es o co nhusks called
klobo , bu mos ly hey chewed i in be el quids. Tobacco expanded he epe oi e
o addi i es such as clo es, ca damom, and gambie ha ga nished he quid’s
co e elemen s o a eca nu , lime, and a be el lea w appe . In he nine een h and
wen ie h cen u ies, wi h he in oduc ion o he Manila ciga and ciga e es
and wi h be el chewing and spi ing inc easingly ega ded as unhygienic and
unci ilized by colonial and pos colonial mode nize s, obacco smoking g adually
supplan ed be el chewing. Whe eas be el chewing was an accessible and a o d-
able indulgence ac oss gende and s a us di e ences, smoking is la gely ese ed
o men, and ciga e e b and and p ice ie s se e as p ominen weal h and s a us
ma ke s (Reid 1985, 542).
Popula accoun s c edi Haji Djamha i, a esiden o he Cen al Ja anese own
o Kudus, wi h in en ing he klobo k e ek in he 1870s o 1880s. Rubbing clo e oil
on his ches o elie e his as hma inspi ed Djamha i o inco po a e inely cu clo es
in o his klobo . Tou ing he pu po ed medicinal bene i s o hese klobo , which he
claimed had mi aculously cu ed his a lic ion, Djamha i ma ke ed hem in pha ma-
cies. Al hough Djamha i ealized li le p o i be o e his dea h in 1890, a co age klo-
bo k e ek indus y quickly sp ang up in Kudus. Ni isemi o, a local a is oc a who
wed a klobo make called Nasilah, scaled up klobo k e ek p oduc ion by hi ing
middlemen o o e see home-based piecewo ke s and mode nized klobo ma ke -
ing by launching he Bal Tiga b and in 1906 and hos ing p omo ional e en s wi h
ex a agan p izes like impo ed ce amicwa e, bicycles, and au omobiles (Hanusz
2000, 32–49).9 As he new klobo g ew mo e popula , Chinese en ep eneu s
en e ed he ma ke , and manu ac u e s began using pape a he han co nhusk
w appe s, signaling he eme gence o he con empo a y k e ek o m.
8 In oduc ion
INDONESIAN NATIONALISM, CHINESE INDONESIANS,
AND SAMPOERNA
Long a si e o na ionalis impulses and con lic , he k e ek indus y was implica ed
in he de as a ing 1918 an i-Chinese io s in Kudus. The ea ly wen ie h cen u y
was a pe iod o g owing Chinese and p o o-Indonesian na ionalism in he Du ch
Eas Indies, wi h bo h Tionghoa (Chinese) and bumipu a o p ibumi (na i e o
indigenous) communi ies es ablishing schools, newspape s, and eligious and
poli ical o ganiza ions. Soon a e i s 1912 ounding in Su aka a, Sa eka Islam
(Islamic Union), which e ol ed in o a mass mo emen agains colonialism, o ga-
nized a boyco o Chinese middlemen who domina ed ba ik supplies, sales, and
ma ke ing (B enne 1998, 43). In Kudus, p ibumi esen men ose agains Chi-
nese k e ek p oduce s, whom p ibumi accused o unde cu ing ma ke p ices
and lu ing wo ke s wi h be e wages and c edi . On Oc obe 30, 1918, Chinese
esiden s held a i ual p ocession o hono eligious igu e Tua Pek Kong and
wa d o he in luenza epidemic. Some Ja anese Muslim obse e s ound p oces-
sion pa icipan s d essed in A ab and haji ga b insul ing, which led o a b awl,
Sa eka Islam’s in ol emen , and ensions ha escala ed he nex nigh when Ja a-
nese io e s bu ned homes and businesses in he Chinese dis ic . Nine Chinese
esiden s died, and some wo housand—abou hal he Chinese popula ion— led
he ci y. The p ecise ole o p ibumi k e ek p oduce s and wo ke s in he io s is
unclea , al hough some specula ed ha p oduce s ins umen alized eligious sen-
imen o des oy Chinese businesses (Budiman 1987; Ca kne 2019; Cas les 1967;
Hana 2018). P ibumi k e ek p oduce s’ subsequen imp isonmen ins ead c ea ed
mo e oppo uni ies o Chinese k e ek p oduce s (Badil 2011, 146; Ka ajaya 2005,
81–82). The Du ch esponded o he io s wi h a bi a y mass a es s and by mili-
a izing Kudus.
Du ch colonial policies we e la gely esponsible o pi ing Tionghoa and
p ibumi agains one ano he in he i s place. Unde he VOC, he Du ch
ec ui ed Chinese labo , g an ed some Chinese middlemen ax-collec ing posi-
ions and monopoly ade powe , and c ea ed a hie a chy elega ing Chinese o a
s a us below Eu opeans bu abo e p ibumi. A e he 1799 VOC na ionaliza ion,
he Du ch educed Chinese p i ileges and es ic ed whe e hey could li e, a el,
and own land. Wi h he so-called E hical Policy in 1901, he Du ch condemned
Chinese o exploi ing p ibumi. Chinese we e o en mo e isible and accessible,
and ce ainly less able o de end hemsel es, han Du ch colonial opp esso s, and
hey ha e aced ecu en acial scapegoa ing in he colonial and pos colonial
e as. The Chinese Indonesian amilies who buil and an he ou la ges k e ek
p oduce s in he wen ie h cen u y would ha e o na iga e he ha m ul “weal hy
Chinese” s e eo ypes hey came o epi omize and o en emphasized hei connec-
ions o Indonesian cul u e and na ionalism and hei espec o Islam.
O he ou Chinese Indonesian companies ha would domina e he k e ek
indus y, Sampoe na was ounded i s . Liem Seeng Tee, Sampoe na’s ounde , was
In oduc ion 9
bo n in 1893 in Fujian P o ince. He los his mo he in 1897, and he ollowing
yea , his a he ook i e-yea -old Liem and his six-yea -old sis e o Penang.
Unsa is ied wi h condi ions he e, Liem’s a he con inued on o he po ci y o
Su abaya, lea ing his daugh e behind wi h a Hokkien amily because he could no
a o d passage o all h ee. Liem was o phaned six mon hs la e when his a he
died o chole a. Adop ed by a Hokkien amily in Bojonego o, Liem lacked access
o o mal educa ion and mo ed o Su abaya o wo k in a es au an a age ele en.
He la e peddled cha coal om a secondhand bicycle and sold ood on ailway
ca s. In 1912, a he age o nine een, Liem wed Siem Tjiang Nio, a i een-yea -old
Pe anakan (cul u ally hyb id Chinese) gi l, and hey began selling gene al p o i-
sions ou o a s all in on o hei house.10 A e b ie ly wo king o a ciga e e
manu ac u e in Lamongan whe e he lea ned o blend obacco, Liem began selling
his own blends, bo h di ec ly h ough his wi e’s s all and o e aile s and wholesal-
e s. In 1913, he inco po a ed he business as HM (Handel Maa schappij o ad-
ing company) Liem Seng Tee. When an oppo uni y a ose o buy obacco cheaply
om a ade going bank up , Siem unded he pu chase wi h a wad o cash she
had sa ed and s ashed in he bamboo oo , illus a ing he ole women’s capi al
o en plays in amily businesses and challenging na a i es ha cen e masculine
en e p ise and pa i ilial succession (Yanagisako 2002).
Liem Seeng Tee’s amily and business g ew o e he ensuing decades. Siem
ga e bi h o wo sons, Swie Hwa (1914) and Swie Ling (1915), ollowed by h ee
daugh e s, Sien Nio (1921), Hwee Nio (1926), and Kwang Nio (1928). Liem began
selling a blend o obacco, clo es, and he hea y la o ing mix known as saus
(sauce) unde he b and Dji Sam Soe, Hokkien o “ wo h ee ou .” In 1930, Liem
changed he business name o HM Sampoe na, using a Sansk i -de i ed Malay
e m ha e okes pe ec ion, wholeness, and comple ion. Liem emb aced he aus-
picious numbe nine— he sum o wo, h ee, and ou —whe e e possible, om
domes ic and business s ee add esses o license pla es, wo ke s’ wages, he nine-
le e ed b and and company name, and he a c o nine nine-poin ed s a s g acing
Dji Sam Soe packs. Re lec ing hei inc easing weal h, Liem and Siem educa ed
hei sons ab oad; Swie Hwa s udied business in Chicago, and Swie Ling a ended
high school in China and hen he English Ca holic Uni e si y in Beijing. In 1932,
Liem bough a o me o phanage ha da ed o 1864. He enamed i Taman Sam-
poe na and con e ed he compound in o a amily esidence, wa ehouse, and
ac o y. He eno a ed an audi o ium as a cinema and hea e wi h a o a ing s age
isi ed by Chinese ac oba s, wayang ( adi ional puppe hea e ) pe o me s,
Cha lie Chaplin, and u u e p esiden Suka no, who in 1938 ga e some o his
adema k ousing speeches calling o Indonesian independence on he Taman
Sampoe na s age. Because machine- olled ciga e es we e mo e p es igious han
hand- olled k e ek, Liem also expanded in o whi e ciga e e p oduc ion, buying
se en semiau oma ed machines ha could ope a e a ound he clock (Sampoe na
2007, 46).
16 In oduc ion
In 2010, Muhammadiyah, Indonesia’s second la ges Muslim o ganiza ion, wi h
a e o mis , mode nis o ien a ion and wen y- i e million membe s, issued a
a wa decla ing ciga e es ha am. G ounded in he a ionale ha smoking is a slow
o m o suicide and ha ms amily membe s and bys ande s, he a wa’s impac
was limi ed. Al hough a Muhammadiyah Tobacco Con ol Cen e leade claimed
ha he o ganiza ion was like a s a e ha could issue o de s ha eached down o
i s oo s and we e sc upulously ollowed by loyal membe s, many smoke s ound
he a wa oo ex eme and dismissed i as a misin e p e a ion (salah mena si -
kan), asse ing ha people we e allowed o smoke bu ea ned blessings (pahala)
by a oiding i .19 O he s ep oduced claims ha he a wa was money mo i a ed;
k e ek na ionalis o ganiza ion Komuni as K e ek sough o disc edi i as a poli i-
cal maneu e and a pe o mance o he Bloombe g Ini ia i e, which awa ded
Muhammadiyah a g an o $393,000 in 2009 (Emon 2016). (To pu such obacco
con ol unding in o pe spec i e, conside ha he obacco indus y spen $378
million—almos a housand imes he size o he g an —on Indonesian obacco
ad e ising in 2017.)20
Indonesia’s obacco con ol ac i is s seek membe ship in a global o de o
obacco con ol ha p omises igh s o knowledge, indus y egula ion, an en i-
onmen ee o smoke and ciga e e ad e ising, and a heal hie and mo e p os-
pe ous u u e o Indonesian ci izens. Many o hese ac i is s wo k wi hin he
amewo k o obacco con ol jus ice, which in ol es challenging he indus y’s
a ge ing o ulne able coun ies and communi ies. Such an app oach means pay-
ing pa icula a en ion o how social inequali ies in e ac wi h he en i onmen-
al, heal h, and economic dimensions o obacco iolence. Tobacco plays a ole in
Indonesia’s i e leading causes o dea h (ischemic hea disease, ce eb o ascula
disease, ube culosis, diabe es, and ch onic espi a o y diseases), and obacco-
ela ed diseases s ain and jeopa dize he coun y’s d i e owa d uni e sal heal h
co e age.21 In 2015, he Minis y o Heal h es ima ed he o al di ec and indi ec
heal h cos s o smoking a nea ly $34 billion, h ee imes he amoun gene a ed
by he obacco ax (Wo ld Heal h O ganiza ion 2020, 2, 8, 12). In e ms o gende
inequali y and iolence, boys and young men expe ience in ense social p essu e
o demons a e hei masculini y and adul hood by smoking. O he 7 pe cen o
Indonesian women killed by obacco- ela ed diseases, many ha e ne e ac i ely
smoked a ciga e e. Gi ls disp opo iona ely lose educa ion oppo uni ies due o
obacco- ela ed illness among pa en s (Wo ld Heal h O ganiza ion 2020, 9). In
Indonesian households whe e he a he smokes, obacco accoun s o 22 pe cen
o a e age weekly household expendi u es, cu bing spending on ood, educa ion,
and heal h ca e, con ibu ing o high a es o child malnu i ion and s un ing, and
diminishing heal h and economic li e chances (Wo ld Bank 2018, 2–3). People
in Indonesia’s lowes income b acke smoke a wice he a e o Indonesians in
he highes income b acke , implying ha he poo bea he g ea es bu den o
obacco- ela ed diseases and isk o inancial de as a ion due o ch onic illness
and he p ema u e dea h o key household p o ide s (Wo ld Heal h O ganiza ion

In oduc ion 17
2020, 12). The hea y oll o obacco use on he poo has led some o ques ion he
o hodoxy ha ciga e e ax inc eases a e necessa ily eg essi e (Ve gue , Kea ns,
and Rees 2021). While s a is ical e idence on smoking a es in Indonesia’s quee
communi y is lacking, anecdo al obse a ions and e hnog aphic accoun s sugges
a highe p e alence han among s aigh Indonesians, consis en wi h ends in
o he coun ies (Blackwood 2010; Boells o 2005). Ciga e es acili a e new ela-
ions and iden i ies bu also c ea e addi ional heal h isks o LGBTQ indi iduals
and exace ba e o he s hey al eady disp opo iona ely ace.22
Tobacco con ol has gained some g ound in he pos -Suha o pe iod, bu Indo-
nesia has no joined he Wo ld Heal h O ganiza ion’s F amewo k Con en ion
on Tobacco Con ol (FCTC), a 2003 ea y a i ied by o e 180 coun ies. Indo-
nesian go e nmen delega es who ac i ely pa icipa ed in es ablishing, d a ing,
and app o ing he con en ion saw indus y in e e ence in he Suka nopu i
adminis a ion’s ab up wi hd awal o suppo jus as hey we e p epa ing o sign
he ea y. In he Indonesian go e nmen , only he Minis y o Heal h p ohibi s
obacco indus y collabo a ion; poli icians and poli ical pa ies a e no equi ed
o epo obacco indus y con ibu ions, and indus y in luence o e policymak-
ing is i e (As u i, Assun a, and F eeman 2020). The Tobacco T anspa ency Index
anked Indonesia among he i e coun ies wi h he highes le els o indus y
in e e ence; i s 2021 epo ci ed Sampoe na’s le e aging o he pandemic o gain
access o senio go e nmen o icials and i s le e eques ing ha a egen in Bali
e oke an ou doo ciga e e ad e ising ban (Assun a 2021, 4–5, 36, 57). No being
pa y o he FCTC also means ha Indonesia is unable o in luence i s di ec ion o
access membe esou ces, including unding o a me s ansi ioning away om
obacco (Chamim e al. 2011, 61–82).
A e P esiden Yudhoyono’s adminis a ion signed Regula ion 109 in o law in
2012, ollowed by Heal h Minis y Regula ion 28 a yea la e , Indonesia became
he only coun y wi h pic o ial wa ning labels ha also allowed ampan ciga e e
ad e ising in con en ional mass media, including ele ision, adio, p in media,
and billboa ds (Ansha i 2017, 28). The new laws p ohibi ed obacco companies
om dis ibu ing ee ciga e es o showing ciga e es in ad e ising bu allowed
ele ision and adio ad e ising be ween 9:30 p.m. and 5:00 a.m. Local go e n-
men s we e empowe ed o c a smoke- ee legisla ion bu a hei own disc e-
ion and wi hou a deadline; he p ocess has un olded slowly and une enly and
has been subjec o poli icians’ p io i ies and indus y in luence (K ame e al.
2023). Companies we e o bidden om c ea ing new b ands wi h “misleading
desc ip o s” like “mild” o “ligh ,” bu exis ing b ands could keep using hese
e ms. P ohibi ions on ciga e e sales o p egnan women and o child en unde
he age o eigh een go unen o ced.
Indonesia’s e usal o sign he FCTC may ha e had he impo an upsho o
a ac ing PMI o acqui e Sampoe na in 2005, he eby se ing in mo ion he
cu en e a o inc easing o eign s akes in k e ek capi alism (Chamim e al. 2011,
69). Indonesian k e ek company acquisi ions a e s ikingly a odds wi h he
18 In oduc ion
public commi men s o ha m educ ion and a “smoke- ee u u e” ha PMI,
BAT, and JTI ha e made. PMI boas s ha i has in es ed $9 billion since 2008
in “ educed isk p oduc s,” esul ing in he launch o a ious e- apo p oduc s
and hea ed ( a he han bu ning) obacco de ices such as IQOS ha a e mean
o “dis up ” he con en ional combus ible ciga e e indus y.23 The company has
se s iking a ge s, such as ending ciga e e sales in he Uni ed Kingdom by 2030
and seeing “a leas 30 pe cen o PMI’s adul consume s who would o he wise
con inue smoking swi ch o PMI’s smoke ee p oduc s by 2025” (Jackle 2022, 134;
Sampoe na 2022, 159). Meanwhile, PMI agg essi ely pu sues con en ional com-
bus ible p oduc g ow h in Indonesia, whe e i claimed he la ges ma ke sha e
beginning in 2006 and celeb a ed a new miles one in 2012 wi h o e one hund ed
billion s icks sold. PMI cons uc ed a $250 million mechanized k e ek ac o y nea
Jaka a a he same ime as i was building a ($120 million) educed- isk p oduc
acili y in Swi ze land and launching IQOS in Japan.
By becoming majo k e ek capi alism playe s, o eign i ms ha e pu sued
g ow h and eaped p o i s om con en ional combus ibles while con on ing
d ama ic smoking declines in highe -income coun ies whe e hey mo e hea ily
ma ke “ educed isk p oduc s.” C i ics claim ha PMI uses p o i s om g owing
deadly p oduc ion and sales in lowe - and middle-income coun ies like Indo-
nesia, Tanzania, Uzbekis an, and Egyp o de elop and p omo e i s “ educed isk
p oduc s” in highe -income coun ies (Chaudhu i 2017; Jackle 2022, 131–34). PMI
has no issued bold calls o an end o ciga e e sales ou side o he Uni ed King-
dom and has ins ead spen millions o dolla s opposing obacco con ol policies
in unde de eloped coun ies. K e ek capi alism he eby p o ides i al suppo o
o eign obacco i ms and sha eholde s a he expense o o dina y Indonesians.
COMMODITY NATIONALISM
In hei e o s o p omo e and de end he commodi y, k e ek na ionalis s appeal o
na ionalis sen imen s o bo h lo e and ha ed. The mos p ominen oice o k e ek
na ionalism, Komuni as K e ek (k e ek communi y), e okes hese sen imen s
wi h i s sel -desc ip ion as a “ un communi y ha celeb a es k e ek as he cul u al
he i age o Indonesia .. . upholds na ional independence and opposes o eign
h ea s owa d a local commodi y.”24 Founded in 2010 and abb e ia ed as Kom ek,
he o ganiza ion e uses o disclose i s unding sou ces bu claims ha i accep s
money exclusi ely om domes ic a he han o eign-owned i ms. Dja um is
widely umo ed o be he g oup’s p ima y unde . The Kom ek websi e ecom-
mends a ange o “LTLN” (low- a , low-nico ine) k e ek b ands o he s a ing
smoke , all a ully a anged and pho og aphed o hide g o esque wa ning labels.25
Kom ek s ages he k e ek as an a ec i ely and e hically po en “ma e o ca e”
when i emphasizes he ulne able “li le people” (wong cilik J ) who depend on he
indus y and he lo y ideals o cul u al he i age and na ional independence (Puig
In oduc ion 19
de la Bellacasa 2011). Whe eas obacco con ol ac i is s o en depic Indonesia’s
lax egula o y en i onmen as emba assingly backwa d, k e ek na ionalis s insis
ha Indonesia’s bes selling obacco p oduc is a dis inc i e cul u al hei loom and
should be a sou ce o p ide a he han shame (Suna yo 2013). One o Kom ek’s
aglines insis s, “The k e ek is no a ciga e e” (k e ek bukan okok), and Kom ek
membe s occasionally employ neologisms like o k e ek (mengk e ek) and k e eke
(pengk e ek, Handayani 2012b) o unde sco e he commodi y’s dis inc i eness and
dis ance i om con en ional e ms de i ed om he Du ch e m o smoking
( oken, i.e., okok [ciga e e], me okok [ o smoke], pe okok [smoke ]).26 K e ek
na ionalis s celeb a e as he oes (pahlawan) women smoke s who b a e public
condemna ion and ac o y wo ke s and a m labo e s who “sel lessly s uggle o
a o m o independence, in pu sui o lo y goals o he na ion” (Yoska 2012, 175).
Books and pho os o e a nos algic, aes he icized, and oman icized iew o he
indus y, e oking seduc i e sigh s, ex u es, and a omas h ough bucolic ag a ian
image y o obacco and clo e ag icul u e, scenes o ac o y wo ke s and ciga e e
peddle s, smoke s con i ially in e ac ing o enjoying a solo smoke, ep oduc ions
o colo ul and whimsical in age ciga e e labels, and depic ions o ce he, he a o
insc ibing delica e and in ica e swi ling designs on ciga e es wi h oo hpicks
dipped in co ee g ounds (Badil 2011; Basji e al. 2010; Hanusz 2000; Pu hu 2013;
San osa 2012).
In 2015, k e ek indus y suppo e s snuck an a icle in o a cul u e bill ha was
up o deba e in he House o Rep esen a i es; he a icle’s language sub e si ely
coop ed UNESCO de ini ions o in angible cul u al p ope y and he i age by lis -
ing k e ek as cul u al he i age (wa isan budaya). This would ha e obliged he
go e nmen o in en o y, documen , acili a e, and p omo e he indus y. K e ek
p o ec ions we e s uck om he law, bu a emp s o weaken obacco con ol
legisla ion by ha ing k e ek decla ed a na ional he i age i em pe sis (As u i and
F eeman 2017).
In hei mo e opposi ional mode, k e ek na ionalis s s i up ea , ha ed,
e ulsion, and ange owa d obacco con ol, which hey po ay as pa o a o -
eign, neocolonial, capi alis plo ben on des oying Indonesia and i s che ished
commodi y and callously killing o indus y dependen s (Abhisam, A y, and
Ha lan 2011; Daeng 2011; Pinanjaya 2012; Wibisono and Yoandinas 2014). They
in ensi y un-o - he-mill commodi y na ionalism— ha is, ma ke ing and
ad e ising agencies’ ac ic o in e pella ing po en ial consume s by in oking a
communion wi h unknown ellow pa io ic consume -ci izens achie ed h ough
consump ion (Fos e 2002; building on Ande son 2006)—by in using i wi h
pos colonial a ec and coun e hegemonic appeal as a pu po ed exp ession o
opposi ion o colonialism. Al hough ciga e e demand ends o be ai ly inelas-
ic and shi s e y slowly in esponse o egula ion and p ice hikes due o he
addic i eness o nico ine, k e ek na ionalis s ea he obacco con ol h ea as
u gen , wi h a his ionic “sudden dea h” my h cas ing egula ion as an amoun
20 In oduc ion
o immedia e and o al closu e (Indus i ma i besok pagi!; see Chamim e al. 2011,
57–58). Kom ek denounces as o eign h ea s bo h obacco con ol and mul i-
na ional akeo e s o domes ic k e ek i ms alike, claiming ha obacco gian s
like PMI and BAT a e scheming o s eal hily con e Indonesian consume s o
whi e ciga e es by g adually elimina ing clo es om k e ek.27 K e ek na ional-
is s cons i u e hemsel es as a coun e public ha holds a h ea ened, endange ed
unde dog s a us in ela ion o a pu po edly dominan public and obacco con-
ol o hodoxy (Wa ne 2002, 86). They claim ha obacco con ol c iminalizes
and pa hologizes smoke s as sick, addic ed, and in ec ious and ic imizes hem
in ways akin o o ganized disc imina ion based on age, gende , class, ace, and
sexual o ien a ion (A ymami 2012, 301). K e ek na ionalis s p o e an al e na-
i e and opposi ional iden i y h ough k e ek consump ion and “a sense o ac i e
belonging ha masks o compensa es o he eal powe lessness o human agen s
in capi alis socie y” (Wa ne 2002, 81).
By ocusing on li le people and he cul u al and his o ical signi icance o
k e ek, Kom ek a oids engaging wi h he k e ek indus y as a capi alis phenom-
enon. K e ek na ionalis li e a u e e en igu es he commodi y as an i he ical o
capi alism; Handayani (2012a, 30) desc ibes an a is and Sampoe na A-Mild
smoke named Willy who dismisses whi e ciga e es as no delicious, e e ing
o hem as “capi alis ciga e es.” Willy is ei he unawa e o o unpe u bed by he
ac ha his k e ek b and is made by a PMI subsidia y. Simila ly, Aini (2012, 218)
insis s, “K e ek belong o he people [ akya ] because hey a e p oduced and con-
sumed by he people. I is no a mass p oduc and does no belong o gian global
capi al. E en when he k e ek is p oduced by a la ge company wi h global dis ibu-
ion each, he k e ek se es as a na ional ambassado because i ca ies he unique
as e o Indonesia.” The claim ha he k e ek is no a mass-p oduced p oduc is
as ex ao dina y as he claim ha he companies p oducing hem a e no pa
o global capi al. Gi ing up k e ek cul u e, ano he k e ek na ionalis w i es, is
he same as gi ing in o capi alis cul u e, which des oys e e y hing (P ase y-
aning um 2012, 227). I lo ing k e ek is iden ical wi h lo ing Indonesia (P a-
se yaning um 2012, 229), obacco con ol is equi alen o mu de ing Indonesia
and hose who ely on he obacco indus y (Abhisam, A y, and Ha lan 2011).
K e ek na ionalis s equen ly ad ance hei claim ha obacco con ol ep e-
sen s sinis e neocolonial in e es s (kepen ingan) by poin ing o Big Pha ma in
gene al—and o me New Yo k mayo and philan h opis Michael Bloombe g
speci ically—and hei goal o c ea ing a nico ine eplacemen p oduc ma ke
(Ku niawan 2012). As k e ek na ionalis s unco e his hidden agenda and exco i-
a e he Indonesian ai o s (penghiana ) and lackeys (an ek-an ek) who suppo
obacco con ol, hey ail o ques ion he mo e basic and ob ious mo i a ions o
k e ek capi alis s, o example whe he he h ee weal hies Indonesians (Dja um’s
Ha ono b o he s and Gudang Ga am’s Susilo Wonowidjoyo) make and sell k e ek
o p omo e na ional in e es s (As u i, Assun a, and F eeman 2020). K e ek na ion-
alis s claim o ollow Spi ak in clea ing space o subal e ns o speak, bu hei
In oduc ion 21
wo k en iloquizes o he indus y and s i les indus y c i ique (A dian i 2012,
35). And al hough k e ek na ionalis s cas obacco con ol as o eign and inci e
ha ed owa d Indonesian obacco con ol ac i is s, hey oice no objec ion o he
k e ek indus y’s up ake o o eign echnologies o making and ma ke ing k e ek.
A close examina ion o wha anspi es in mechanized ac o ies and o he k e ek
ha eme ge om hem e eals how ho oughly la ge k e ek p oduce s ha e inco -
po a ed global obacco ma e ials, echnologies, and decep ions.
MECHANIZED FACTORIES AND
MACHINE-ROLLED KRETEK
He alding a “cleane , heal hie , enjoyable as e” (lebih be sih—lebih seha — asa
nikma ) and a il e “k e ek e olu ion” ( e olusi k e ek), Ben oel’s aglines o
Bi u In e na ional, he i s machine- olled k e ek, illus a e how he mechaniz-
ing k e ek indus y adop ed global manu ac u ing and ma ke ing echnologies
o p o oke and allay heal h ea s. Mechanized k e ek ac o ies we e designed o
make obacco con ol discou se wo k o he indus y’s ad an age ia global ech-
nologies. Ben oel p omised an Indonesian as e—clo es and saus—wi h whi e
ciga e e ea u es ha made machine- olled k e ek appea mo e mode n, p es i-
gious, uni o m, and quali y con olled and heal hie han un il e ed hand- olled
k e ek, which we e s igma ized as low class, coa se, di y, and cheap (Ka ajaya
2005, 101). B and names wi h English wo ds like “In e na ional” signaled cosmo-
poli an aspi a ions, and al hough ela i ely ew would be expo ed and consumed
ab oad, he machine- olled k e ek would indeed be made on impo ed machines
wi h impo ed obacco, clo es, and o he ing edien s.
Mechanized k e ek p oduce s pu chased and ailo ed machine y made by Eu o-
pean companies a he han adop ing an impo subs i u ion pa h by de eloping
Indonesian machine y speci ic o k e ek. This emains he case in Sampoe na’s
mechanized ac o ies oday. Machines made by I alian i ms Comas and Ga buio
domina e he p ima y p ocess o ea ing obacco, clo es, and addi i es and con-
e ing hem in o obacco ille . Ge man Hauni b and machines make il e s and
ciga e es, and Ge man (Focke & Co.) and I alian (Senzani) machines package
ciga e es wi h supplies p in ed on Swiss (Bobs ) machine y. B i ish (Ce ulean)
and Ge man (Bo gwald ) machines smoke ciga e es in Sampoe na’s labs o
gene a e decep i e nico ine and a numbe s.28
K e ek p oduce s ha e adop ed global echnologies o manipula ing obacco
o make ciga e es wi h a lowe quali y and smalle quan i y o obacco. Th ough
a p ocess akin o pape making, econs i u ed obacco (“ econ”) is made om a
pulp o mashed obacco s ems and dus ha would o he wise go o was e. Sp ayed
wi h nico ine, he pulp is sliced o look like sh edded lea obacco. Recon now
appea s no only in machine- olled bu also in hand- olled k e ek, which a e
hus subjec o ans o ma ion h ough mechaniza ion, e en as Sampoe na
ma ke s b ands like Dji Sam Soe as unchanging adi ion. Along simila lines,

22 In oduc ion
machine- olled k e ek b ands o en employ pu ed o expanded obacco made
om lea es ha a e sa u a ed wi h eon and ammonia gases and hen eeze-
d ied, doubling in size and enabling he manu ac u e o ciga e es wi h smoke
ha is supposedly lowe in a .29
K e ek also inco po a e many o he same addi i es as whi e ciga e es. Tobacco
ille con ains as many as six hund ed addi i es, which cons i u e abou 10 pe -
cen o he weigh o a whi e ciga e e, and mo e o k e ek wi h hei clo es and
hea ie la o ing (C oss and P oc o 2014, 66). “Casing”—a combina ion o
humec an s, ea men s, and la o an s— o ms he “ ounda ion” ha diminishes
nega i e obacco as es. The “a e cu ” o “ op la o ,” which is applied la e , adds
“no es” o a “signa u e,” endowing b anded ciga e es wi h hei pa icula as e.
Fla o an s c ea e an appealing “pack a oma” and imp o e obacco’s as e and mask
i s ha shness. The casing’s mois ening agen s o humec an s, such as glyce ine and
Figu e 1. In his
in age ad in he
Ben oel Museum,
he company ma -
ke s new machine-
olled k e ek wi h
il e s o he middle
and uppe class as a
“ e olu ion” ad anc-
ing cleanliness,
heal h, and pleasu e.
Pho o by au ho .
In oduc ion 23
die hylene glycol, help s abilize he mois u e con en , make obacco mo e pliable,
and p e en inished ciga e es om apidly d ying ou . F eebasing agen s such as
u ea and ammonia help nico ine each he lungs, blood, and b ain mo e e icien ly.
Bu n accele an s—oxidizing agen s such as po assium ci a e—keep ciga e es li
and exace ba e he i e haza d associa ed wi h disca ded o acciden ally d opped
ciga e es. Cocoa and lico ice, bo h common addi i es, appea o ac as b onchial
dila o s ha make smoke “smoo he ” and acili a e deep inhala ion (P oc o 2011,
501). Suga y addi i es such as in e suga also make obacco smoke less alkaline
and hus easie o inhale.30 Ciga e e make s o en unde sco e ha hey use “ ood-
g ade” addi i es in ciga e es. Foods, howe e , a e mean o be inges ed a he
han bu ned and inhaled in o lungs. Combus ion induces chemical shapeshi ing
ha u ns ela i ely innocuous subs ances like suga , p o ein, and glyce ine in o
po en ca cinogens (P oc o 2011, 490, 499). Typical k e ek la o an s, acco ding
o Sampoe na’s la o specialis , include cacao, lico ice, anillin, u aneol (“swee
like candy”), p une ex ac , plum ex ac , jack ui , black peppe , clo e oil, nu -
meg, and basil.31 Beginning in 1957 wi h Du ch i m Polak and Schwa z, Eu opean
la o ing companies ha e es ablished b anches in Indonesia o supply he k e ek
indus y; o he s include Mane (F ench), Ques (Du ch), Gi audan (Swiss), and
Fi menich (also Swiss).32
K e ek pape also inco po a es global obacco echnologies; i is bleached
whi e, inked wi h b and labels, and pe mea ed wi h bu n accele an s. Ciga e e
designe s manipula e pape po osi y, hickness, wid h, weigh , colo , ensile
s eng h, s e ch, opaci y, ex u e, spo s, and pinholes (P oc o 2011, 366). Ci cula
s ia ions called bu n ings e idence wo-pape hicknesses, which se e o slow
he bu n a e when ciga e es a e no being smoked o p olong consump ion hen
speed i up when smoke s inhale o maximize smoke in ake.33 The pape , which
ypically cons i u es 5 pe cen o a ciga e e by weigh , is bu ned and inhaled in o
he lungs alongside he obacco ille (C oss and P oc o 2014, 77).
In public pe cep ion, syn he ic il e s a e p obably he mos signi ican ea u es
dis inguishing machine- olled om hand- olled k e ek. I ising incomes made
machine- olled ciga e es mo e a o dable, heal h ea s made hem mo e appeal-
ing. The global indus y popula ized il e s in he 1950s, using a wide a ie y o
ma e ials (including asbes os) and manu ac u ing echnologies o coun e g ow-
ing heal h ea s. Today, mos a e made wi h syn he ic ibe s, ypically cellulose
ace a e. The indus y enginee ed il e s o u n b own when smoked, impa ing
he imp ession ha hey e ec i ely ap a (B and 2007, 245). P oc o (2011,
346, 355, 357) a gues ha il e s a e bes unde s ood as audulen gimmicks ha
lowe manu ac u ing cos s, keep obacco bi s ou o smoke s’ mou hs, and, mos
impo an ly, impa he alse imp ession o a sa e ciga e e (Benson 2010). Fil e s
encou age and pe pe ua e smoking a he han making i less le hal.
K e ek manu ac u e s ha e d awn on he global indus y playbook by combin-
ing il e s, en ila ion holes, pape po osi y, and pu ed obacco o c ea e ciga e es
24 In oduc ion
ha yield lowe a and nico ine eadings when smoked by machines. In he ea ly
1970s, he global indus y began ma ke ing such ciga e es as (ul a) “ligh ” and
“mild.”34 These e ms a e now banned in many coun ies as “misleading desc ip-
o s.” PMI adhe es o his posi ion on i s websi e, which du i ully in o ms smoke s
ha hey “should no assume” ha he a ie y o “b ands wi h di e en ea u es
... means ha one ciga e e is less addic i e o less ha m ul han o he s.”35 I s
sugges i e pale me allic and pas el pale es and ad e ising ne e heless imply
lowe isk o ce ain b ands. The indus y has long known ha ac ual smoke s
end o unconsciously co e iny en ila ion holes and inhale longe and ha de o
ge hei nico ine ix (and accompanying a ) om LTLN ciga e es, he eby nega -
ing he ea u es ha p oduce low machine eadings. Deep inhala ion inc eases
smoke s’ isk o de eloping lung cance s ha a e ha de o de ec and ea (B and
2007; P oc o 2011). Dja um i s de eloped “low- a ” k e ek in 1986 o he heal h-
ala med US ma ke (Hanusz 2000, 143), and Sampoe na be hea ily on an LTLN
k e ek o he domes ic ma ke when i launched A-Mild in 1989. Ini ially dispa -
aged as a ciga e e o ans women (banci, a de oga o y e m), A-Mild is oday he
mos widely smoked b and in Indonesia (Ka ajaya 2005, 433). Like many LTLN
k e ek, i s a and nico ine le els equal o exceed hose o “ ull la o ” Ma lbo o
Reds. LTLN k e ek a e ma ke ed using English e ms mild o ligh a he han hei
Indonesian equi alen ingan.
K e ek mechanize s also adop ed global packaging ea u es such as lip- op
ca dboa d packs, shiny in e io oil, and anspa en ex e io ilm wi h pull-
abs. Philip Mo is pionee ed he lip- op ha d pack design in 1955 when i
masculinized Ma lbo o, a b and hi he o ma ke ed o women (C oss and P oc o
2014, 77). Ben oel adop ed his design o Indonesia’s i s machine- olled k e ek.
Fo k e ek as much as o whi e ciga e es, package design is c i ical o c ea ing
he imp ession o b and di e ences amid he basic homogenei y and sameness o
mechanized ciga e es (uni o m leng h, nico ine con en , and so o h; Bell 2020;
C oss and P oc o 2014, 82).
KRETEK MUSEUMS
Museums, co ee- able books, and websi es ha celeb a e k e ek as Indonesia’s
cul u al he i age end o gloss o e o omi en i ely discussion o econ, pu ed
obacco, bu n accele an s, humec an s, u ea, ammonia, plas icize s, syn he ic il-
e s, and Ge man machines ha p oduce en housand o mo e k e ek pe minu e.
The in e na ional echnologies ha u ned he Indonesian ciga e e ma ke om
majo i y whi e ciga e e in he 1960s o mos ly k e ek by he 1980s play a mu ed
ole, i hey appea a all, in k e ek na ionalis na a i es ha emphasize eminine
hands, na u al ing edien s, slow smoking, and a us ic pas a he han high-speed
machines, syn he ic addi i es, and an indus ial p esen .
K e ek na ionalis s use clo es o claim a dis inc i e obacco his o y and a-
jec o y, bu Indonesia is a om unique in celeb a ing ciga e es as objec s o
In oduc ion 25
na ion-building and displaying p ide in museums, ilms, a wo k, and li e a u e.
Claims o na ional he i age ep esen ano he global obacco indus y com-
monplace. The indus y has deployed cul u al p ide and he i age discou ses and
yoked wa ime pa io ism o obacco p oduc ion and ciga e e p o isioning in
soldie s’ a ions, in coun ies anging om China o Bulga ia, Canada, F ance,
and Egyp (B and 2007; Klein 1993; Koh man 2018; Neubu ge 2013; P oc o
2011; Rudy 2005; Russell 2019; Shech e 2006). Tobacco boos e ism in he Uni ed
S a es downplays how p oduc ion was oo ed in sla e y and emains mi ed in
acial inequali ies oday (Benson 2012; G i i h 2009; Kingsol e 2011; Milo 2019;
Swanson 2014).
Indonesia’s k e ek museums p esen he his o y o he commodi y in a nos-
algic and la e ing ligh and ame k e ek manu ac u e s as bene olen pa ons.
Commemo a ing “Indonesia’s i s indigenous capi alis s” and celeb a ing he
commodi y in i s bi hplace, he Kudus K e ek Museum, which opened in 1986,
glosses o e Chinese-p ibumi con lic and an i-Chinese iolence (Weix 1997). The
Jembe go e nmen in Eas Ja a uns a small obacco museum and lib a y, and
BAT has become he cus odian o Museum Ben oel in Malang, which depic s he
company as a posi i e amily en e p ise.
The elabo a e House o Sampoe na complex in he Eas Ja anese po ci y o
Su abaya, spea headed by Pu e a’s wi e, Ka ie Sampoe na, is he g andes and
Figu e 2. The House o Sampoe na museum wi h columns esembling he Dji Sam Soe
k e ek. Pho o by au ho .
32 K e ek Ag icul u e
sauce.” Madu ese go e nmen o icials old us hey sa egua ded local obacco wi h
police ope a ions o p e en ou side obacco om being impo ed and passed o
as local. Finally, we isi ed obacco a me s and buye s on Lombok, which has
gained enown o i s obacco- iendly soil, humidi y, and mild nigh empe a-
u es, leading o a concen a ion o lea buye s and a c op boom since he 1990s.5
Tobacco is p ima ily a lowland c op, whe eas clo es a e g own in he uplands.
As he clo e ee sp ead a beyond i s Maluku o igins, i has become embedded in
di e se labo , landowne ship, and ading a angemen s. O e 70 pe cen o Indo-
nesian clo e p oduc ion is now concen a ed in he p o inces o No h Sulawesi
and Cen al Ja a (Wo ld Bank 2017, 15). Clo es a e g own on oughly i e hund ed
housand hec a es, and o e a million people engage in clo e labo , bu clo es con-
s i u e only a small p opo ion o o al household economic ac i i y and a e a ely
a sou ce o ull ime employmen (Wo ld Bank 2017). We me wi h clo e a me s,
picke s, ade s, ag onomis s, and indus y ad oca es in Ja a and Bali. Sampoe na
sou ces la ge quan i ies o clo es om Suma a, Ja a, Bali, and Sulawesi and has
been quie ly expe imen ing wi h cul i a ing he ee a low al i udes on he island
o Sumba.
Fa me s can sell clo e o ade s while i is s ill on he ee, jus a e i has been
picked (basah, men ah), o a e i has been d ied. Unde ideal sunny condi ions,
clo e buds can d y in h ee days bu o en equi e i e days o longe . In ya ds
and alongside oads, a me s and ade s sp ead clo es on ba e conc e e o plas ic
a ps, using wooden akes o u n hem e e y ew hou s so hey d y e enly. Newly
d ied clo es lack he cha ac e is ic po en scen , which akes a yea o eme ge.
Fa me s can s o e clo es in hopes o be e p ices, bu he e is only a small p ice
N
Jaka a
Yogyaka a
Su abaya
Jembe
Lumajang
Malang
Bli a
Clo e p oduc ion
Tobacco p oduc ion
0
0 500 km
300 mi
JAVA
JAVA
Ja a
Nias
Simeulue
Suma a
Sulawesi
Kaliman an
MALAYSIA
Lombok
Bali
Madu a
Maluku
TIMOR-
LESTE
Singapo e
BRUNEI
Sumba
Na una
Wes
Papua
MALAYSIA
Map 1. Tobacco and clo e p oducing egions. Map by Bill Nelson.

Hie a chy and Subjuga ion 33
ad an age in selling mo e ma u e and pungen clo es (e.g., p ices a e 3 pe cen
highe in Malang).
The mo e complex p ac ices obacco a me s and wo ke s employ o w es he
commodi y om he obacco plan a e a his o ically con ingen ou come o
changing legal and labo egimes, echnologies, and cul u al p e e ences ha alo-
ize and os e ce ain plan pa s and quali ies (e.g., ligh colo , i s -g ow h lea es,
la ge lea size) and supp ess o he s (e.g., lowe s, second lea g ow h; see Hahn 2011).
The i s s age in obacco cul i a ion is p epa ing, plan ing, and main aining he
seedbeds. A week o so a e paddy ha es , a me s and/o labo e s c ea e seedbed
idges using hoes o ac o s, dispe se and wa e seeds, and cons uc shel e s wi h
plas ic shee ing and bamboo ames. Fo y o i y days a e sowing, i all goes well,
he a me will ha e a c op o heal hy seedlings, each en o wen y cen ime e s in
leng h, eady o ansplan ing. Wi h ac o s o hoes, a me s hen p epa e new
ields by building idges. One wo ke punches holes in he soil wi h a la ge s ick and
is ollowed by ano he who ucks seedlings in o holes and pa s he soil in o place.
Wo ke s wa e seedlings a e ansplan ing; hen, o he nex wo o h ee
weeks, seedlings ideally en e a “s ess pe iod” du ing which hey a e denied
wa e , which causes hei oo s o ex end ou wa d in sea ch o mois u e. Nico ine
is manu ac u ed in he oo s, and he plan s dislike “we ee ” (i.e., soggy oo s).
Wo ke s wa e plan s wice he ea e , e ilize hem wi h ni ogen, phospho us,
and po assium, and apply pes icides om plas ic sp ay cannis e s ha wo ke s
wea on hei backs.
The dominan ideal o comme cial obacco is a ound and squa p o ile, wi h
hick and bubbled lea es g owing b oad and ho izon al a he han slende and
poin ing skywa d. To achie e hese a ibu es, wo ke s “ op” plan s when hey
each he desi ed numbe o lea es o ha es by emo ing lowe ing blooms and/
o pa o he s alk and opmos lea es. They gene ally op plan s a eigh een lea es,
bu hey may allow wen y-one lea es o a obus c op o six een o a weake
c op. Fa me s in Madu a op plan s a only wel e lea es, meaning ha each plan
p oduces a lowe lea olume. Topping b eaks apical dominance— he plan ’s en-
dency o g ow e ically along he main s em—and concen a es g ow h ins ead
in o la ge, hea y lea es. Topping also encou ages he p oli e a ion o unwan ed
side shoo s o axial buds called sucke s (wiwilan J , suli Sasak), which wo ke s
b eak o and p e en by applying chemical sucke cides.
Roughly h ee mon hs a e ansplan ing, when he lea es begin o yellow, hey
a e eady o ha es o p iming, which is done in s ages. Wo ke s i s pick bo om
lea es, which ha e seen less sun and mo e humidi y, a e di ie and hinne , and con-
ain less nico ine and suga han uppe lea es. Wo ke s pick h ee o ou lea es om
each plan , necessa ily squa ing o s ooping as hey pick he lowes lea es (Jain
2006, 60–85). In he e en ha lea es yellow swi ly o a me s ea ha swelling
supply will d i e down p ices, wo ke s may pick mo e (e.g., six op lea es, o
“ om he neck up”). They may also lea e he lowes lea es on he s alk i wa ehouses
34 K e ek Ag icul u e
a e e using lowe -quali y lea es. As hey wo k hei way down he ows, wo ke s
make bundles o anspo o he a me ’s home by oo , ca , o mo o bike.
Tobacco is cu ed in se e al dis inc i e ways, each o which en ails di e en cap-
i al ou lays, labo equi emen s, and isks. In Lombok, g owe s mos ly lue-cu e
obacco in hi y- o o y- oo - all b ick o ens ha a e expensi e o cons uc and
uel and equi e wo ke s o ie and hang lea es and moni o lues.6 Lea es mus
be co ec ly posi ioned and he o en app op ia ely en ila ed, main ained, and
s oked o hold op imal empe a u es o e i e o nine days o each ba ch, wi h
hicke uppe lea es equi ing mo e ime (Amigó 2010, 140). Lombok a me s
mus g ow a leas one hec a e o ill a ba n, and hey lue-cu e obacco hemsel es
because g een lea canno be p o i ably sold. Implica ed in de o es a ion and ca -
bon emissions, lue-cu ing adds o obacco’s panoply o nega i e en i onmen al
impac s (P oc o 2011, 513–18).7
Fa me s in he Malang and Bli a egions sh ed and sun-cu e hei obacco.
Fi s , hey ipen and e men he obacco indoo s o h ee o i e days un il i yel-
lows. Wo ke s so lea es o quali y and ipeness be o e cu ing. Sadhana equi ed
ha a me s buy expensi e cu ing machines and se hem a 2 mm, whe eas inde-
penden a me s ypically employ manual cu e s who use hand-ope a ed guil-
lo ines o slice obacco mo e inely, o 0.5–1.5 mm.8 Chasing he sun, wo ke s cu
om a ound 6:00 o 9:00 a.m. and sp ead sh edded obacco by hand on bamboo
ays ha hey place in he sun o d y in on o hei houses, on he side o he
Figu e 4. Wo ke s wea ing masks o p o ec agains dus so obacco lea es in a Jembe
wa ehouse. Pho o by au ho .
Hie a chy and Subjuga ion 35
oad, and some imes in ields. Wo ke s o a e he obacco a midday, a wo-pe son
job ha in ol es laying an emp y ay on o he d ying obacco and lipping i o e .
I akes se e al sunny days o d y cu lea .
In Jembe , kas u i obacco is hung whole, ai -cu ed, and hen ipened in
wa ehouses illed wi h choking ai bo ne obacco dus . Sadhana’s sis e company,
Adi Sampoe na, employs six o se en hund ed low-wage wo ke s—mos ly young
and unma ied, and 80 pe cen emale— o wo o h ee mon hs o so he
lea and pile i in eno mous cubes. Wo ke s moni o he obacco empe a u e,
aiming o 40–42°C, and pe iodically exchange in e io lea es wi h coole ex e io
ones o p e en hem om o e hea ing and blackening. PMI exe cises agency o e
how he en i e obacco cul i a ion p ocess un olds om a s a egic dis ance.
PHILIP MORRIS INTERNATIONAL
La ge ciga e e manu ac u e s ha e inc eased hei powe and con ol o e obacco
a me s by using each ounce o obacco mo e e icien ly and o ches a ing a shi
o con ac a ming. The con ac a ming ansi ion ep esen s ano he global
obacco echnology ha has gained g ound alongside inc easing o eign con ol
o e k e ek capi alism. In he Uni ed S a es, he con ac a ming shi un olded
a e 2004 legisla ion allowed he go e nmen o disman le New Deal–e a obacco
suppo p og ams by paying o ac i e landowne s wi h quo as (“ he buyou ”) and
elimina ing lea p oduc ion es ic ions, p ice suppo s, and subsidies (Benson
2012; G i i h 2009; Kingsol e 2011). Con ac a ming was in oduced in obacco-
dependen Malawi in 2012, whe e i eplaced a noncompe i i e and monopolis ic
auc ion sys em h ough which lea -buying companies colluded o supp ess p ices
and paid subs an ial b ibes o obacco con ac s and legisla i e in luence (O a-
ñez and G aen 2014). Unde PMI, Sampoe na has been con e ing i s Indonesian
obacco lea buying om a mul ilaye ed open ma ke sys em o con ac a ming
h ough i s main lea supplie , PT Sadhana A i nusa. Sadhana is a ami ied amily
business owned by he descendan s o Liem Swie Hwa, he i s bo n son o Sam-
poe na ounde Liem Seeng Tee. In 2011, Sampoe na sou ced 12 pe cen o i s lea
om con ac a me s, bu by 2015, his igu e eached 70 pe cen , and Sadhana
had con ac s wi h o e wen y-se en housand a me s. As compe i ion o ec ui
and e ain con ac obacco a me s inc eased, lea buye s and ciga e e manu ac-
u e s expanded o new a eas.9
Sampoe na and Sadhana ep esen a i es publicly ame he con ac a ming
shi as a win-win si ua ion bene i ing all pa ies. F om his upbea pe spec i e,
a me s enjoy a mo e secu e ma ke and p oduce nei he oo much no oo li le
obacco; lea supplie s and ciga e e manu ac u e s ensu e he “sus ainabili y”
o obacco, which mus compe e wi h ood c ops ha he go e nmen a o s and
subsidizes; mo e s ingen “p oduc in eg i y” o e sigh mechanisms be e shield
consume s om he wo s pes icide esidues and non- obacco ela ed ma e ial
36 K e ek Ag icul u e
(NTRM) like plas ics; and ag icul u al labo e s a e be e p o ec ed by sa e y
equipmen and aining, labo moni o ing, and he in oduc ion o labo -sa ing
echniques o mi iga e child labo isks. Unde i s Good Ag icul u al P ac ices
(GAP) p og am, in oduced in 2002, and in esponse o ising NGO c i ique,
PMI de eloped he Ag icul u al Labo P ac ices (ALP) Code in 2011 based on he
In e na ional Labo O ganiza ion’s (ILO) Decla a ion on Fundamen al P inciples
and Righ s a Wo k and ela ed ILO con en ions. The code co e s child labo ,
income and wo k hou s, ai ea men , o ced labo and human a icking, wo k
en i onmen sa e y, eedom o associa ion, and e ms o employmen .10 Con-
ac s a e supposed o acili a e PMI’s hi d-pa y moni o ing o supplie s and
a me s, bu c i ics ques ion how well he code is upheld and en o ced. Al hough
PMI (2020, 66) claims “ he igh o e mina e con ac s immedia ely in cases
o se e e iola ions impac ing people, he c op, o he en i onmen ,” i s so e
expec a ion ha supplie s “con inuously imp o e he implemen a ion o GAP
p inciples and s anda ds” sugges s a mo e ole an app oach, while he down-
wa d p essu e he company exe s on obacco p ices discou ages adhe ence o
minimum wage egula ions.
These speci ic sho comings in PMI’s labo p ac ices come in he con ex o
a b oade se o conce ns ega ding he poli ical economy o con ac a ming.
Con ac a ming o en exace ba es unequal ela ions by educing compe i ion
among buye s, weakening a me s’ ba gaining posi ion, and ende ing a me s
ulne able o e mina ion by buye s who can always claim ha hey ha e allen
sho o con ac ual obliga ions (Li le and Wa s 1994). Con ac s end o p o-
mo e land concen a ion and o push ou small p oduce s by a o ing hose who
scale up and mechanize. Fu he , con ac s deskill a me s, who elinquish sub-
s an ial con ol o e wha seeds hey plan , when hey plan , and how hey end
and p ocess hei c ops.
E en as PMI sponso s obacco a me s’ p o es s o e Indonesian go e nmen
measu es o inc ease ciga e e axes and p o ec public heal h, he company has
been educing he amoun o obacco in an a e age ciga e e and s a egically dis-
ancing i sel om he obacco plan . Inno a ions like “pu ed” and “ econs i u ed”
obacco manipula e and make e e mo e e icien use o he plan . As no ed in
he in oduc ion, Indonesia’s ciga e e ma ke has seen g owing sales o machine-
olled il e ed ciga e es ha weigh one g am o less, while he ma ke o hea ie
hand- olled k e ek ha con ain mo e obacco has declined. PMI has been publicly
posi ioning i sel as he on unne in an indus y ace o co ne he ma ke in
no el nico ine echnologies, in he p ocess ma ginalizing he obacco plan . PMI
claims o be building a u u e “on smoke- ee p oduc s ha a e a much be e
choice han ciga e e smoking” wi h he ision “ ha hese p oduc s will one day
eplace ciga e es.”11 In his u u e, obacco lea es, along wi h con en ional ciga-
e es, a e s igma ized and ma ked o obsolescence. PMI ma ke s some o i s nex -
gene a ion p oduc s as “ obacco- ee,” despi e he ac ha hey con ain nico ine
Hie a chy and Subjuga ion 37
“ex ac ed om obacco lea es.”12 PMI is hus g owing less dependen on obacco
and s e ching i u he , e en as i exe cises igh e con ol o e lea supplie s and
obacco a me s h ough con ac s. PMI’s dec eased dependence and inc eased
con ol bo h wo k o educe he powe and in luence o lea buye s and especially
a me s, making hem mo e p eca ious and mo e exploi ed.
LEAF BUYERS AND TRADERS
Sadhana is hea ily dependen on Sampoe na, which has i s pick o al e na i e
domes ic and in e na ional lea supplie s. Aidan, a whi e Sadhana manage om
Sou h A ica, old me ha he company sold 97 pe cen o i s p oduc o Sam-
poe na, unde s a edly adding, “Hones ly, i ’s no good o ha e Sampoe na as ou
almos exclusi e clien .” Robe , a whi e Sadhana ag icul u al ope a ions manage
om Zimbabwe, ied his mo e blun and dou assessmen o he ela ion be ween
he companies o he global asymme y be ween lea buye s and ciga e e manu ac-
u e s. Claiming ha he wo ld’s la ges lea buye s ea n a small ac ion in annual
p o i s compa ed o he billions enjoyed by BAT and PMI, he ehemen ly decla ed,
“I ’s no a balanced indus y. I don’ ha e much lo e o Big Tobacco, e en hough
ha sounds hypoc i ical. You can’ see he chain a ound my neck, bu I can assu e
you i ’s he e. Philip Mo is is a la ge sha eholde - and p o i -d i en company wi h
no eel o he a me s.” The esul , he explained, was a cascade o exploi a ion:
“Philip Mo is squeezes he me chan s, like Sadhana, and hey squeeze a me s,
and hey ha e no choice.” PMI squeezes Sadhana no only on p ice bu also on
quali y and en i onmen al and social esponsibili ies, which Robe g umbled a e
“ye ano he cos o business ha ge s pushed on o lea buye s.”13
Despi e hei own misgi ings, lea -buying manage s ne e heless dismissed
as misguided a me s’ equen complain s abou low p ices. They a ibu ed he
unp o i able na u e o obacco a ming o a ious echnical de iciencies ha could
be co ec ed by closely adhe ing o hei equi emen s and counsel a he han an
e ec o s uc u al inequali ies (Ku ian 2020). Im on, a manage in Madu a o
lea buye Alliance One, claimed ha a me s ough o ocus on expendi u es and
p o i s a he han obsess o e p ice. “I say p o i , no p ice!” he d illed, explaining
ha he u ges a me s o conside hei COP (cos o p oduc ion), educe wa e
usage, minimize illage, en ucks collec i ely, and a oid agen s. “Bu ankly,” he
admi ed, “we don’ pay hem a high p ice.” Echoing his he o ic, inancial man-
agemen was he cen al heme o a Sadhana manage ’s Powe Poin p esen a ion o
con ac a me s in Malang. Fuad u ged hem o in es hei 2015 p o i s as capi al
o 2016 and o con ol hei labo cos s by mechanizing, among o he p ac ices.
Mocking hei “obsession” wi h “p ice, p ice, p ice,” he counseled, “Think ins ead
abou inc easing you p oduc i i y and con olling you expendi u es.” Sadhana’s
Lumajang egional manage ins uc ed echnicians o encou age a me s o use
amily labo and o be p esen in hei ields wi h wo ke s so hey would no s op

38 K e ek Ag icul u e
o smoke and cha . He ga he ed a me s o ag ee on a wo ke pay ceiling, exclaim-
ing, “You can’ pay wo ke s 50,000 upiah a day because you’ e a aid abou no
ge ing enough wo ke s.”14 Manage s hus equi oca e, some imes blaming a me s
o being insu icien ly sa y in handling hei capi al, inpu s, and labo and a
o he imes admi ing ha p ices a e simply oo low o jus i y obacco p oduc-
ion—no only o a me s bu o lea supplie s, oo.
A e e y s age o cul i a ion and cu ing, con ac a ming imposes p ecisely
speci ied and igidly en o ced equi emen s on a me s o an al eady demand-
ing c op. To be con ac eligible, a me s mus own o en su icien land o mee
Sadhana’s egional minimum ac eage. Sadhana ells a me s which a ie y hey
mus plan and when. Fuad made an example o one a me a he Malang mee -
ing by loudly admonishing him o plan ing a e he cu o da e, wa ning ha
Sadhana wouldn’ buy om him nex yea i he didn’ adhe e o he schedule. He
also ebu ed a me s’ eques s o use hei p e e ed seed a ie y he ollowing
yea , insis ing ha such decisions es ed wi h company leade ship. Since Indo-
nesia placed a mo a o ium on seed impo s, Sadhana con ac ed US-based Gold
Lea Seeds o ca y ou he labo -in ensi e wo k o de eloping hyb id Vi ginia
seed wi h s e ile males o p e en a me s om p oducing hei own seeds, which
Robe cas as “a quali y con ol and assu ance mechanism.” Im on asse ed ha
Alliance One’s e o s o ge a me s o shi om “ adi ional” o “s anda d” p ac-
ices s a ed wi h seedbeds. The company ied o ec i y a me s’ pu po ed de i-
ciencies by c ea ing demons a ion seedbeds and ins uc ing a me s o p epa e
simila la , one-by- en-me e seedbeds a he han using i egula -shaped, slop-
ing (mi ing) plo s o land.
Se ing as he p ima y in e media ies be ween lea buye and obacco a me s,
Sadhana’s ield echnicians bea esponsibili y o impa ing PMI’s equi emen s
and ensu ing ha hey a e me . Sampoe na claimed 177 ield echnicians wo k-
ing wi h 27,439 con ac obacco a me s in 2019. A e he COVID-19 pandemic
sh ank he ciga e e ma ke and Sampoe na los ma ke sha e o budge b ands,
hese numbe s ell o 112 ield echnicians and 21,356 con ac a me s in 2021 (Sam-
poe na 2022, 109). Fa me s iden i ied echnicians as pe ugas lapangan o PL, he
same e m used o go e nmen ag icul u al ex ension agen s such as hose who
had p omo ed he G een Re olu ion se e al decades ea lie du ing he Suha o
adminis a ion. Technicians may p esen as “lis ene s, iends and educa o s” and
deploy he idioms and p ac ices o public ex ension, bu hey wo k o p omo e
p i a e indus y in e es s a he han being “in es ed in he b oade mission o
u al ans o ma ion, communi y de elopmen , po e y alle ia ion and social jus-
ice” ha os ensibly mo i a es s a e PL (Aga 2019, 10). Technicians a e all men and
ypically ge a ound by mo o bike, making hem mo e app oachable o a me s o
modes means and allowing hem o d i e a he han walk o ields along na ow,
muddy, and slippe y dike pa hs. Technicians ec ui a me s o obacco, isi hei
ields and homes, demons a e app o ed echniques, oubleshoo p oblems, and
Hie a chy and Subjuga ion 39
some imes pi ch in and help hem wi h a ious s ages o cul i a ion. One echni-
cian ecoun ed how a me s’ insis en hospi ali y o ced him o d ink as many as
se en cups o co ee in a day, lea ing his hands shaking. Rela ions be ween a m-
e s and echnicians may be wa m and iendly, bu hey a e oo ed in a hie a chy
in which echnicians, along wi h egional manage s, asse and en o ce PMI and
Sadhana’s equi emen s.
Field echnicians o en ha e ag icul u al deg ees and a e posi ioned as mo e
knowledgeable han a me s whom hey coach and lec u e. This guidance begins
wi h he wo k o plan ing and g owing obacco. Technicians encou age a me s
o make la ge idges wi h so , well-ae a ed opsoil o p omo e d ainage and oo
de elopmen be o e ansplan ing. They also ins uc a me s o plan seedlings
o simila size oge he so hey will be eady o ha es a ound he same ime
and o uni o mly space seedlings by ying kno s in a ope e he ed o s akes ha
can be inse ed a each end o a ow. Technicians ell a me s which inpu s hey
should use and which a e o bidden and ins uc hem o use spoons a he han
hands o achie e a uni o m e ilize dose and o apply e ilize close o oo s.
Robe insis ed ha Sadhana s ic ly con ols chemicals including pes icides,
using lowe quan i ies and sa e chemicals han in he pas . He p o essed his lo e
o he “na u al” op ion o neem bu no ed i s d awbacks; neem mus be applied
ea ly and o en, especially i i ains, demanding mo e labo han du able syn he ic
pes icides. Because neem does no ins an ly kill pes s, a me s o en ques ion i s
e icacy. One specula ed ha neem’s ile smell d i es o insec s. I echnicians see
buds sp ou ing on a me s’ obacco plan s, hey wa n hem ha sucke s cu b hei
po en ial yield by i een kilog ams pe hec a e pe day.
Technicians’ supe ision ex ends in o cu ing, wi h Sadhana elling a m-
e s which cu ing me hods o use and which uels a e accep able o lue-cu ing.
Sadhana’s con ac a me s nea Malang ini ially buil expensi e lue-cu ing
ba ns, only o be old a ew yea s la e o swi ch o sun-cu ing, which made
hem mo e wea he dependen and, some ound, yielded lowe quali y obacco.
When a echnician saw obacco alling h ough one a me ’s bamboo ays, which
had clea ly seen be e days, he clucked o e he “los p oduc ion.” Sadhana’s
speci ica ions also encompass p ope baling me hods and ma e ials. In Malang,
g owe s had o s u obacco in o collapsible wooden boxes (p essbal), hen sew
i wi h co on h ead in o ju e bu lap a he han using plas ic sacks. The na u al
ma e ials we e mean o educe NTRM, mois u e e en ion, mold, and chemical
con amina ion. Sadhana issued a me s ba -coded ags o a ix o each bale so hey
could be aced back o a me s. This, oo, inc eases Sadhana’s abili y o con ol
a me s; when, o example, he cen al wa ehouse inds NTRM con amina ion—
including he g isly ind o a human inge ha Aidan d yly ema ked was “ a he
special”— hey e u n he o ending ma e ial o echnicians so hey can show i o
a me s. The company schedules when a me s a e allowed o deli e ha es s
o buying s a ions.
40 K e ek Ag icul u e
Hie a chical ela ions a e unde sco ed by he g ading sys em echnicians use o
a e a me s by loyal y and skill. Robe explained Sadhana’s de ailed me ics o
quan i ying a me s’ wo h:
An A a me is e y loyal, a D a me is seen as no so loyal. They ge di e en pack-
e s, as de e mined by he PL’s assessmen . Some jus ge a seedbed packe , o he s a e
eligible o much mo e, including loans. Each also has a skill a ing: 1, 2, 3, 4. 1 is a
e y skill ul a me and an ea ly echnology adop e .15 The a me s build a his o y
wi h he company. We also main ain eco ds and sco es o he obacco on each
isi . A sco e o 9 means we an icipa e 2,500 kg o obacco o ou een housand
plan s. Fa me s should plan abou ou een housand plan s pe hec a e.... These
es ima es a e impo an because hey de e mine how much he a me is expec ed
o sell o Sadhana. Fa me s a e expec ed o sell hei en i e c ops. We don’ wan a
a me coming up wi h mo e, passing o his b o he ’s obacco as his own. We need
o ensu e he in eg i y o he p oduc .
To discou age “illici side-selling” and o ewa d display o skills, a me s’ p io
pe o mance and g ade in luence hei quo as and he le el o inpu s ex ended o
hem on c edi (Cockbu n and Ea on 2013, 173). In Lombok, naugh y a me s who
“chea ed” on hei PL and sold o ade s o a highe p ice we e s uck om he
company’s lis .
Field echnicians and hei manage s a e in u n e alua ed and compensa ed
based on he pe o mance o hei con ac g owe s. Technicians p oduce a con-
s an s eam o da a documen ing hei ac i i ies, men o ing, oubleshoo ing, and
yield p ojec ions, and hey enjoy bonuses when he inal quali y and quan i y o
hei assigned a me s’ ha es s is high. The e is always oom o imp o emen .
“We will ne e achie e ou a ge s,” one egional manage no ed, “and hey will
always be se highe .”
E en mo e so han echnicians, obacco g ade s loom la ge o a me s as ig-
u es o ex ao dina y powe media ing be ween hem and he lea -buying com-
pany. G ade s judge he quali y o obacco and some imes ejec en i e bales
o uckloads, bu hey a e cons ained by he need o jus i y hei decisions in
ela ion o c i e ia se by he company and ha e no say o e p ices. In e ac ions
be ween a me s and g ade s a Adi Sampoe na’s imposing wa ehouse complex in
Jembe in 2015 we e ense and sombe a e c ops we e comp omised by mon hs o
ash all om Gunung Raung, a nea by olcano.16 Agus, an Adi Sampoe na g ade
who p e e ed isi ing a me s in hei ields ou side o ha es ime, likened he
walled wa ehouse en i onmen o a p ison. Once hei u n a i ed o back up
hei ucks o he unloading en ance, a me s palmed cash o ciga e es o men
who unloaded hei bales on o he con eyo bel o ensu e hey we e handled wi h
ca e. Wo ke s opened bales and pulled bundles o lea es om he bales’ midsec-
ion o o he andom spo s o he g ade o inspec . The g ade eyed he obacco,
an his hands o e i , and inhaled i s scen . Agus claimed he could smell o bidden
pes icides and non-kas u i lea a ie ies. Sadhana schools a me s on he ange o
Hie a chy and Subjuga ion 41
easons why hei obacco migh be ejec ed as “o -g ade”: NTRM, mold, colo
(e.g., g een o blackish-b own as opposed o he desi ed yellow-b own). I he
app op ia e g ade was unclea , he g ade hal ed he con eyo bel , olled a ciga-
e e om he lea , and smoked i by a window (wo ke s a e o he wise o bidden
om smoking in he dus y, d y, inde box-like wa ehouse a mosphe e). To sus-
ain hei concen a ion, g ade s e alua e obacco in wo-hou shi s. The a me ’s
echnician would o en s and beside he g ade , knowing ha he a me ’s ha es
olume and quali y would be inco po a ed in o his own pe o mance e alua ion.
A wo ke h us black lags in o ejec ed bales and g een lags in o hose deemed
“di y” due o olcanic ash, which su e ed a 10 pe cen p ice cu . In some cases,
a me s could ake ejec ed obacco home and clean i o ee alua ion. The g ade
ejec ed an en i e lo belonging o one dis augh a me who had his young ba e-
oo son in ow, pe haps o display po e y and elici sympa hy.17 Agus said a m-
e s a ely dispu ed his g ading e alua ions in 2015 “because hey eel hey ha e no
o he choice. They a e happy simply o ha e a buye .” E en unde o dina y ci cum-
s ances, selle s migh be eluc an o ques ion g ade s’ judgemen s, ea ing hey
migh be s uck om u u e os e s, al hough some had been known o h ea en
g ade s wi h iolence.18
Lea buye s emphasized he anspa ency o hei g ading p ocess as an ad an-
age o wo king wi h la ge con ac supplie s a he han independen ad-
e s. Manage s poin ed o hei use o digi al scales wi h isible numbe s, pape
eceip s, and ins an cash o bank ans e paymen s. Im on said ha a me s
who sold ou side hei con ac s o a seemingly highe p ice isked losing 5,000
upiah he e and he e due o aul y weigh measu es, ounding, and es ima ion
e o s ha we e unlikely o a o hem. Va ious anspa ency measu es no wi h-
s anding, he e is a g ea deal o co up ion alk and suspicion a ound he g ading
and buying p ocess. Fa me s complained ha hey had o pay o acili a e hei
ansac ions (bia licin). One Lombok a me accused Alliance One g ade s o
“ ea ing con ac a me s like s epchild en” and o cing hem o “pay o ge hei
bales in.” He ci ed one g ade ’s expanding i iga ed land holdings as e idence o
his ill-go en gains. A Sadhana wa ehouse manage acknowledged ha hey had
had o i e a secu i y gua d who was shaking down a me s he p e ious season.
Va ious buye s’ icks ha e hei co olla y in selle s’ icks. Buye s complained ha
some a me s and ade s added suga , sand, soil, pebbles, and ocks o inc ease
he weigh o hei obacco.19
Simila icks and dynamics ob ain be ween clo e a me s and ade s, bu he
indus y has sough o con e independen ade s in o company agen s a he
han con ac ing di ec ly wi h a me s. Be o e hey each ciga e e manu ac u -
e s’ wa ehouses, clo es a e o en ansac ed h ough a ange o ade s, beginning
wi h upland ade s who buy a ious o es commodi ies (e.g., co ee, cacao) and
o en un small e ail shops and s alls ou o hei homes. Wayan, a shop owne
in Bali who was also a membe o he Sampoe na Re ail Communi y p og am
48 K e ek Ag icul u e
Jembe egion. Con ac a me s a ed somewha be e , since lea buye s s ill pu -
chased hei lea , i a a signi ican discoun due o i s pu po edly comp omised
quali y. Independen a me s like Achmad, whose wi e had los he job a a Sam-
poe na hand- olling plan ha closed in 2014, we e especially ha d hi . He in oked
he Chinese acial scapegoa ing s e eo ypes ha pe iodically appea in imes o
economic u moil and license an i-Chinese iolence and spoke wi h naked en y
o con ac a ming pee s (Kusno 2003; Sai 2006; Siegel 1998; S assle 2010, 2019):
They ha e i good because hey s ill ha e hei daddies [con ac companies] o u n
o. Fa me s like me a e ha d up. We’ e su e ing om a conspi acy. Those who buy
a e Chinese, hose who plan a e black.24 A g oup o us en ed i een ucks o ake
ou ha es o a wa ehouse. We we e u ned away, and hen had o pay o he uck
en al! I we could jus ind a willing buye , we wouldn’ ca e how li le we we e paid,
how un ai and exploi a i e he p ice. Unde hese economic condi ions, ma ied
couples a e ge ing sepa a ed. Mo o bikes and chickens a e being s olen. The e’s un-
es and insecu i y.
Fa me s widely complained abou being manipula ed by lea buye s, bu many
we e also ang y a poli icians who hey el should ha e o e ed assis ance. They
p o es ed by bu ning obacco. Jembe is enowned o i s ine ciga lea (na oogs ),
which is mos ly des ined o expo , and he Jembe egency go e nmen p omo es
and celeb a es obacco, which is inco po a ed in o he egional go e nmen sym-
bol, ba ik ex iles, egional cos ume, and dance. Feeling ha his show o cul u al
suppo p o ed o be a sham in a me s’ ime o need, some a me s demanded
ha he lea be emo ed om he egion’s lag.
La Niña unleashed a we d y season (kema au basah) in 2016 ha had many
obacco a me s eli ing he nigh ma ish 2010 season. Indonesia’s obacco yield
ell by o e a hi d om 2015 o 2016 as obacco plan s had no s ess pe iod and
ampan weeds sp ang up in he mois soil and abso bed e ilize s in ended o
obacco plan s.25 Fa me s hi ed ex a wo ke s o weed and hoe e en as he po en ial
quan i y and quali y o hei c op de e io a ed. In Lombok and Ja a, some could
ha dly ace ields inunda ed by i e wa e ha also deposi ed sand and ash. Haji
Ramli’s c op in Lombok was addi ionally h ea ened by he obacco mosaic i us,
and he was ying o g ow mo e seedlings o eplace a lic ed plan s.26 A loyal Sad-
hana con ac a me o wen y yea s, he had expe ienced a pe sonal calami y he
p e ious yea when his ba n caugh i e in he mids o lue-cu ing, incine a ing
o y- i e million upiah’s wo h o obacco wi hin a hal hou . “My kids c ied, bu
I didn’ . P o i o loss, you ha e o laugh,” he s oically insis ed.
While a me s migh wi hs and a calami ous season o wo, many saw an unac-
cep able end o inc easing cos s and declining p ices ha p omp ed hem, like
Fauzi, o educe g owing obacco o e en o cease doing so al oge he . E en a
egional leade o he Indonesian Tobacco Fa me s Associa ion educed his c op
o eigh hund ed plan s in 2015 and made he o ui ous decision o no plan in

Hie a chy and Subjuga ion 49
2016. He also old us delica ely ha he was cu en ly no smoking, because o a
s ange sensa ion on his ongue. In Lombok, abandoned and epu posed lue-
cu ing ba ns bea s iking es imony o a me s’ qui ing he c op. Some le he
s uc u es s anding a e hey s opped g owing o en ed hem o neighbo s, while
o he s used hem o s o age (gudang), con e ed hem in o shops, o , in a ew
cases, des oyed hem a e incu ing la ge deb s and le he ubble in a heap o
emind hemsel es o ne e again plan he c op.
Indonesia’s obacco a me s ace nume ous challenges: deb , clima e change,
limi ed land, a lack o poli ical ba gaining powe , and an aging wo k o ce. These
challenges will no be esol ed by simply plan ing o he c ops, bu a me s’ abil-
i y o do so is an ad an age om a obacco con ol pe spec i e. Mos Indonesian
obacco a me s do no need o be in oduced o “al e na i e” c ops, because hey
a e al eady skilled a cul i a ing hem. The e m obacco a me (pe ani embakau)
is in ac misleading, inso a as i implies ha obacco is he sole o main c op
ha a me s cul i a e. Those who own hei own land (o en annually a he
han seasonally) ypically also p oduce paddy, Indonesia’s s aple c op. The opi-
cal clima e allows a me s o double o iple c op, o en plan ing paddy du ing
he we season ( oughly No embe h ough Ma ch) and obacco du ing he d y
season ( oughly Ap il h ough Oc obe ) on a single plo o land. In egions wi h
highe ain all and on i iga ed land, hey may g ow wo c ops o paddy ollowed
by obacco in a single yea , while on d ye land, a me s may g ow h ee di e en
c ops, such as paddy, obacco, and co n. In mo e a id egions, a me s plan and
ha es obacco ea lie and a e ypically limi ed o p oducing wo c ops a yea .
In e ile (subu ) a eas such as Lumajang o Bli a , a me s ha e mul iple c op
op ions, and lea buye s mus compe e wi h al e na i e c ops (e.g., swee po a oes,
chili, beans, oma oes), whe eas in d ye egions such as Madu a o Jembe , a m-
e s iden i y as mo e obacco dependen , “li ing and dying” (hidup ma i) on he
c op’s o unes. E en in he la e egions, howe e , a me s ha e ound al e na-
i es and ha e begun o ejec obacco a ming as a mains ay.
Recognizing obacco’s labo -in ensi e and high- isk cha ac e is ics, many
a me s a e abandoning he c op, while hose who emain a e o en hesi an and
ambi alen abou con inuing o plan i . Facing such challenging condi ions, Sad-
hana manage Robe complained ha he couldn’ exploi Lombok’s eal po en ial
o obacco ag icul u e, which he compa ed a o ably o No h Ca olina’s:
Now i ’s ge ing mo e and mo e di icul o ind a me s. I used o be I could go ou -
side and ing a bell o ind obacco a me s and hey would all line up. Now I could
ing he bell all day and wouldn’ ind one. Whe e he e’s good wa e , hey end o
g ow o he c ops. They p obably don’ eel hey make enough o a p o i .... In he
sou h and eas a me s a e g owing i because hey can’ g ow any hing else.
Ye despi e he palpable sense o despai and decline in 2016, obacco p oduc-
ion ac oss Indonesia subsequen ly ebounded and ose o new heigh s, eaching
50 K e ek Ag icul u e
nea ly 270,000 ons in 2019.27 This u na ound e lec s he indus y’s pe sis en
abili y—despi e Robe ’s pessimism— o ec ui new a me s and o ecap u e hes-
i an obacco a me s and enounce s.
Sampoe na has also sough o ex end clo e a ming in o new egions o man-
age widesp ead hesi ancy among clo e a me s who ega d clo es as an un eliable
plan and commodi y. The ees cycle h ough bumpe , o dina y, and small ha -
es yea s (panen aya, panen sedang, panen kecil), and small ha es yea s yield
only abou 20 pe cen o la ge ha es s. To p oduce a good c op, clo e ees mus
be heal hy om hei oo s up, bu hey a e suscep ible o p o ac ed d y spells,
wo ms ha bo e h ough unks, and a i us ha causes lea es o yellow and
wi he om he op down. Some a me s apply pes icides agains wo m in es a-
ions, while Sampoe na u ges a me s o coa he lowe unks wi h dolomi e lime.
P o ac ed ain and humid condi ions can lead o mold ha lays was e o ha es s
du ing he h ee- o- i e-day pe iod when clo es a e supposed o d y in he sun.
Clo es a e ulne able o he a mul iple s ages o p oduc ion. An absen ee plan-
a ion owne in Jombang, Eas Ja a, ema ked ha s ealing was common in he
egion, wi h hie es picking clean he lowe ee b anches. When clo es a e d ying
on oadside a ps, hie es can pull o e wi h a ca , sna ch up he a p wi h i s con-
en s, and h ow i in hei ehicle. S o ed clo es can also be s olen by hie es who
a e s eal hy o adep a using magic o pa alyze people in hei homes and s eal
om igh unde hei noses.
Clo es a e also subjec o d ama ic p ice luc ua ions. In he 1920s, Indonesia
wen om being a ne clo e expo e o impo e , wi h he k e ek indus y making
i he la ges consume o he a oma ic spice. An Indonesian go e nmen clo e
in ensi ica ion p og am in he 1960s encou aged uplande s ac oss he a chipelago
o cul i a e clo e ees. Clo e p ices peaked in 1979 in eal e ms, hen p ecipi-
ously declined as supplies ose and he go e nmen sough o main ain a loo
p ice (Bulbeck e al. 1998, 21). In 1991, he Indonesian go e nmen au ho ized he
c ea ion o he Clo e Suppo and Ma ke ing Agency (Badan Penyangga Pemasa-
an Cengkeh, BPPC) os ensibly o aise p ices o smallholde s and s abilize sup-
ply. In p ac ice, he agency se ed as a middleman monopoly, con e ing exclusi e
igh s o buy and sell clo es on an agency chai ed by he p esiden ’s son, Tommy
Suha o (Hu omo Mandala Pu a). P esiden Suha o o ced he cen al bank o
inance he BPPC o he une o $350 million, which appalled he Indonesian ech-
noc a s and in e na ional agencies a emp ing o se he coun y on a de egula-
o y cou se. The usually poli ically quiescen Associa ion o Indonesian Ciga e e
Companies (GAPPRI, Gabungan Pe se ika an Pab ik Rokok Indonesia) oci e -
ously opposed he clo e monopoly, a guing ha i would esul in highe ciga e e
p ices, educed sales, job losses, and dec eased go e nmen e enues. As he BPPC
indeed aised clo e p ices o buye s, ciga e e manu ac u e s expe imen ed wi h
educing clo e con en in ciga e es and used up exis ing s ocks a he han buying
Hie a chy and Subjuga ion 51
om he agency, which became no o ious o high p ices and low quali y. As clo e
supplies ose and p ices ell, upse a me s, unable o ind willing buye s, chopped
down hei ees and plan ed al e na i e c ops (Hanusz 2000, 54–70; Schwa z
2000, 153–57). In 1998, as Suha o’s hold o e powe was e oding, he In e na ional
Mone a y Fund o ced his adminis a ion o disband he BPPC as pa o a sui e o
de egula o y e o m measu es (Linebaugh 1998). Today, Indonesia is he wo ld’s
la ges clo e p oduce , ha es ing oughly one hund ed housand ons o clo es
annually, 90 pe cen o which go in o k e ek (Wo ld Bank 2017, 11). Indonesia also
impo s clo es om Zanziba and Madagasca , whe e ag icul u al li e is punc u-
a ed by boom-and-bus commodi y cycles ied o he dis an o unes o he k e ek
indus y (Sodiko 2012; Tilghman 2019).
Clo e a me hesi ancy mani es s in decisions o g adually educe hei in es -
men by elling ees and no eplacing dead ones. Uplande s ypically g ow clo e
ees alongside o he cash c ops including comme cial wood (e.g., sengon),
bananas, co ee, cacao, palm ees, du ian, and non- ee c ops such as suga cane,
shallo s, chilis, paddy, and swee po a oes. E en APCI leade s, who a e among
he mos ocal and s alwa indus y suppo e s, do no necessa ily ea clo es
as a mains ay. The o ganiza ion’s easu e , o example, cul i a ed a ious c ops
on wo moun ainous hec a es in Eas Ja a she inhe i ed om he a he , a o me
APCI leade who plan ed 418 ees in he 1980s, o which only abou a hund ed
emained. Many o he emaining ees we e a lic ed by a i us. The p o in-
cial leade o APCI in Bali admi ed ha his amily could no li e on clo e ees
alone. He was down o 150 ees on 1.5 hec a es. His amily had chopped down
wo hund ed ees a e he BPPC p ecipi a ed a clo e p ice plumme in he ea ly
1990s. He planned o main ain he clo e ees his pa en s had plan ed bu did no
en ision adding any mo e, anima edly hyping bananas as a mo e luc a i e in es -
men ha p omised quicke e u ns. Whe eas clo e ees equi e se en yea s o
mo e o begin lowe ing and can emain p oduc i e o se en decades o mo e,
banana ees ui six mon hs a e plan ing, can be ha es ed e e y wo weeks,
and p oduce well o abou en yea s.
Tobacco and clo es only pa ially cons i u e a me iden i ies and li elihoods,
easing hei pa ial o wholesale exi . Tobacco a ming is empo ally dema ca ed
as a p ima ily d y-season ac i i y on land whe e ice and o he c ops a e g own
ou side o he obacco season. Fa me s may decide o no plan obacco his yea
o o plan less han las yea . Because yea s elapse be ween clo e ee plan ing
and ha es ing, decisions o plan , main ain, ell, o eplace ees en ail longe -
e m in es men s and consequences. A he same ime, clo e a ming is ypically
pa ial in e ms o land use since clo e a me s end o plan o he ee and non-
ee c ops. K e ek na ionalis s end o mis ep esen he ac i i ies and iden i ies o
obacco and clo e a me s as o alizing a achmen s a he han in hei ac uali y
as empo ally and spa ially pa ial, and o en ambi alen , commi men s.
52 K e ek Ag icul u e
WAGE LABOR
A p o ound ambi alence also uns h ough he discou se o obacco g owe s,
manu ac u e s, and p omo e s a ound he ag icul u al labo equi ed o p oduce
obacco. On he one hand, hey poin o he c ea ion o u al employmen oppo -
uni ies as an impo an indus y i ue in Indonesia, a “labo su plus na ion”
wi h a long-s anding pa e n o jobless g ow h and u ban mig a ion (Li 2014, 2–3).
P o- obacco g oups, one Sampoe na execu i e conceded, e en eso o wildly
exagge a ing he numbe o a me s and labo e s in ol ed in he indus y. On he
o he hand, boas s abou obacco’s employmen -gene a ing capaci y si in ension
wi h he seasonal and low-paid na u e o obacco wo k, he unappealing wo k-
ing condi ions and di icul y sou cing wo ke s, and an indus y d i e o dec ease
p oduc ion p ices and inc ease he use o ime- and labo -sa ing chemicals and
machines. Tobacco, one o he plan a ion c ops mos indelibly associa ed wi h
sla e y, con inues o ga ne a en ion o he ha m ul and exploi a i e condi ions
o i s p oduc ion. NGOs ha e ocused hei a en ion on child labo , mo i a ing
lea buye s and ciga e e manu ac u e s o implemen educa ion p og ams and
de end hemsel es agains accusa ions o child labo in hei supply chains. Ye
he ocus on child labo con enien ly obscu es he un ai pay and o en haza dous
condi ions unde which he mos ly eminized and aging adul wo k o ce labo s.
Child labo in comme cial obacco cul i a ion p o ides a con empo a y ligh -
ning od o global NGO c i ique o he indus y. Human Righ s Wa ch published
a leng hy epo on child labo in US obacco ag icul u e in 2014 and a simila ly
damning epo on child labo in Indonesia wo yea s la e . Many o he unde aged
labo e s he NGO in e iewed in he Uni ed S a es we e child en o immig an s,
and ew wo ked on amily a ms (Human Righ s Wa ch 2014). In Indonesia, by
con as , he o ganiza ion ound ha child en ypically wo ked on amily o
neighbo s’ a ms (Human Righ s Wa ch 2016). While he social dynamics o child
labo di e ged, Human Righ s Wa ch p onounced e ec s o obacco labo on
child heal h and de elopmen simila ly ha m ul (see also In e na ional Labo
O ganiza ion 2007a, 2007b).
The claim ha child en should no engage in such o ms o labo u ns on
unde s andings o he child as a special biological and social ca ego y o pe son.
Biologically, hey “a e uniquely ulne able o he ad e se e ec s o oxic exposu es
as hei b ains and bodies a e s ill de eloping, and hey consume mo e wa e and
ood, and b ea he mo e ai , pound o pound, han adul s” (Human Righ s Wa ch
2014, 49). Socially, NGOs con en ionally depic child en’s so e eign y and agency
as s ill limi ed and de eloping; hey all in o he ca ego y o dependen s a he
han au onomous subjec s.
In he e hnog aphic s udy o child obacco labo e s in Lombok, Amigó a gues
ha con en ional NGO pe spec i es on child labo o e look local cul u al pe -
spec i es and economic eali ies and uni e salize an idealized concep ion o
Hie a chy and Subjuga ion 53
childhood as a sepa a e s age o li e de o ed o educa ion and play ha o igina ed
among he middle and uppe classes in indus ializing Wes e n Eu ope and he
Uni ed S a es (Ebe ha d 2006; Nieuwenhuys 1996; S ephens 1995; Zelize 1985).
Child en, Amigó asse s, “mus be esea ched as ac i e economic agen s and he
ex en o which hey a e au onomous mus be he subjec o esea ch a he han
simply assumed” (2010, 45). She ound ha Sasak child obacco labo e s made
decisions abou when, o whom, and on which asks hey wo ked and how hey
alloca ed hei ea nings (simila ly, see Li 2014, 64–65). They ypically con ibu e
he bulk o hei wages o he household bu also ese e money o hemsel es
o snacks and la ge consump ion i ems (e.g., bicycles, s e eos, schoolbooks, and
clo hes). They engaged in bo owing, lending, and e en o med o a ing c edi
associa ions (a isan).
Like o he sec o s o he Indonesian u al economy, Amigó obse es, obacco
cul i a ion is o ganized in o sub asks wi h age and gende associa ions ha na u-
alize ela ions o powe as inhe en skills. Women and child en occupy subo di-
na e posi ions in labo hie a chies and pe o m lowe -paid asks associa ed wi h
pa ience and ca e ulness, while men’s wo k is alo ized, and highe pay is jus i-
ied, o in ol ing g ea e s eng h and isk. Tying obacco lea es o bamboo poles
(gelan ing), o example, is a dull, piece- a e ask ha in ol es hou s o squa ing
and is pe o med almos exclusi ely by child en. Unlike ha es ing lea es, which
wo ke s ypically s a ea ly in he mo ning, lea ying is also a ask ha can be
pe o med a e school, in he shade, by g oups o child en. Syamsul old us ha
mos a me s use child labo and ha ligh wo k like ying lea es was especially
app op ia e o child en. Consis en wi h Amigó’s claim abou child en exe cis-
ing agency, he desc ibed kids appea ing unbidden in his ya d, commencing asks,
and a emp ing o ick him by ying ewe lea es on o a pole han expec ed and
s e ching hem ou .
PMI pledged o elimina e all child labo om he obacco supply chain since
c ea ing i s Ag icul u al Labo P ac ices (ALP) code in 2011. The code’s ine p in
is mo e complica ed, disallowing “haza dous” wo k o anyone unde he age o
eigh een bu allowing—in de eloping coun ies whe e pe mi ed, pu suan o ILO
Con en ion 138— hose as young as ou een, o wel e in he case o amily a ms,
o pe o m ligh ag icul u al labo . In Madu a, Im on showed us ha Alliance
One collec ed da a and conduc ed andom checks o ensu e ha child en we e
a ending school. (The wa ehouse was no selling o PMI a he ime, bu Im on
explained ha being a en i e o he ALP code made hem eady o do so.) Sad-
hana ield s a old me ha hey alked o a me s abou keeping child en ou
o obacco o a leas limi ing hei in ol emen o a e -school hou s and ac i i-
ies ha minimized chemical exposu e. Bu as a lea -buying manage pu i in
an exaspe a ed ou bu s , “Sadhana can’ wa ch he a me s wen y- ou hou s a
day!” Human Righ s Wa ch hamme ed home his poin in i s epo , insis ing ha

54 K e ek Ag icul u e
companies like PMI could no ensu e ha hei obacco supply chain was ee o
haza dous child labo . The NGO c edi ed PMI, among he companies i examined,
o appea ing “ o ha e aken he g ea es numbe o s eps o be anspa en abou
i s human igh s policies and moni o ing p ocedu es, including by publishing
on i s websi e i s own p og ess epo s as well as se e al de ailed epo s by hi d
pa y moni o s” bu wen on o cas iga e he company o ailing o impose mean-
ing ul penal ies and sanc ions on hose who con inued o use child labo (Human
Righ s Wa ch 2016, 18, 96).
Sampoe na’s co po a e social esponsibili y educa ion ini ia i es a e s a egi-
cally designed o discou age child labo wi h p og ams “hea ily concen a ed in
he a eas whe e he company sou ces obacco and clo es” (Sampoe na 2015, 22).
Beginning in 2013, Sampoe na has de o ed space each yea in i s annual epo s
o ch onicling hese ini ia i es and enume a ing he dozens o schools and hou-
sands o eache s, headmas e s, child en, and pa en s he company’s pedagogy
has ouched while expanding om he obacco-g owing egions o Eas Ja a,
Madu a, and Lombok o he clo e-g owing egions o Sulawesi. Sampoe na has
also al e ed and e ined he na u e and con en o hese p og ams, sponso ing
capaci y-building aining sessions o educa o s and mo e a ge ed women’s
“empowe men ” g oups, en olling mo he s and cha ging hem wi h p e en ing
child labo , and bank olling schola ships o “ inancially disad an aged” child en
in obacco g owing egions and a e -school p og ams in Lombok ha a e “ca ied
ou du ing obacco ha es season o keep child en busy wi h un and c ea i e
lea ning ac i i ies ... aimed a discou aging hem om pa aking in he obacco
ha es and cu ing” (Sampoe na 2018, 149).
I did no wi ness i s hand any cases o child labo in obacco cul i a ion and
p ocessing, bu I did see one case in clo e picking. Child labo in obacco ag icul-
u e (and Indonesian ag icul u e in gene al) appea s o be a waning a he han
an expanding phenomenon and mo e concen a ed in ce ain egions and asks,
such as lea ying in Lombok, a he han being a majo scou ge whe e e obacco
is g own. Go e nmen ag icul u e o icials in Madu a old us ha in he 1980s and
1990s, schools used o emp y ou du ing he obacco ha es bu ha his was no
longe he case. Robe o e ed an ini ially dismissi e esponse o “all hese child
labo issues,” exclaiming, “Tha ’s how you become a a me !” He hen e lec ed,
“My a me s’ bigges wish and deepes d eam is ha hei kids don’ become
obacco a me s. They wan hem in school. O cou se you [i.e., ac i is s, NGOs,
an h opologis s] can always ge pho og aphs [o child en wo king].” When I spoke
o a a he and son as hey picked clo es in Bali, he a he said he hoped his child,
who was s ill in high school, had a b igh e u u e ahead o him han a m labo .
NGOs showed less in e es in he kinds o wo ke s I encoun e ed in obacco
ields, who we e ypically in hei la e wen ies o olde , landless o land poo ,
wi h women a ou numbe ing men. Mos wo ke s we e ma ied, widowed, o
di o ced wi h school-aged o olde child en. Many we e middle aged; some we e
Hie a chy and Subjuga ion 55
elde ly. Young adul s, a me s old me, ound ag icul u al wo k oo ho , oo di y,
unappealing, and emba assing, p e e ing ac o y jobs. Sun-bleached pos e s and
calenda s a ixed o walls showed ha PMI’s an i–child labo e o s had eached
a me s in Malang, whe e hey paid lip se ice o add essing a p oblem ha
appea ed insigni ican gi en he wo k o ce’s composi ion. Landless wo ke s we e
“ ee” in he Ma xis sense; be e o ies o p oduc i e p ope y, hey had o sell
hei labo as a commodi y o isk s a a ion. The land-poo condi ion o wo ke s
was in some cases connec ed o he ela i ely land- ich s a us o he a me s who
hi ed hem. Wa i, o example, was one o o y wo ke s hi ed o end Ib ahim’s
7.5 hec a es, and he same his o y ha had helped Ib ahim secu e his p ope y
had made i ha de o people like Wa i o hold on o o a ain hei own land. The
Suka no adminis a ion a emp ed o educe s a k inequali ies in landholding wi h
he 1960 Basic Ag a ian Law. La ge landowne s and eligious ins i u ions opposed
implemen a ion o he law and ensu ed ha i mo ed a a sluggish pace, while he
Communis Pa y (PKI) and Indonesian Peasan F on ’s (Ba isan Tani Indonesia)
e o s o accele a e land edis ibu ion and go beyond he law’s p o isions p o-
oked con lic s (U ech 1969). Peasan s and land e o m ac i is s we e among
hose mu de ed and supp essed in he wake o he alleged PKI coup a emp in
1965. In he 1970s, he Suha o adminis a ion emb aced he G een Re olu ion’s
p omise o inc easing ag icul u al p oduc ion h ough seeds, chemicals, and ech-
nologies. Along wi h highe axes, his allowed weal hie u al households o g ow
and consolida e hei landholdings while pushing ma ginal landholde s o he
Figu e 6. A a he and son (abo e) pick clo es in Bali. Pho o by au ho .
56 K e ek Ag icul u e
land (Ha , Tu on, and Whi e 1989; Sco 1985). While Wa i spoke posi i ely o
Ib ahim, landless wo ke s o ano he a me wi h h ee hec a es complained bi -
e ly o hei low wages bu did no da e look o wo k elsewhe e, ea ing hey
would lose badly needed employmen .
Women wo ke s a e ou inely exposed o he obacco isks ha child en a e
supposed o be shel e ed om. While I was alking o a g oup o women as hey
b ushed he sucke cide Tamex on o opped plan s, h ee desc ibed a ending a
aining whe e hey we e in o med ha hei child en, whom hey lo e so dea ly,
should no be in ol ed in obacco wo k since i could be dange ous o hem.
Wa i pulled o he bamboo peasan ha o e eal a aining sou eni : a ed and
black baseball cap wi h an image o an idealized nuclea amily, mo he and a he
emb acing hei wo child en. Wi h no husband and i e child en, he own am-
ily s uc u e bo e li le esemblance o his ideal. Wa i wo e black co on glo es o
p o ec he hands om he sun, bu she had cu he glo es o expose he inge s
and allow he o wo k swi ly and dex e ously. The smell was ine, she said, as long
as i did no become oo s ong in he hea . A male supe iso , whose inge s we e
s ained yellow om he subs ance, had measu ed and mixed he chemical wi h
i e li e s o wa e be o e pou ing i in o wo ke s’ makeshi con aine s, some o
i sloshing o e and spilling in o he i iga ion di ch he s addled. Tamex is con-
side ed highly oxic o ish and aqua ic in e eb a es. Use s a e supposed o wea
p o ec i e eyewea , long-slee ed shi s and pan s, shoes and socks, and chemi-
cal- esis an glo es. A co osi e agen capable o causing i e e sible eye damage,
Tamex is also ha m ul o skin, po en ially a al i i en e s ai ways o is inges ed, and
suspec ed o causing cance and gene ic de ec s.28 Wa i held he Tamex solu ion
in a used bo le in he le hand and he b ush in he igh hand. O he wo ke s
ied cu -open plas ic bo les illed wi h sucke cide a ound hei wais s o dangled
hem om hei necks. While Wa i’s ha ad oca ed p o ec ing belo ed and alued
child en, Tamex d ibbled on o he ba e inge s.
Fa me s and wo ke s had a ious idiosync a ic ideas abou he haza ds ha
inhe ed in obacco cul i a ion and how o p o ec hemsel es (Ma kus 2015).
Some isks o wo ke s, such as hea s oke, dehyd a ion, pes icide exposu e, and
excessi e wo king hou s, po en ially pe ain o any ag icul u al labo in Indo-
nesia. NGOs single ou obacco o special a en ion due o i s nico ine con en
and in ica e, labo -in ensi e p ocessing equi emen s. When wo ke s in e -
ac wi h we obacco lea es, hey abso b nico ine h ough hei skin, which can
lead o acu e nico ine poisoning, known as g een obacco sickness (GTS). GTS
symp oms include dizziness, headaches, nausea, omi ing, and insomnia. In lue-
cu ing egions like Lombok, s oke s who handle uel and end o ens wo k a ound
he clock and isk se ious bu ns, while wo ke s hanging and unloading bamboo
poles o obacco lea es in cu ing ba ns isk dange ous alls (Amigó 2010, 135–37,
179). Lombok a me s old us ha hey had used mo e dange ous u naces in he
pas , occasioning acciden s and u ning one s oke ’s body all whi e om ex ensi e
hi d-deg ee bu ns.
Hie a chy and Subjuga ion 57
Me hods o mi iga ing hese kinds o isks can be haphaza d. As a ewa d o
u ning in emp y pes icide cannis e s ha migh o he wise be disca ded in i iga-
ion di ches, Sadhana issued a me s a pe sonal sa e y-gea se including p o ec-
i e glasses, mask, plas ic glo es, and a shi wi h a plas ic ap on sewn inside.29
While a me s occasionally wo e some o hese i ems and dis ibu ed o he s o
wo ke s, he supply was highly limi ed. When, whe e, and how wo ke s used p o-
ec i e gea was u he mo e o en ad hoc and a bi a y. One a me had wo ke s
wea disposable ace masks when hey lay cu obacco on o ays o d y, al hough
hei p ima y isk was likely abso bing nico ine h ough de mal con ac wi h
soaking we obacco. Wo ke s ne e wo e glo es o his ask, al hough hey said
i made hei hands bi e (pahi ); I mysel became dizzy a e se e al hou s o
pe o ming i .
A e long s e ches o picking obacco, some wo ke s desc ibed su e ing om
dizziness, nausea, and omi ing, which a e symp oms o GTS. When picking
obacco, as wi h o he o ms o ag icul u al labo , wo ke s gene ally wea mul iple
laye s o clo hing o p o ec hei skin om he sun. They said he di e ence wi h
obacco is ha i des oyed clo hes, making hem useless o o he pu poses o
demanding special cleaning me hods (e.g., wa m wa e ) and copious de e gen .
When wo ke s began picking lowe lea es ea ly in he mo ning, hei shi s we e
ap o become soaked o e he cou se o se e al hou s om swea and con ac
wi h we lea es. Some wo e glo es o keep hei hands om ge ing di y, while
o he s did no , because glo es slowed hem down; when I ied wea ing glo es
while picking, I soon ound ha hey ended o snag and o g ow s icky. Some
d ank g een coconu milk o alle ia e dizziness and nausea; o he s d ank he bal
onics (jamu) o swee and sou concoc ions ha hey el dissipa ed any poison-
ing e ec om he obacco. Wo ke s o en a ibu ed omi ing o pes icide esi-
due and ha sh chemicals a he han o nico ine. One old us i was speci ically
he i s lea picking ha made he sick due o he Tamex. Wo ke s also joked
ha ins ances o encoun e ing an ances o o a ghos in he ield migh in ac be
chemically induced.
I Amigó is co ec ha Indonesian child wo ke s possess a deg ee o au onomy
and agency ha NGOs p esume hey a e lacking, adul obacco wo ke s’ au on-
omy is cons ained by gende ideology, land access, social no ms, and knowledge.
Tobacco labo u nishes wo ke s wi h some income bu no a li elihood. Such sea-
sonal labo is always s i ched oge he wi h addi ional low-wage wo k and small
en e p ise. E en when emale wo ke s pe o med physically demanding asks
such as hoeing, a me s consis en ly paid hem signi ican ly less o a day’s wo k
han hei male coun e pa s, who a e o en addi ionally compensa ed wi h ciga-
e es. Women wo ke s migh ha e mo e wage labo oppo uni ies in pa because
hey a e cheape o hi e, wi h men ese ed o supe iso y asks and jobs like
anspo ing picked obacco ia mo o bike om he ields o he a me ’s home o
ipening. Wa i and he ellow wo ke s we e o ganized in o wo k g oups wi h lead-
e s. Acco ding o a hi d-pa y assessmen ha PMI commissioned, Sadhana s a ,
64 Hand-Rolling K e ek
o en su e ing) emale k e ek he oes and o mask he high-p essu e and igh ly
con olled wo k in he he o ic o p o ec i e ca e.
Explo ing hese hemes, his chap e d aws hea ily on a mon h I spen wo k-
ing in Sampoe na’s hand- olling ciga e e plan in Malang.2 Sampoe na execu i es’
willingness o g an me ac o y access should be seen in ligh o hei con ic ion
ha wo ke s we e in ensely loyal o Sampoe na despi e he di icul na u e o
hei wo k, he company’s public exposu e o he con en ionally “hidden abode
o p oduc ion” h ough he li ing ac o y exhibi , and he p i ilege ha academic
esea che s associa ed wi h p es igious ins i u ions can enjoy in Indonesia (see
also Sap a i 1995, 15; Weix 1990). When a ac o y adminis a o i s esco ed me, a
whi e woman d essed in a olle ’s uni o m, o my place behind a olling machine,
a loud wa e o noise sp ead ac oss he shop loo as wo ke s’ cu iosi y was a oused.3
O e he cou se o he mon h, I in e ac ed mos closely wi h my immedia e neigh-
bo s, bu I had equen exchanges wi h o he wo ke s be o e 6:00 a.m. when hey
would s op by o cha o ake a sel ie, o e meal b eaks in he can een, and a he
ough sinks whe e we c owded a he end o he day o inse glue ou o ou ools.
FEMINIZED PIECEWORKERS AND THE AGE FACTOR
While emale labo has his o ically p edomina ed in he k e ek indus y, i was
cha ac e ized by a mo e lexible gende di ision o labo un il he mid-1960s. As
discussed in he in oduc ion, a my gene al Suha o used he alleged communis
coup a emp o 1965 o a ionalize he massac e o ade union leade s and, a e
gaining p esiden ial powe s, he aboli ion o communis pa y–a ilia ed unions
Jaka a
Su abaya
Sampoe na machine- olled ciga e e ac o ies
Sampoe na hand- olled ciga e e ac o ies
TPO (Thi d Pa y Ope a o ) hand- olled
ciga e e ac o ies
0
0 100 150 km50
50 100 mi
N
Yogyaka a
JAVA
K aksaan
Malang
Ka awang
Suko ejo
Map 2. Sampoe na’s ciga e e ac o ies and hi d-pa y ope a o s. Map by Bill Nelson.

Class and Gende Pa e nalism 65
and he c ea ion o conse a i e go e nmen -con olled unions. Manage s jus-
i ied wo k o ce eminiza ion in his pe iod by claiming ha male piecewo ke s
p o es ed oo much and consumed oo many ciga e es (Sap a i 1995, 95–96; Weix
1990, 21–22, 126).
A e acing labo mili ancy in he 1950s, Sampoe na sough o depoli icize i s
wo k o ce as wo ke s and as women in ways ha aligned wi h New O de gen-
de dogma. Al hough ac o y wo ke s migh spend mo e ime wi h hei olling
machines han wi h hei husbands, h ough i s adio show, he company s ill
espouses he p imacy o a conse a i e “s a e ibuism” (mo he hood) housewi e
(ibu umah angga) iden i y ha ideally de ines women “as appendages and com-
panions o hei husbands, as p oc ea o s o he na ion, as mo he s and educa-
o s o child en, as housekeepe s, and as membe s o Indonesian socie y—in ha
o de ” (Su yakusuma 1996, 101). The good housewi e p ops up he husband’s
he e ono ma i e masculini y and is he an i hesis o he e il and emascula ing
Ge wani (women’s and wo ke s’) ac i is s whom he New O de depic ed in ab i-
ca ed and sensa ionalized accoun s as killing and mu ila ing he geni alia o senio
a my o icials (La asa i 2013). Whe eas k e ek consump ion legi imizes masculine
escape om amilial obliga ions, hen, k e ek p oduc ion is yoked o eminine
ul illmen o amilial obliga ions.
In con as o mo e sho - e m pa e ns o you h ul emale labo ec ui men
o expo commodi y p oduc ion (Lindquis 2009; Mills 2003; Ong 1987; Wol
1992), he sec o ’s wo k o ce has his o ically been g aye in addi ion o eminized,
popula ed by olde ma ied women who o en hold only an elemen a y-school
educa ion, commu e om home, and emain in he same ac o y o long pe iods
ha o en ex end o li e ime employmen (Sap a i 1995, 87, 97–102, 224–25). The
a e age wo ke age a he Malang plan was o y- ou in 2016. A Sampoe na’s
newes plan in K aksaan, i was hi y- i e—mo e you h ul, bu s ill a a c y om
Me iam Bellina, who was a se en een-yea -old high school s uden when he sex-
ualized pe o mance as Ro o Mendu appea ed in Indonesian cinemas. I expe i-
enced an inc easingly common i ual one day when a supe iso who had eached
he e i emen age o i y- i e walked down ou line o olle s, shaking hands,
saying a ewell (pami an), and blinking back ea s. Ano he supe iso delica ely
con ided ha he “A ac o ” (Fak o U, usia o umu )— ha is, age—p esen ed he
bigges challenge on he shop loo ; wo ke s ine i ably slow down o e ime.
Re i emen s enabled he Malang plan o educe i s s a om 5,400 in 2010
o 3,922 in 2016. The wo k o ce consis ed o an all- emale coho o 3,631 piece-
wo ke s (bo ongan, subdi ided in o 2,271 olle s, 765 cu e s, 499 packe s, and
96 labele s); 259 mixed bu p edominan ly emale daily wage wo ke s (ha ian),
including supe iso s, ool main enance wo ke s, and box packe s; and 32 man-
age s and adminis a i e s a on mon hly sala ies (bulanan), among whom we e
mo e men. Sampoe na con ac ed ou o endo s suppo unc ions such as heal h
ca e, jani o ial se ices, and main enance and cons uc ion.
66 Hand-Rolling K e ek
Quo as subjec piecewo ke s o in ense ime p essu e. “We’ e no chasing ime,
ime chases us” (Kami idak mengeja wak u, wak u yang mengeja kami), a o me
olle who was laid o when Sampoe na closed i s Jembe ac o y in 2014 old me.
Only some app en ices succeed in mee ing quo as and achie e pe manen wo ke
s a us. Some quick wo ke s in hei p ime ge highe quo as, which means mo e
pay bu also mo e p essu e. As piecewo ke s age and slow, hey once again expe i-
ence di icul y mee ing minimal hou ly quo as, as hey did as app en ices. I ound
quo a p essu e o be mos in ense among packe s. My neighbo Bu A i u e ed a
quick p aye a he s a o each day o packing ciga e es, asking ha she should
be swi (supaya lanca ). And whe eas olle s o en asked me how many ciga e es
I had made (“Dapa be apa?”), packe s equen ly asked one ano he abou hei
lack, how a sho o hei quo as hey we e cu en ly alling (“Ku ang be apa?
Ku ang pi a?” J ). Packe s augh me he concep o kepo (no o be con used
wi h kempo , exhaus ed), a s a e o alling behind in a ask accompanied by a sense
o u gency and anxie y. Towa d he end o he mens ual cycle, Bu Rukmini was
p one o ain ing and alling o he s ool. When his occu ed, polyclinic s a
ins uc ed he no o hink abou any hing, including he un inished wo k and
kepo s a e. Al hough packe s occasionally paused o ge a d ink o wa e , hey
eschewed meal b eaks. A sho age o obacco ubs o olle s a he s a o one day
p ecipi a ed a subsequen sho age o ciga e es ha le packe s ex ao dina ily
agi a ed and impa ien , he possibili y o achie ing hei quo as slipping away wi h
each second o o ced idleness.
The emulous head mo emen s ha House o Sampoe na isi o s ind so dis-
u bing a e pa o he quo a speed complex. Wo ke s claim ha hese mo emen s
help hem wo k and ha hey a e no in olun a y. Bu Fi i, a speedy olle , delib-
e a ely engaged he head bob whene e she ealized she was mo ing only he hand
and a ms and needed o pick up he pace. Supe iso s sough o supp ess wo ke s’
bobs, which Sampoe na’s ime-mo ion s udies o wo ke s classi ied as ex aneous
mo emen s ha could c ea e a sensa ion o speed a odds wi h wo ke s’ ac ual
p oduc i i y. Cognizan o such disapp o al, A i said she wasn’ allowed o shake
(gak boleh goyang) and should ins ead si e ec and mo e only he hands and a ms
as I did (seha usnya sepe i Mbak Ma ina). She b ie ly imi a ed me, p onounced i
uncom o able ( idak enak), and esumed he bob. These bobs may be a byp oduc
o ha m ul, epe i i e, high-speed labo , bu wo ke s expe ience hem as an asse -
ion o agency and idiosync asy o e manage ial e o s o keep hei mo emen s
minimal, uni o m, and e icien .
Piecewo ke s’ bodies accumula e dele e ious e ec s om ac o y labo . My
sho - e m expe ience included inge cu s, aching a ms a nigh , and pain when
I sa on a egula chai a home a e eigh hou s pe ched on a ed plas ic s ool
(supe iso s called his pan a panas o ho bo om).4 O e ime, he hands o
cu e s who im ciga e es pe manen ly eshape and bend a ound hei scisso s.
Thei igh index inge s become c ooked and wa ped (bengkok), and some de elop
Class and Gende Pa e nalism 67
g ea blis e s and calluses on he base o hei igh humbs. They equen ly slice
open and spli hei le index inge , humb, and nails, which a e o en bandaged
because o a ecen wound. A e many yea s o acciden ally sha ing o hei
own lesh, he le humbs o some a e isibly sho e han hei igh . Wo ke s
complained o so e hands and a ms (pegel, linu) in he mo ning, and one packe
equen ly shook ou he hands, seeking elusi e elie om he pins-and-needles
sensa ion (kesemu an, li e ally a sensa ion o an s c awling, o pa es hesia in medi-
cal pa lance) ha was likely a symp om o ne e damage due o epe i i e s ain.
I hea d a small commo ion behind me one day and u ned o see an olde olle
collapsed on he loo in he h oes o in ense muscle spasms. She esumed wo k
a e a neighbo massaged he back wi h he ee . Long seden a y days, minimal
hyd a ion, and delayed ba h oom b eaks also lead o po en ial kidney damage
and se e e hemo hoids o some wo ke s; I me one who had had hemo hoid
su ge y h ee weeks ea lie and was s ill unable o esume he egula du ies.
D . Yasin, who had se ed in he ac o y’s polyclinic o six yea s, cha ac e -
ized wo ke s as unheal hy and ini ially blamed hei own bad consump ion habi s.
Obse ing ha ou had su e ed s okes in he p e ious week, Yasin condemned
hei long- e m use o ho monal con acep i es and hei consump ion o ied
ood. (I aised he ole o smoke exposu e in s okes wi h mul iple Sampoe na
ac o y doc o s, bu i always p o ed a nons a e , and one e en exp essed unce -
ain y abou whe he k e ek helped o ha med heal h, ci ing k e ek na ionalis
misin o ma ion.) He a ibu ed wo ke s’ sleepiness and di icul y concen a ing
o hei ca bohyd a e- ich, high-glycemic-index b eak as s. He wo ked wi h he
plan manage o encou age can een endo s o o e heal hie op ions bu gene -
ally despai ed o ha ing much impac on wo ke s’ die a y p ac ices, saying ha
hey elied on Sampoe na’s heal h plan and we e no mo i a ed o change hei
li es yles. Yasin es ima ed ha 60 o 70 pe cen o wo ke s we e obese, a condi ion
he linked o diabe es, hype ension, s oke, ca dio ascula disease isk, and low-
back pain. He claimed ha wo ke s would also “dope,” aking supplemen s and
s e oids sold in on o he plan when hey a e i ed o sick.
As we con e sed, Yasin slowly shi ed om blaming wo ke s’ poo heal h on
hei negligen and igno an beha io as consume s o acknowledging hem as
p oduce s whose wo king condi ions played some ole in hei heal h. The sed-
en a y na u e o hei jobs, he conceded, leads o obesi y and hemo hoids, while
pu ing o d inking and u ina ing o chase quo as con ibu es o kidney s ones.
Yasin con essed ha his abili y o elici a comple e pic u e o wo ke s’ heal h was
limi ed by hei eluc ance o disclose condi ions ha migh lead o job loss. He
always inspec ed wo ke s’ hands and equen ly ound ha he pads a he base
o hei humbs, which should be a li le plump, we e hin and wo n om ne e
damage, sugges ing ca pal unnel synd ome. He wan ed o de ec and ea such
condi ions ea ly, bu wo ke s lied when he asked i hey su e ed om pain. We e
hey mo e candid, Yasin belie ed, he could collec be e da a o managemen .
68 Hand-Rolling K e ek
Bu i was no clea wha managemen would do wi h such da a beyond he ine -
ec ual mo ning exe cise ou ines i ins i u ed. As long as Sampoe na main ained
piecewo k quo as and i ed wo ke s who could no mee hem, wo ke s would
con inue o su e o wo k as as as hey could.
Yasin also saw e idence o wo ke s’ con ac ing sexually ansmi ed in ec ions,
which he a ibu ed o hei husbands, who elied on hei wi es o cash and,
wi h lo s o ime on hei hands, had a ai s. Some wo ke s exp essed conce ns
ha e lec ed he doc o ’s clinical iew. Al hough some we e widowed and o he s
had husbands employed in ields like cons uc ion o ag icul u e, wo ke s we e
o en he household’s p ima y ea ne s o “spine” ( ulang punggung). One olle
complained ha he husband was engaged in many en e p ises, all o which los
money. Some wo ke s ound gende ed expec a ions ha hey a end o hei hus-
bands’ sexual desi es a e hei d aining wo k opp essi e. A plan manage in
K aksaan joked ha wo ke s’ al eady long shi s do no accoun o he “o e ime”
(lembu ) hey mus pull wi h hei husbands. A supe iso old me ha hei wo k
is so exhaus ing ha husbands mus unde s and ha sex can be scheduled only o
Sa u day o Sunday, since on o he nigh s, hey a e simply oo i ed. My neighbo ,
easing a olle abou supposedly ha ing sex h ee imes a nigh , sco ed a he
supe iso ’s “old” pe spec i e. On a mo e se ious no e, she exp essed conce n ha
he husband would ge ang y i she did no ha e sex wi h him (ma ah kalau nggak
dikasih) and ha he would buy i elsewhe e. A packe , siding wi h he supe iso ,
said ha he husband can jus look a he and ell she’s exhaus ed (kecapaian) and
ha he’s no allowed o ouch he (gak boleh dipegang). In his way, she added,
sex wice a week u ns o jus once. Sap a i (1995, 172) ound ha emale ac o y
wo ke s’ economic con ibu ions won hem household au ho i y, enabling hem
o con on un ai h ul husbands. A he same ime, some husbands ind oppo u-
ni ies—and jus i ica ions— o chea ing du ing hei wi es’ long wo k hou s.
I k e ek hand- olling jobs a e exhaus ing, g ueling, and inju ious and some
wo ke s desc ibed hemsel es as always su e ing (bu uh yang selalu sengsa a),
wha makes hese jobs desi able in he i s place, and wha keeps wo ke s a ached
o hem o decades? E en when hey s a ed wo k e y young be o e child labo
laws we e en o ced, wo ke s ended o ame hei en y in o ciga e e ac o ies
as hei own decision, in some cases ci ing s ai ened amily ci cums ances, such as
ha ing many siblings o hei a he ’s dea h (simila ly, see Sap a i 1995). A d i e
insis ed ha Sampoe na was he i s place a woman (including his wi e) seeking
a ac o y job in Su abaya would apply and ha among wo king-class ci cles in his
you h, a Sampoe na uni o m made a woman mo e appealing as a po en ial gi l-
iend o wi e. When women applied o Sampoe na jobs o sough o each quo as
and pass hei p oba iona y pe iod, hey used a ious icks o achie e d y hands
ha would allow hem o wo k mo e apidly. One who began as a olle in 1989 a e
aw o u each mo ning be o e wo k o make he hands less swea y, while o he s
pou ed gasoline on hei hands o d y hem ou . Posi i e dimensions o Sampoe na
Class and Gende Pa e nalism 69
ac o y jobs include pe ks like schola ships o child en, comp ehensi e and well-
main ained ameni ies (can een, oile s, d inking oun ains, mo o bike pa king,
locke s, p aye oom [mushollah], lac a ion oom, polyclinic, lib a y, consume
coope a i es, and banks ha p o ide low-in e es loans), close iendships and
social ies, and, un il he 2014 ac o y closu es, job s abili y. These ac o s make
piecewo k jobs mo e ole able and appealing, bu o e ime is he eal key.
Sampoe na’s hand- olled k e ek wo ke s we e his o ically accus omed o copi-
ous o e ime, which en ailed i s own habi - o ming dynamics; mo e wo k mean
be e pay bu also less ime spen a home and mo e exhaus ion. Piecewo k a es
a e ied o egional minimum wages, and paychecks a e la ded wi h small bonuses
ewa ding s ong eam pe o mance, consis en a endance, and o going men-
s ual lea e.5 A no mal wo kweek is Monday h ough Sa u day, wi h sho e hou s
on F iday and Sa u day. Wo ke s ecei e 1.5 imes hei no mal pay o hei i s
hou o o e ime and double o subsequen hou s. On Sundays and aca ion days,
hey ea n double pay o he i s se en hou s, iple pay o an eigh h hou , and
quad uple pay o addi ional hou s, meaning ha nine hou s o wo k on a Sun-
day would be compensa ed as wen y-one egula hou s. Sampoe na adjus ed o
luc ua ing ma ke demand by inc easing o e ime. Manage s ound ha wo ke s
welcomed i y-hou wo kweeks bu began complaining when hey hi six y hou s.
Be o e i closed o he New Yea aca ion in Decembe 2015, he Malang ac o y
amped up p oduc ion and ope a ed nine-hou days, se en days a week, o manu-
ac u e k e ek be o e he highe 2016 excise ax a e kicked in. Some wo ke s who
no mally ea ned less han one million upiah a week saw wo-million- upiah pay-
checks. They we e g a e ul a e ha ing had ba ely any o e ime in he h ee yea s
since he hand- olled ma ke down u n began in 2013. The long-s anding no -
maliza ion o o e ime made i s absence eel like wi hd awal, leading o sudden
inancial ha dship and ugali y (ngi i ).
P ap o, he hand- olled manu ac u ing di ec o , deployed he cha isma ic
po en ial o hand- olling wo ke s’ class and gende iden i y—and hei need o
o e ime and inancial p eca i y in i s absence— o c a a pa e nalis ic appeal o
masculinized ma ke ing ep esen a i es and senio execu i es o in es in he
lagging sec o . To ul ill his job o “ aking ca e o he ladies,” he commissioned
mul iple in e nal ideos o Sampoe na’s sales and ma ke ing ep esen a i es and
senio leade ship eam in which wo ke s ea ully desc ibe he p o ound ha dship
o wo king “only” se en-hou days. Ha ing al eady los he o e ime, one cu e
sold o a che ished necklace—a gi om he husband—a e he au o epai shop
whe e he wo ked closed. The ideos conclude on a chee ul no e as wo ke s cele-
b a e he e u n o o e ime and hank he men (bapak-bapak) wo king o inc ease
sales. He u, a senio ma ke ing execu i e, spoke impassionedly abou his:
The olle s [ibu-ibu pelin ing] a e ou amily. I ’s hea b eaking o know hey don’
ge o e ime. When you hea hem say, “I wan o e ime.” The e was a s ong push

70 Hand-Rolling K e ek
in e nally: don’ hink abou b and o p o i , hink abou he olle s. Talking o Paul
[Janelle, Sampoe na p esiden ], he has been e y clea . He does no wan o close
ano he ac o y. I was he wo s hing he has done. Maybe e y ew people ake i
pe sonally, maybe hey hink mo e abou olume, bu I do, I ake i pe sonally. Paul
has said o e and o e ha he doesn’ wan o close ano he ac o y, no an MPS
[con ac o ].
P ap o mobilized “ he ladies” o w i e le e s o Sampoe na’s boa d o di ec o s
and boa d o commissione s begging hem o in es in and main ain hand- olled
b ands. A e hey egained o e ime, he solici ed wo ke s’ hank-you le e s,
al hough he con essed ha he o e ime esul ed mo e om ac o y closu es and
con ac o cu s han om ma ke eju ena ion. Such le e s main ain he na a i e
ha boa d membe s dese e c edi o he posi i e aspec s o hand- olling wo k
e en when hey do no bu a e no esponsible o he nega i e aspec s o hei
wo k (such as high quo as o low base pay) e en when hey a e. “Don’ gi e up!”
P ap o implo ed managemen . “I hey [senio execu i es] belie e i ’s o e , i ’s o e .
I ’s okay i SKT [hand- olled k e ek] a e inished in ano he en yea s. Jus gi e
wo ke s enough ime so ha hei child en can g adua e. A leas do his o hose
who ha e gi en hei li es o Sampoe na.” Manage s also used wo ke s’ cha isma
o dissuade he go e nmen om imposing excise ax hikes on he hand- olled
sec o by ec ui ing wo ke s o w i e le e s supplica ing go e nmen o icials o
p o ec wo ke li elihoods. Execu i es’ pa e nalis ic sen imen eassu ed hem o
hei own humani y and in es men in obacco indus y bene i s o class- and
gende -ma ginalized wo ke s. Ye i did li le o p o ec wo ke s om exploi a ion
o job loss amid he changing landscape o k e ek capi alism.
THE PRODUCTION PROCESS
The hand- olling ac o y wo k ha is masked unde he he o ic o pa e nalis ic
ca e is high p essu e, physically demanding, and d aining. Wo ke s o en ise o
he dawn call o p aye a li le a e 4:00 a.m. and cook o hei amilies be o e
depa ing o wo k on minibuses o mo o bikes, a i ing a ound 5:30 a.m. o
a chaos o o he wo ke s, ehicles, and endo s who se up a makeshi ma ke
a ound wo ke s’ a i al and depa u e imes. To access he p oduc ion uni s, pe -
sons o all anks mus submi o a pa -down by a same-sex secu i y gua d. One
old me ha he mo ion o housands o wo ke s passing by he eyes and h ough
he hands ini ially made he dizzy and nauseous.
Tools
Al hough hand- olled k e ek embody he “ adi ional” side o he Indonesian
ciga e e indus y, he ools and p ocess used o make hem a e ha dly s a ic.
P oduc ion oday is a a c y om he old black-and-whi e pho os ep oduced
in ciga e e museums and co ee- able books o kebaya-and-sa ong-clad wo ke s
olling while sea ed on he g ound. Sampoe na asks enginee s in i s Hand-Rolled
Class and Gende Pa e nalism 71
Resea ch Cen e wi h p oducing ool and p ocess inno a ions o “con inuously
imp o e” hand- olling quali y and e iciency.6 Sampoe na is ambi alen abou
implemen ing he cen e ’s inno a ions, olling ou new echnologies une enly
ac oss i s company- and con ac o - un plan s when hey a e deemed likely o
p o oke esis ance, displace wo ke s, o lead o o e p oduc ion. Fo example, a e
he Resea ch Cen e c ea ed a modi ied olling machine ha elimina ed ce ain
s eps and subs i u ed s ainless s eel o wood, he company limi ed i s ollou o
new ac o ies, al hough i could ha e subs an ially inc eased p oduc i i y o 410
ciga e es an hou on he new machines a he han 325 (in Sampoe na ac o ies)
o 370 (in con ac o ac o ies) on he old machines.
Fo wo ke s, e en seemingly mino changes demand wo k low adjus men s.
Whe eas hey used o d aw hei obacco ou o ed plas ic bucke s adjacen o
hei s ools, o e he p io decade Sampoe na eplaced bucke s wi h ec angula
s ainless-s eel bins ha s and on hei wo ks a ions. My neighbo Bu Nia old me
ha a e hese obacco dispense s o “mini silos” we e in oduced, she had aked
he knuckles agains he opening un il hey bled. In some ac o ies, wo ke s apply
glue by holding a s ack o pape s be ween hei inge s and wis ing hem o and
o un il a hin and e en line ac oss he ip o each was e ealed, allowing olle s o
apply glue o dozens o pape s simul aneously wi h a single spa ula swipe. In he
Malang ac o y, olle s used glue applica o s, which p o ed o be he bane o my
own olling e o s. Wi nessing my a ails, Nia abso bed some o he bu den o
my e o s, using pape s ha we e sligh ly o n o o which I had applied oo much
o oo li le glue and i oning ou umpled pape s by placing hem unde he ciga-
e e ub o la e euse. Nia’s help e lec ed he gene al e hos o mu ual conce n
and assis ance among wo ke s, as well as an ing ained sense ha all supplies we e
a ioned, doled ou in limi ed quan i ies, and used wi h ca e. Al hough he appli-
ca o sped up hei wo k once hey g ew accus omed o i , Nia claimed ha when
hey we e i s in oduced, olle s c ied o e how hey o e he pape s, and some
ound he change so demo alizing ha hey qui hei jobs.
Rolling machines ha e me al iden i ica ion numbe s and a e olle s’ mos
impo an ool. Wo ke s ypically use he same machine o hei en i e ca ee
and liken hem o a second husband (suami kedua) o which hey g ow a ached
(simila ly, see C oss 2012). When hei machines equi e main enance, oll-
e s always eel awkwa d and w ong (ku ang pas) on he subs i u e. Elabo a ing
on he husband analogy, a manage obse ed ha wo ke s spend a lo o ime wi h
hei machines, o en mo e han wi h hei human husbands, and ha wo ke s and
machines a e obliged o ake ca e o one ano he . Each mo ning, wo ke s adjus
hei machines’ can as bel s using a plas ic od con ou ed o ideal ciga e e dimen-
sions. Bu Nu ul helped me adjus mine a he s a o he day (a supe iso olled
ciga e es on he s as she did so so ha she would no all oo a behind quo a),
and a he end o he day, Nu ul swi ly massaged condi ioning oil on my can as
bel so i would ope a e smoo hly and no ge s icky and di y. Sampoe na o en
e i es machines alongside wo ke s, p ese ing some used by amously p oduc i e
72 Hand-Rolling K e ek
wo ke s a i s Su abaya headqua e s. Deep g oo es ha e been wo n in o hei
wooden handles whe e wo ke s’ hands g asped hem o e mul iple decades while
hey made millions o ciga e es.
Much as wo ke s a e sensi i e o ools, hey a e also a uned o changes in hei
supplies and en i onmen . In he ainy season, obacco is mo e pliable and easie
o wo k wi h han in he d y season when i becomes iable. The downside o
humid condi ions is hea ie ciga e es ha a e ulne able o supe iso s’ ejec ion
o alling ou side o ole able weigh pa ame e s due o using oo much obacco
ille ; he Malang plan empo a ily aised he maximum weigh o i y ciga e es
om 105 o 107 g ams du ing he ainy mon h when I wo ked he e. Glue, made
daily in an ai -condi ioned oom wi h cassa a powde sou ced om Thailand,
also a ies in iscosi y and consis ency om day o day. Supe iso s complained
ha “yes e day he glue was nice, bu oday i ’s no ” o ha “wa e y glue has been
causing p oblems all day.” Wo ke s and supe iso s also no e a ia ions in he
ciga e e pape , obse ing ha some ba ches a e hin and ha d o wo k wi h, mak-
ing i di icul o p oduce a lawless (mulus) ciga e e. I lea ned om a esea ch
and de elopmen manage in Su abaya ha he di e ences wo ke s pe cei ed in
pape s we e no acciden al. Because hand- olled ciga e es lack syn he ic il e s,
Sampoe na elies on changing bu n addi i es and pape hickness and po osi y o
help main ain consis en machine nico ine and a eadings in esponse o obacco
blend a iabili y.
Rolling
Supe iso s, begging my pa don as hey w apped hei a ms a ound me o dem-
ons a e how o oll ciga e es, ins uc ed me o pick up he obacco as i I we e
ga he ing ice in my inge s o ea . They ep imanded me when I shook o loose
obacco since his mo ion was unnecessa y and would lea e me wi h obacco oo
ine o oll in o ciga e es a he end o he day. I lea ned o pe iodically massage
my obacco o dis ibu e ine (halus) o b oken ( usak) obacco. I I spo ed la ge
s ems o NTRM (non- obacco ela ed ma e ial) such as a piece o plas ic in he
obacco, I placed he o ending subs ance in a small plas ic ecep acle a ached o
he obacco dispense . I lea ned o p ess ine obacco in o he middle o each ciga-
e e while s u ing a pinch o he longe s ands in o bo h ends wi h my index in-
ge s. I p essed he obacco in sideways wi h my igh hand, hen wi h bo h hands
pulled he machine down, up, and down again, hal ing a he pen lines supe iso s
o wo ke s inked on o my can as bel when hey se i ha mo ning. I hen b ushed
o loose obacco wi h my le hand, plucked a pape ou o he glue applica o wi h
my igh -hand inge s, ans e ed he pape o my le hand while o a ing i so
ha he glue end aced downwa d, hen olled he obacco in o he pape wi h my
igh hand, mo ing my le humb o he op o he olle and ca ching i agains
my le index inge . I o a ed he ciga e e a ound wi h my igh humb and index
inge while mo ing my le inge s o he bo om o he ciga e e. A e acing my
Class and Gende Pa e nalism 73
igh humb down and back up he seam whe e he glue holds he pape oge he ,
I ossed he inished ciga e e in o a whi e plas ic ub.
A i s , I s uggled o achie e he co ec conical shape and dimensions (eigh
millime e s in diame e a he inhala ion end, en a he bu n end). Wo ke s can
check ciga e e p opo ions by inse ing hem in sample holde s a ached o he
obacco dispense ; oo small and hey all h ough, oo s ou and hey si high.
When I s u ed a good amoun o longe obacco in o he ciga e e ends, hey
would be packed and s u dy enough ha he shaggy ends could be cu nicely;
wi h oo li le obacco, he ends had holes and el loose when immed. Ini ially,
I also s uggled wi h w apping he pape such ha he seam me p ecisely a each
end and a ound he yellow band; in quali y con ol pa lance, many o my ea ly
ciga e es we e ejec s because hey we e “ou o alignmen ” (mencelek J , mi ing).
Ciga e es wi h insu icien glue emba assingly sp ang open.
Supe iso s co ec ed my pos u e and mo emen s and ucked s ay hai in o
my cap. When I o go o uck my ap on in o my wo ks a ion, a supe iso chided
me ha obacco would all o he loo and become “was e” (she used he English
wo d). When my shoulde s ensed and I leaned inwa d while angling my le hand
o ca ch he ciga e e as I olled i o he machine, supe iso s eminded me o
keep my body loose and elaxed (lemas) a he han closely ollowing my hands’
mo ions. Supe iso s also iden i ied and elimina ed supe luous hand mo emen s.
My sense o ouch imp o ed alongside my olling abili y, and I soon app e-
cia ed how elying on hap ic a he han isual cues eed me o aise my head
up igh , elie ing neck ension. Wi h ime and expe ience, my abili y o pinch
he co ec quan i y o obacco and dis ibu e ine and longe pieces imp o ed. I
could gauge he p ope le el o esis ance when I olled obacco— oo much made
i ough o pull; oo li le and i would ly along oo as and eely. I g adually
s opped making c ooked-seamed ejec s and enjoyed a sense o sa is ac ion when
olling wen well—when he glue applica o p oduced a hin and e en shadow o
glue along he en i e s ip o each pape , when my ciga e es eme ged i m and well
o med—seams mee ing pe ec ly, ee o obacco, and no s icky o we wi h glue
when I an my humb up and down hem, ends shaggy wi h longe obacco. By
he end o my second week o olling, I was making nine y- i e ciga e es an hou .
While I was augh o ollow a con en ional sequence o “co ec ” s eps, wo ke s
ypically e ol ed hei own s yles and inco po a ed sho cu s. Fo example, Nu ul
minimized he mo emen s by aking ex a ime o scoop he co ec amoun
o obacco, whe eas Dina used a swi ini ial scoop hen apidly added o sub-
ac ed obacco. Dina could oll as many as i e hund ed ciga e es an hou .
Nu ul, who could oll six hund ed an hou , olled he obacco down jus once, no
mul iple imes. Ra he han b ushing s ay obacco o he can as bel wi h he le
hand, she blew i away wi h an exhala ion, in e wining he b ea hing and olling
hy hms. Like o he olle s, she also omi ed he s ep o holding he ciga e e in a
s anding posi ion and unning he humb up and down he seam.
80 Hand-Rolling K e ek
u no e a es each 5–7 pe cen , as wo ke s equen ly qui o ca e o child en
o y o he ac o ies. Tu no e ypically peaks a e wo ke s collec hei holiday
bonus a he end o Ramadhan. Fac o ies wi h high u no e may ha e dozens
o non-uni o med, closely supe ised app en ice wo ke s (magang) who ea n a
pocke -money (uang saku) pi ance and can emain in app en ice s a us o up o
one yea .9 Sampoe na manage s a e supposed o ensu e ha TPO manage s a en’
“naugh y” (nakal) in aking ad an age o his ex emely low-wage class o wo ke s.
TPO wo ke s ace oughe quo as han Sampoe na’s ac o y wo ke s. Roll-
e s, o example, mus p oduce a leas 370 as opposed o 325 ciga e es an hou .
Al hough a Sampoe na execu i e amed hese highe a ge s as au onomously se
by admi ably ambi ious and high-achie ing TPOs, ex ac ing mo e om wo ke s
who a e paid less could ins ead be in e p e ed as a esul o TPO subo dina ion o
Sampoe na ha p oduces g ea e wo ke exploi a ion.
In esponse o changing co po a e s a egies and luc ua ing consume
demand, Sampoe na also demanded mo e p oduc ion-line lexibili y om
TPOs han Sampoe na-ope a ed ac o ies. Whe eas Sampoe na-ope a ed ac o-
ies exclusi ely p oduce Dji Sam Soe wel e-packs, TPOs p oduce Dji Sam Soe
wel e- and six een-packs, Dji Sam Soe P emium, Panamas Kuning, Sampoe na
Hijau, and “Ma lbo o C a ed,” a hand- olled whi e ciga e e wel e-pack ha Sam-
poe na launched in No embe 2020 in Suma a. Sampoe na’s p esiden claimed
ha Sampoe na- un ac o ies p oduce only Dji Sam Soe wel e-packs because
hey ep esen he company’s co e p oduc and his o ical p ide, lea ing TPOs o
co e he company’s hand- olled b and spec um and expe imen s. P ap o o e ed
a compe ing a ionale: “I ’s easy o in oduce changes in TPOs because hei unions
a en’ e y s ong.” A quali y assu ance manage simila ly obse ed wi h an indul-
gen smile ha Sampoe na wo ke s would yell in p o es i asked o swi ch p oduc
lines, whe eas ulne able and less en i led TPO wo ke s we e in no posi ion o
esis . TPOs ound i could ake six mon hs o wo ke s o achie e a ge a es
when b and changeo e s equi ed di e en skills and ools. Dji Sam Soe p emium
also equi es a de o ed ai -condi ioned “condi ioning oom” whe e ciga e es a e
d ied, which al e s he as e and d ops hei a e age weigh om 2 o 1.97 g ams. A
TPO manage assu ed me ha hey we e p oud o be en us ed wi h his p emium
p oduc bu hen admi ed ha i was manda o y o TPOs o show ha hey a e
loyal Sampoe na pa ne s who s and eady o se e, wha e e ask hey a e gi en
(sebagai mi a ha us sikapnya siap, se iap ugas dibe i oleh Sampoe na).
The language o pa ne ship ha ames he ela ionship be ween Sampoe na
and i s TPOs, which a e known as mi a p oduksi siga e (MPS, ciga e e p oduc-
ion pa ne s) in Indonesian, obscu es he hie a chical ela ionship be ween he
wo in which Sampoe na su eils, anks, and disciplines TPOs. A Sampoe na
supe iso and ou o mo e addi ional Sampoe na employees conduc adminis-
a i e and quali y con ol wo k on TPO shop loo s and unde ake special p ojec s.
Disclosing a c ack in he açade o benign mu ualism, one Sampoe na supe iso

Class and Gende Pa e nalism 81
con ided in a low oice ha o e seeing a TPO was immensely bu densome (paling
be a ) and had ea ned him enemies.
Sampoe na a es TPOs as b onze, sil e , gold, o pla inum and dis ibu es
ewa ds and punishmen s acco dingly. Ra ings e lec p oduc quali y, cos , sa e y,
los - ime inju y, secu i y, indus ial ela ions, and o he “obse able ac o s” such
as co po a e social esponsibili y (CSR) and wo ke sa is ac ion. Pla inum winne s
should be ou s anding in all pa ame e s. Sampoe na issues pe o mance sco es a
an annual mee ing. Pla inum and gold awa dees a e celeb a ed, while sil e and
b onze awa dees go unmen ioned; a TPO manage obse ed ha he six b onze-
a ed TPOs we e p obably ashamed. Gold and pla inum winne s we e eligible o
a ious awa ds ha we e supposed o mo i a e wo ke s such as a d inking wa e
ap sys em, a i y- wo-inch TV, LCD p ojec o , lap op, uni o ms, and panaboa d
(elec onic whi eboa d). Mo e impo an ly, Sampoe na a o ed pla inum and gold
winne s o la ge con ac s. Obse ing ha hey had enjoyed some o e ime ha
week, one TPO di ec o u ned o his Sampoe na supe iso and obsequiously
hanked him o he a o . He coldly esponded, “Achie e gold s a us, and you’ll
ge e en mo e.” In Yogyaka a, a manage p eened ha his TPO was Sampoe na’s
a o i e because hey liked o be elaxed bu also pu sue hei a ge s (san ai api
mengeja a ge ). TPOs eed Sampoe na da a on hei p oduc ion and quali y
indica o s on a daily, weekly, and mon hly basis.
In compe ing o mos - a o ed ac o y s a us, TPOs o en ep oduce o mimic
he p og ams and ameni ies o Sampoe na ac o ies, eplica ing he lean mana-
ge ial ideology, hi ing p o essional DJs o music p og amming comple e wi h
jingles, and hos ing special celeb a ions and e en s o wo ke s (Ka ini Day and
Ea h Day, adi ional d ess compe i ions and ae obics compe i ions), and spon-
so ing CSR ac i i ies.10 Accompanied by chee ul music, TPO ideos showcase
hese ac i i ies and awa ds and inco po a e images o ood s alls and o signs label-
ing en al uni s as ull o illus a e he local economic s imulus o mul iplie e ec
c ea ed by hei ac o ies. TPO manage s ha e also de eloped p og ams ied o
“key pe o mance indica o s”; some wo ke s a e ewa ded wi h basic household
goods (e.g., ice, cooking oil) o weeding ou non-con o ming ciga e es o o -
eign ma e om obacco, o example, while o he s ecei e sa e-d i ing lessons
o educe acciden a es. TPOs compe e o Sampoe na ecogni ion o hei id-
eos, hygiene, quali y, and p oduc i i y and o ecogni ion o hei indus ial and
en i onmen , heal h, and sa e y inno a ions, which a e showcased a Sampoe na’s
annual con en ion. They e en inco po a e Sampoe na’s auspicious numbe ia
ac s like scheduling a ac o y opening o he nin h day o he mon h.
Howe e elabo a e hei social esponsibili y p og ams o ou s anding hei
quali y indica o s, TPOs in a eas wi h highe minimum wage a es complained
ha hey we e uncompe i i e because p oduc ion cos s ac o ed so hea ily in o
pe o mance e alua ion. “Labo made up 80 pe cen o ou ac o y’s p oduc-
ion cos s,” a Jombang manage complained. “Yogyaka a ac o ies can p oduce
82 Hand-Rolling K e ek
2.5 packs o he same cos as a single pack in Mojoke o!” Sampoe na p essu ed
TPOs o keep minimum wages low by, o example, joining he Indonesian Busi-
ness Associa ion (Asosiasi Pengusaha Indonesia o APINDO) and exe cising hei
in luence as membe s. The Jombang TPO igo ously pu sued his a enue o in lu-
ence, while a Ngan ang manage admi ed ha hey belonged o he o ganiza ion
bu exe cised no meaning ul in luence o e i . Pi ing he TPOs agains each o he
no only emphasizes hei subo dina ion o Sampoe na bu also adds downwa d
p essu e on wo ke s’ wages.
Besides helping supp ess egional minimum wage le els, Sampoe na mobilizes
TPOs o lobby he go e nmen agains obacco con ol policies such as aising
excise axes, p o ec ing nonsmoke s, and es ic ing ad e ising. P ap o explained
ha coope a i es, which a e supposed o dis ibu e hei ea nings, made o pa -
icula ly appealing lobbyis s: “I Sampoe na complains abou he excise ax, he
go e nmen can dismiss us, saying ‘You’ e jus a big company.’ Bu i you ge a
bunch o coope a i es ha go o he go e nmen and alk abou he impac ha
a ise in excise ax will ha e on hem, he go e nmen mus lis en.” Some TPOs
de i ed appeal om hei eligious o a is oc a ic associa ions. One o he Jom-
bang and Ploso ac o y owne s se ed as a eache (kyai) a a local eligious school
om which he plan ec ui ed esh g adua es as wo ke s, and he p ojec ed he
au ho i y o a pious and success ul Muslim businessman (Hoes e ey 2015; Rud-
nyckyj 2010). The las TPO ha Sampoe na es ablished in 2012 was ied o Yogya-
ka a’s popula Sul an Hamengkubuwono. His i s daugh e , Gus i Kanjeng Ra u
Cond oki ono, became a di ec o , and wo o he sis e s held senio posi ions in
he company.11
Despi e he ad an ages hey o e , om low labo cos s and p oduc ion-line
lexibili y o poli ical capi al in lobbying e o s, Sampoe na u ned o i s con ac-
o s o abso b he ongoing educ ion in ma ke demand a e ini ially closing wo
company-ope a ed ac o ies in 2014. Ra he han closing any TPOs, Sampoe na
sh ank hei “packe s” o o de sizes by 27.5 pe cen . The Ploso ac o y, which used
o manu ac u e o e i een million ciga e es a week and some imes subjec ed
wo ke s o b u al six y-one-hou wo kweeks, was educed o nine million s icks a
week. My assump ion ha massi e layo s mus ha e ensued was con ounded by
la ge signs in on o Yogyaka a ac o ies announcing hund eds o open posi-
ions. Manage s explained ha high u no e could ake ca e o sh inking hei
wo k o ce when o de educ ions hi . Manage s and union ep esen a i es in ac-
o ies wi h high wages and low u no e o e ed di e gen accoun s o how hey
educed hei wo k o ce. In Ngan ang, union ep esen a i es claimed ha he
ea ly e i emen o e (pensiun dini suka ela) was so appealing ha wo ke s clam-
o ed o ake i , so he union de e mined which wo ke s economically needed o
keep hei jobs.12 In o he highe -wage TPOs, union ep esen a i es admi ed ha
as hey pu sued a 10 pe cen wo k o ce educ ion hey sough o ous wo ke s who
p oduced below quo as and a ac ed pee esen men .
Class and Gende Pa e nalism 83
In some TPOs, wo ke s esponded o he loss o o e ime by displaying hei
a achmen o he commodi y. A he Jombang TPO, wo ke s ook home a pack o
Sampoe na Hijau k e ek each week o hei spouses, sons, o b o he s, wi h he
cos au oma ically deduc ed om hei weekly wage. A union ep esen a i e in
Ngan ang old us ha he husband, a middle school physical educa ion eache ,
smoked Sampoe na Hijau a he eques . Some TPO consume coope a i es also
sold cheap ca ons o Sampoe na ciga e es and an p og ams ha allowed wo ke s
o ea n poin s on pu chases o he b and hey manu ac u ed (wi h p oduc coded
om o he ac o ies o a oid accusa ions o ac o y he ) ha hey could edeem
o b anded T-shi s, he moses, ash ays, and ligh e s. Amid he hand- olled
ma ke decline and he inc easing p eca i y o TPO jobs, Sampoe na con inues
o ex ac alue om olle s and hei amilies, as bo h p oduce s and consume s.
SUPERVISING QUALITY, QUANTITY, AND SOLIDARITY
As hose immedia ely abo e wo ke s in he ac o y hie a chy, supe iso s con-
s i u e he human on line o speed and quali y con ol and can inspi e ond-
ness and loyal y o app ehension and dislike. Mos wo ke s in e ac minimally
wi h he uni coo dina o and ac o y manage , by whom hey would p e e o go
unno iced. Wo ke s poin ed ou a came a a ixed o he uni wall ha a o ded he
ac o y manage a 360-deg ee iew o he shop loo and su eillance powe s akin
o hose depic ed in Cha lie Chaplin’s Mode n Times. Quali y con ol lab echni-
cians ha e a dis anced ela ionship wi h wo ke s since hey p ima ily judge hei
anonymized p oduc s based on company s anda ds. Sampoe na assesses e e yone
in his chain, om wo ke s o eam leade s, lab echnicians, adio DJs, and ac o y
manage s, whom Sampoe na e alua es by compa ing he quali y, speed, and uni
cos ac oss ac o ies. Ideally, no one should escape he d agne o pe o mance
e alua ion and con inuous imp o emen .
His o ically, Sampoe na ec ui ed supe iso s (mando ) om he anks o
o dina y wo ke s, so many had low le els o o mal educa ion. One supe iso
began wo king ull ime in a ciga e e ac o y when she was en, joined Sampoe na
a hi een, and was al eady p omo ed o supe iso a he age o six een. Ano he
began a k e ek manu ac u e G èndèl when she was wel e, la e mo ed on o
Ben oel, and joined Sampoe na a he age o wen y. In he pas , she acknowl-
edged, supe iso s we e selec ed by hei iends in a “ amily sys em” (sis em
kelua ga). Classi ied as daily wo ke s, supe iso s use badges o check in and ou
o each wo kday and ack hei one-hou b eaks wi h punch ca ds, o en spli ing
he allo ed hou in o wo sho e b eaks: one o ea a meal and one o pe o m
midday p aye s ha quo a-chasing piecewo ke s o go.
A e acqui ing Sampoe na, PMI sough o disman le he in o mal sys em o
supe iso selec ion, which was ulne able o cha ges o nepo ism, by in oduc-
ing new c i e ia (including a high school deg ee), openly ad e ising posi ions,
84 Hand-Rolling K e ek
allowing anyone who me he c i e ia o apply, and subjec ing applican s o s an-
da d es ing p ocedu es. PMI also ins i u ed annual o biannual o a ions o supe -
iso s o di e en uni s and eams, whe eas p e iously supe iso s had emained
wi h he same wo ke s o i e yea s o longe . A olling supe iso old me he
o a ions ga e hem a esh pe spec i e, al hough i was always sad o lea e behind
wo ke s whom hey knew down o hei s eng hs and weaknesses.
Wo ke s a e o ganized in o eams—wi h supe iso s ac ing as eam leade s—in
a s uc u e ha acili a es o e sigh , assignmen o p aise and blame, and a sense o
collec i e a he han solely indi idual esponsibili y and compe i ion. This would
some imes mo i a e indi iduals o wo k ha d on days when hey o he wise el slug-
gish, al hough i could also make hose who ell sho an undesi able d ag on eam
pe o mance. In my uni , se s o o y-eigh olle s and six een cu e s o med
eams wi h wo supe iso s assigned o each, while hi y- h ee packe s o med a
eam wi h one supe iso , as did wel e labele s. Team leade s hal ed wo k o hold
sho pep (semanga ) sessions e e y Thu sday mo ning be o e Radio Sampoe na
began b oadcas ing. Enci cled by wo ke s, he supe iso discussed hei pe o -
mance goals, achie emen s, and challenges and led chee s on hemes ha ing o do
wi h p oduc quali y. One week, Bu Mainu p aised he olling and cu ing eam
o achie ing he second-bes quali y index, adding ha i hey eached numbe
one, hey would ecei e an ex a 20,000 upiah in hei weekly pay. I la e asked i
he eam o en pe o med so well. Mainu sh ugged, esponding ha wo ke s we e
humans, no machines, so hei wo k was some imes good, some imes bad.
Wo ke s judged supe iso s on how hey used hei posi ion and au ho i y.
Some ea ned app ecia ion by con ibu ing o wo ke s’ ou pu . When a labele le
he wo ks a ion, Na i o en occupied he acan s ool and labeled packs un il she
e u ned, and labele s p aised he as kind (baik) and amilial (sepe i sauda a).
When Ti in obse ed a packe s uggling o make he quo a, she some imes s ood
beside he o a while and p epa ed se s o wel e ciga e es, co ec ly a anged.
Packe s con as ed Ti in wi h an ea lie , e il (jaha ) supe iso who had sapped
hei en husiasm and desi e o wo k. Rolle s con as ed a modes , ha d-wo king,
and diligen (s egep J ) supe iso who was app oaching e i emen wi h ano he
whom hey accused o being eng ossed in he phone and igno ing wo ke s. I
she had no hing be e o do, hey said, she should help cu e s by bundling ciga-
e es and pe o ming quali y con ol. Wo ke s specula ed ha supe iso s who
wo e makeup and you h ul, igh - i ing a i e we e mo ally suspec , enjoyed
ka aoke, and migh be un ai h ul o hei husbands. The ela ionship be ween
wo ke s and eam leade s—o en amilia and iendly bu undamen ally
unequal— mani es ed memo ably in an in e ac ion be ween a cu e and a supe -
iso who we e play ully smacking each o he ’s bo oms un il he cu e jokingly
yelled “Assaul !” (Pelecehan!).
Wo ke s also judged supe iso s on hei app oach o acking and a ioning
ma e ial supplies like obacco, glue, ciga e e pape s, packing pape and ca dboa d,
Class and Gende Pa e nalism 85
and pa icula ly excise s amps. Wo ke s disliked i when supe iso s we e s ingy
(peli ), o cing hem o sc ounge a ound o supplies. Fea ing a sho age, Nu ul
old me she used o hoa d ciga e e pape s and hide hem in he obacco, which
landed he in ouble. As Ti in was s ocking ou glue a he s a o one day, A i
loudly obse ed ha e e y hing is a ge ed and a ioned, including glue, and ha
she would ne e be allowed o use glue in he was e ul and ex a agan (bo os)
ashion ha I did. Hea ing A i’s wo ds, Ti in ga e he a gene ous second squi
o glue.
Sampoe na u ges piecewo ke s o in e nalize esponsibili y o quali y wi h
ed ap ons emblazoned wi h “my bes quali y” (kwali asku e baik), bu i also
ins i u es mul iple laye s o ex e nal o e sigh and con ol. Some supe iso s
made examples o wo ke s’ sho comings wi h loud commen s. Du ing my day
as a cu e , a supe iso ma e ialized a my side while I was wo king h ough a
ba ch ha included one ciga e e wi h a isible chunk o plas ic and ano he wi h
a obacco s em so la ge i s uck ou a bo h ends. Appalled, she ma ched o e o
he esponsible olle , o ending ciga e es held alo o all o see, and oa ed a
he , ensu ing ha he ema ks would be widely hea d. On ano he occasion, she
loudly, albei less sha ply, ep imanded my neighbo o p oducing iny ciga e es
( okok sampean cilik-cilik! J ).
Quali y supe iso s pe o med ini ial inspec ions on inished ubs con aining
six hund ed ciga e es ha cu e s b ough o hei inspec ion s a ion. They claimed
ha olle s used o make ciga e es howe e hey liked, wi h minimal a en ion
Figu e 10. A supe iso inspec s a olle ’s k e ek. Pho o by au ho .

86 Hand-Rolling K e ek
gi en o ma e s like weigh . A e PMI acqui ed Sampoe na, he company o ced
olle s o p oduce mo e s anda d ciga e es. F om each ub, supe iso s inspec ed
wo bundles o i y, weighing hem o ensu e ha hey ell wi hin he accep -
able ange (98–105 g ams), examining bu n ends o loose o insu icien obacco
( ipis), pulling o he w appe and anning ou he ciga e es, and yanking hose
wi h oil spo s, obacco in seams, oo li le illing (gembos), obacco s icking ou
(njebul, muncul), oo li le glue, o w inkles (be ke u , lungse ). They also checked
indi idual ciga e e ci cum e ences. A supe iso showed me how a wo ke had
acciden ally w apped a ciga e e wi h wo pape s. I hey ound wen y ejec s in a
single bundle, hey ejec ed he en i e ba ch o six hund ed. “We had one o hose
oday,” a supe iso in o med me, casually adding ha i was no big deal o a as
olle , al hough e en he as es would ace an hou se back. To ack p oblems,
supe iso s ossed ejec s in boxes labeled wi h ejec ion a ionales. A e abula -
ing hem, supe iso s ipped ejec s open o ecycle he obacco. Wo ke s ea ed
being ep imanded (dipanggil, “called”) by a quali y supe iso o , wo se ye , he
uni supe iso .
Quali y con ol also had a backs age lab dimension. Bu Sa i in e mi en ly
appea ed o pick up ciga e e samples, which she placed in a plas ic ub wi h a pink
lid. Sa i, along wi h i e o he jilbab-clad women, wo ked in an ai -condi ioned
quali y-con ol oom. Thei male supe iso occasionally an shop- loo quiz
compe i ions on quali y-con ol hemes, p esen ing winne s wi h ewa ds like
umb ellas and o e bags. I spen a mo ning obse ing inspec ions in he lab whe e
echnicians weighed and isually examined he bu n and inhala ion ends o he
ciga e e (ujung baka , ujung hisap), o a ed he ciga e e in hei inge s o check
o w inkles (guidelines illus a e low, accep able, and high le els), and checked
he seam o ea s, insu icien glue, obacco pa icles (guidelines speci y he
accep able numbe and size o obacco pa icles) and obacco and clo e oil spo s
(guidelines speci y accep able size and da kness o such spo s). They en e num-
be s o all hese a iables in o ables, gene a ing a inal ciga e e sco e. Finally,
hey measu e mois u e con en in a machine manu ac u ed by Ge man company
TEWS. Sa i insis ed ha quali y-con ol anking is di ec ed a uni s a he han
indi iduals, bu c i ical sc u iny ne e heless ell on he la e . A e Sa i e u ned
inspec ed ciga e es o he uni , he supe iso ins an ly called a packe o show
he p oblems wi h he ciga e es she had packed, asking he o exe cise mo e cau-
ion in he u u e. I el ha he wo ke was being upb aided, bu Sa i commen ed
ha he supe iso was p o iding mo i a ion (membe i mo i asi).
Social in e ac ions among wo ke s help make epe i i e high-speed ac o y
wo k ole able, and mu ual help and ecip oci y buoy hose s uggling o mee
daily quo as. Rolle s, o example, migh make an ex a i y o one hund ed cig-
a e es o a pee who alls behind. Simila ly, while we we e washing ou ools,
Ana, who ypically achie ed he quo a wi h ease, old me she had labeled an ex a
hund ed packs o he neighbo s ha day. On an occasion when speedy A i had
Class and Gende Pa e nalism 87
been assigned a educed packing a ge because she had a ended an en i onmen-
al, heal h, and sa e y mee ing as a wo ke ep esen a i e (whe e she also won a
p ize glasswa e se ), she ga e mul iple packs o he neighbo s, dispelling po en ial
en y. Because I was no subjec o quo as, he modes quan i y o ciga e es, packs,
and ca ons I p oduced we e also subjec o edis ibu ion. Supe iso s eplaced
ejec ed ciga e es wi h my ou pu when i was i o sale (layak dijual) and occa-
sionally slipped some o wo ke s who we e behind. In packing and labeling, my
supe iso s dis ibu ed my inished packs and ca ons among wo ke s in hei
g oup o had me hand hem ou di ec ly.
Wo ke s also showed gene osi y owa d one ano he in he can een, whe e I
ypically joined olle s’ 9:00 a.m. “lunch” b eaks. Wo ke s o en bough ea and
co ee o one ano he and s e ched d inks by pou ing a li le o hemsel es
in o he sauce and handing he cup o a iend. (Al hough co ee is o en seen as
s onge and mo e app op ia e o men, piecewo ke s d ank i o s ay ale and
chase quo as.) Wo ke s spooned as y ood on o iends’ pla es o dipped hei
spoons in o a neighbo ’s pla e o sample mea , o u, o ege ables. I was o en on
he ecei ing end o insis en hospi ali y, and Nia discou aged me om buying he
cheap, as y can een ood, b inging a ull ex a a ion o he home-cooked ood o
me, especially he local empeh special y mendol ha I was ond o . The polyclinic
doc o cau ioned wo ke s, o no appa en a ail, ha such ood sha ing was unsani-
a y and ansmi ed con agious diseases.
Wo ke s’ li es in e wined beyond he ac o y walls. Some li ed close o one
ano he and commu ed o wo k oge he , while hose who li ed u he apa also
en e ed one ano he ’s home li es, pa icula ly a ound amily weddings, bi hs,
illnesses, and dea hs. G oup excu sions and home isi s (main ke umah) we e
common a e he sho e Sa u day wo k shi . I joined one o hese excu sions,
c amming in o he ea o a ba e ed SUV o go o Ba u along wi h olle s and
cu e s in a small ca a an o ca s and mo o bikes. We caugh only b ie glimpses o
he os ensible objec o ou jou ney, a olle ’s h ee-week-old g anddaugh e , who
was nes led on he mo he ’s ches in a sa ong sling. While wo ke s’ husbands,
who chau eu ed us, sa on so as and smoked in he on oom, we sa on ma s on
he loo o he modes home, cha ing and joking as wo ke s ook u ns p aying,
a e a gene ous meal p epa ed by ou hos s, and le wi h addi ional ood packed
in o boxes.
Manage s looked o he wo ke s’ union o ensu e ha solida i y among wo ke s
would no boil o e in o o ganized esis ance. Wo ke s in Sampoe na’s hand- olled
ac o ies and hei TPO coun e pa s belong o he Ciga e e, Tobacco, Food, and
D ink (Rokok, Tembakau, Makanan dan Minuman) sec o o he umb ella All
Indonesia Wo ke s’ Union (Se ika Peke ja Selu uh Indonesia, o SPSI), which is
a legacy o Suha o’s ule (1967–98).13 A e iolen ly supp essing mo e adical and
mili an unions in he wake o he Communis Pa y’s alleged 1965 coup a emp ,
he Suha o adminis a ion c ea ed he s a e-backed union ha became SPSI o
88 Hand-Rolling K e ek
depoli icize and demobilize labo . Th oughou he Suha o e a, he go e nmen
in oked he spec e o communism o disc edi labo dispu es and un es and
h ea ened labo o ganize s by b anding hem as communis (Hadiz 1998). SPSI
union ep esen a i es in Sampoe na ac o ies la gely emb aced manage ial goals,
nego ia ed modes changes in a p o essional and un h ea ening ashion, sha ed
in o ma ion wi h manage s, and opposed bo h labo adicalism and obacco con-
ol as exis en ial h ea s o ac o y li elihoods.
The union leade ship is domina ed by daily-wage wo ke s who o en ha e
di e en in e es s om, and supe iso y au ho i y o e , he piecewo ke s ha
cons i u e he majo i y he union is mean o ep esen . Union ep esen a i es
insis ed ha piecewo ke s a e eluc an o assume leade ship posi ions because he
in e up ions ha accompany union se ice would make i ha d o mee quo as.
Fo daily wo ke s, SPSI union posi ions can se e as a s epping s one o u he
p omo ion in he ac o y hie a chy.
P ojec ing he union’s hallma k conse a i e, concilia o y, and noncon on a-
ional app oach owa d managemen , hand- olled SPSI leade s in K aksaan assu ed
me ha indus y was sa e he e (kondisi indus i aman) because wo ke s ne e
demons a ed (nggak pe nah aksi) and knew o hink wice be o e causing any
ouble. They cha ac e ized hei union as quie (nggak e lalu amai- amai) and
adhe en o he eligious p ecep o discussing ma e s h ice be o e aking ac ion.
They in oked he s a e ideology o Pancasila o legi ima e discussing and con e -
ing (be unding) wi h manage s a he han making demands (bukan un u an).
Simila ly, Malang leade s depic ed he union as a b idge be ween wo ke s and
manage s and explained ha hey adhe ed o he SPSI pa h, emphasizing media-
ion and consensus (musyawa ah) and a oiding s ee demons a ions ( idak
pakai ca a u un jalan).
SPSI leade s amed mo e independen and adical unions and app oaches as
exis en ial h ea s, poin ing o cases o “ ailed demons a ions” in which wo k-
e s los hei jobs, su e ed inju ies, and had no one o co e hei heal h ca e. “I
Sampoe na we e des oyed,” one asked, “whe e would we wo k? Ou li elihoods
[sawah ladang] a e a Sampoe na, and we need o look a e he company.” Based
on su eys o o he hand- olling ac o ies, Malang’s SPSI ep esen a i es we e
con iden ha hey enjoyed pay and bene i packages ha compa ed a o ably
o o he ac o y wo ke s. An SPSI ep esen a i e a he Jombang con ac ac o y
e en asse ed ha hey had i oo good, wi h a high egional minimum wage ha
was de e ing o he companies om se ing up shop in indus ial pa ks.
SPSI ained union leade s in app o ed e bal communica ion echniques.
A hei annual wage and bene i nego ia ions wi h manage s, which we e held
in mode a ely upscale ho els wi h Sampoe na co e ing ood and lodging, union
leade s showcased hei esea ch and p o essional skills wi h Powe Poin slide-
shows. The union ga e managemen eedback (e.g., when new uni o ms we e oo
ho o uncom o able) and eques ed imp o emen s and g ea e ecogni ion (e.g.,
o annual medical checkups, heal h bene i s o spouses and child en, coope a i e
Class and Gende Pa e nalism 89
shopping ouche s ma king each i e-yea anni e sa y o a wo ke ’s enu e, and
ba ik uni o ms o wo ke s o wea once a week).
In he Malang hand- olling plan , I a ended an inaugu a ion ce emony o he
new SPSI leade ship ha amed he k e ek as a na ional commodi y and posi-
ioned wo ke s and manage s in a mu ually suppo ing a he han opposi ional
ela ionship. The sea ing a angemen s, o de o ood dis ibu ion, speeches,
and en e ainmen e lec ed he ac o y hie a chy by p io i izing manage s o e
supe iso s and supe iso s o e wo ke s. D awing on na ionalis aes he ics in
he speech, he new SPSI head unde sco ed ha he union leade s’ uni o ms we e
made o ba ik, which, like k e ek, is pa o Indonesia’s cul u al he i age. Ano he
ep esen a i e u ged e e yone’s pa icipa ion in sa egua ding quali y o ensu e
ha Sampoe na su i ed o hei g andchild en. Clu ching a bag emblazoned
wi h “SAVE TOBACCO,” he elde ly head o he Indonesian Tobacco Alliance
AMTI ga e a ousing speech. “K e ek ha e been smoked o hund eds o yea s,”
he alsely p oclaimed, “so i [ he manda o y wa ning ha ] ‘smoking kills’ [ okok
membunuhmu] we e ue, hen Indonesia would ha e been inished o long ago.”
Be o e manage s, wo ke s sang songs and pe o med adi ional Ja anese dances
in elabo a e makeup and d ess. The e en concluded wi h a leng hy pho o session
du ing which union ep esen a i es and manage s p essed close o poses ha
e lec ed hei ha monious and cozy ela ionship.
Wi h he hand- olled commodi y in decline, Sampoe na manage s in oke he
impo ance o labo -managemen solida i y agains common ex e nal h ea s
like public heal h egula ions. SPSI leade s conside ed go e nmen lobbying as one
o he union’s unc ions, and hey had c ea ed banne s, w i en le e s o oppose
excise ax hikes and obacco impo limi s, and demons a ed agains he heal h
minis e . A K aksaan union leade said hey also opposed egional laws equi -
ing smoke- ee a eas and ad e ising es ic ions, ci ing Bandung’s and Su abaya’s
es ic ions as examples o be a oided. A male union ep esen a i e eminisced
abou he ime when anyone could eely smoke anywhe e and when people su -
e ing a cough o sni les smoked Dji Sam Soe o egain hei heal h.
Manage s also en olled unions o emind wo ke s o ules agains “gossip.” Man-
age s ega ded wo ke s as emo ionally ola ile bu also manipulable, c edulous, and
highly suscep ible o gossip. The uni supe iso old me ha agi a o s could easily
lead on (memancing) wo ke s. When he indus ial ela ions di ec o om Jaka a
isi ed, he occupied my neighbo ’s s ool and old me ha as someone in cha ge o
many wo ke s, he had seen how i ial issues could balloon in o huge p oblems.
In 2008, he claimed, wo ke s and supe iso s wen on s ike o e he umo ha
Pu e a Sampoe na was going o pay hem each hi y- i e million upiah.
Sampoe na ound a wo ke -whispe e in Pak Salim who had a backg ound in
economics, wo ked o Sampoe na o hi y- wo yea s, and con inued o consul
a e e i emen a he eques o senio execu i es. He boas ed abou his knack
o quelling demons a ions, which he had deployed in bo h Sampoe na- and
con ac o - un ac o ies:
96 Hand-Rolling K e ek
pa en ly a odds wi h Sampoe na’s hand- olled ac o y closu es and educed p o-
duc ion amid hand- olled ma ke declines ha could no be a ibu ed o, o o e-
s alled by imp o emen s in, ciga e e quali y. The end o Ti in’s own ela ionship
wi h Sampoe na loomed, oo, as she nea ed he e i emen age o i y- i e.
Al hough manage s p o essed o me hei deep and abiding conce n o he
wel a e o hand- olling ladies and ended o g ow sombe and e en ea up when
ecalling he 2014 plan closu es, he Sampoe na ads ha es ooned he s ee s
and buildings ou side he ac o y exclusi ely and unabashedly p omo ed he com-
pany’s machine- olled b ands. When I asked a ma ke ing manage i he hough
Sampoe na was doing enough o suppo he hand- olled b ands, he ga e me a
ha d look and asked, “Pa don me, bu when was he las ime you saw a young
pe son smoke a hand- olled k e ek?” Ma ke ing expe s insis ed ha any a emp
o u n he ene able Dji Sam Soe in o a you h ul b and (di emajakan) would be
olly. When I asked union leade s abou diminishing ma ke ing o hei b ands,
hey explained ha manage s old hem Sampoe na mus p o ec all i s segmen s
and canno jeopa dize one o p omo e ano he . The union le i o manage s o
de e mine wha was bes (ki a se ahkan), since hey knew be e (me eka yang
lebih ahu, be kompe en). F om manage s’ pe spec i e, i was bes i hand- olled
wo ke s a ibu ed job h ea s o a common ex e nal enemy (public heal h poli-
cies like highe axes and smoke ee a eas) a he han o company decisions o
in es in he p o i able machine- olling sec o . Manage s migh slow he ollou
o labo -displacing echnologies like he new olling machines o push cu e s in
some o i s ac o ies, bu he ule o b and ma ke ing budge s p opo ional o ma -
ke olume would no be iola ed o he hand- olled b ands.18 This c ea ed a sel -
ein o cing cycle o inc easing ma ke ing and sales o machine- olled ciga e es.
As i scaled back hand- olled ma ke ing budge s, Sampoe na b oke o p io
ela ionships. S all and es au an owne s complained ha Sampoe na Hijau had
educed o e mina ed sponso ship ees.19 Mask make s, dance s, and adi ional
snack make s s opped ge ing Dji Sam Soe con ac s. I asked Tina, a ma ke ing
manage in Jaka a, wha kinds o Dji Sam Soe ma ke ing e en s emained. In
Jaka a, she explained, Sampoe na had ins alled lounges in es a eas a ound bus
e minals, ain s a ions, and busy oadsides du ing Leba an, he es i e pe iod a
he end o Ramadhan when ou o i e million esiden s exi ed he ci y o isi el-
a i es (mudik). Taking ad an age o massi e a ic jams ha could u n an eigh -
hou jou ney in o a wo-day odyssey, Sampoe na p o ided ee co ee, massage
chai s, mobile phone cha ging, en s o es ing, and “engagemen ” (app oaches
and o e s om sales p omo ion gi ls). Ra he han pu suing ma ke g ow h, Tina
explained, Sampoe na was ocusing on consume e en ion and loyal y wi h p o-
g ams like Maha Ka ya (mas e piece), which in i ed smoke s o desc ibe hei
smoking expe ience and ecalled he es imonials used in Sampoe na’s ini ial p in
ads. Such compe i ions ex ac in o ma ion o cus ome da abases and po en-
ial b and p omo ion ideas. A ound one hund ed winning smoke s ou ed he

Class and Gende Pa e nalism 97
House o Sampoe na in Su abaya and wen o Bo obudu one yea and Moun
B omo ano he o celeb a e “ he g ea ness o Indonesia.” By emb acing nos algic
hemes o adi ion and he pas , Sampoe na quie ly acknowledges Dji Sam Soe’s
limi ed u u e.
Mos piecewo ke s’ husbands smoked, bu gi en i s expense, hey a ely used
he Dji Sam Soe b and hei wi es made. Many smoked machine- olled b ands
wi h syn he ic il e s ha impa he alse imp ession o being sa e . When I isi ed
Bu Nu ul’s home, she su p ised me by pulling a pack o Dji Sam Soe o he op o
he e ige a o . She had bough hem o y o ge id o he husband’s s ubbo n
cough, e lec ing he specious claim ha once appea ed on he back o packs: Dji
Sam Soe con ain an “an i-cough sauce” ha clea s ai passages and a e a good
al e na i e i o he ciga e es lead o coughing (Ka ajaya 2005, 354–55). Wo ke s
we e also in luenced by he g aphic wa nings abou diseases, dea h, and bys ande
ha m on ciga e e “w apping pape .” When I esponded “no” o que ies abou
whe he my husband smoked, wo ke s ema ked ha his was sma because
smoking was a was e o money and bad o you heal h. The Sampoe na Hijau
mung bean d ink ad e isemen discussed a he ou se o his chap e ends wi h
a scene in which he male smoke s a e accos ed by hei wi es who a e u ious
wi h hei absen ee, nonp oduc i e husbands. Benea h i s humo , he comme -
cial e lec s an uncom o able u h abou he li es o emale piecewo ke s like Bu
Nu ul and he colleagues: while ongoing masculine k e ek addic ion p o ides—a
leas o now— he sou ce o hei employmen , i also poses an economic and
exis en ial h ea in hei homes.
98
3
Machine-Rolling K e ek
Gami ica ion and Indi idualiza ion
Wha cul u al ideals and social ela ions p e ail in he mechanized ac o ies ha
a e he sou ce o o e h ee qua e s o he clo e ciga e es p oduced oday? Yusu ,
a p oduc ion echnician, claimed ha cul u e was absen om ule-go e ned
mechanized ac o ies, lamen ing, “Wha was g ea abou Sampoe na in he pas
was Dji Sam Soe. Now i ’s p ac ically disappea ed.... I we’ e alking abou cul u e,
wha buil Sampoe na’s cul u e, i came om SKT [hand- olled k e ek]. In SKM
[machine- olled k e ek] he e’s jus igh egula ions.” Yusu ’s iew o Sampoe -
na’s mechanized k e ek ac o ies as cul u al oids was unde s andable. Humans
a e s ikingly spa se in hese ca e nous buildings wi hou na u al ligh , domi-
na ed by impo ed machines ha dwa wo ke s and d own ou egula speech.
Impo ed manage ial echniques accompany impo ed machine y. Go e ning
alues and echnoc a ic egula ions a e e e ed o in English, unde sco ing
hei o eign s a us: s anda d ope a ing p ocedu es (SOPs), sa e y, quali y, ol-
ume, con inuous imp o emen , bes p ac ices, lean manu ac u ing, key pe -
o mance indica o s (KPIs). Manage ial o hodoxies o en clash wi h p ac ical
eali ies; Sampoe na p omo es “wo k-li e balance” while imposing g ueling shi
schedules, o example, and emphasizes “sa e y” p ocedu es while making a com-
modi y ha kills i s consume s. The e is li le sense o he indigenous cul u al and
a isanal alue ha p o okes k e ek na ionalis hapsodizing in he hand- olled
con ex . F om an an h opological pe spec i e, howe e , impo ed manage ial
ideologies—as well as manage ial echniques oo ed in Indonesia’s domes ic his-
o y—a e also cul u al a i ac s, and unde s anding hei a ac ion and up ake
equi es explana ion, as do he social bonds and di isions among wo ke s,
manage s, and machines.
Among Sampoe na’s me hods o secu ing wo ke consen o di icul and del-
e e ious wo king condi ions, o emos on employees’ minds a e he ela i ely
Gami ica ion and Indi idualiza ion 99
high pay and gene ous bene i packages he company o e s in a ough labo
ma ke . Beyond hese ob ious ma e ial bene i s, howe e , mechanized ac o ies
employ a ange o o he s a egies o en olling and con olling labo . Manage ial
echniques seek o cap u e inc eased alue by gami ying labo —in doing so, ans-
e ing esponsibili y o ac o s like wo kplace sa e y on o indi idual employees.
Wo ke s’ collec i e powe is u he unde mined no only ia he ac o ies’ use o
machines bu also by he unions ha ep esen wo ke s ac oss Sampoe na’s acili-
ies. And bo h inside and ou side o he wage ela ion, Sampoe na ex ac s alue
om hei employees no only as p oduce s bu also as consume s o ciga e es.
Since acqui ing Sampoe na, PMI has g ea ly expanded he company’s in es -
men in impo ed echnologies and manage ial p ac ices, building on Pu e a
Sampoe na’s mode niza ion e o s and cons uc ion o he Suko ejo acili y in
Eas Ja a in s ages in he la e 1980s and 1990s (as ecoun ed in he in oduc-
ion). PMI’s 2008 in es men o $250 million in he new Ka awang acili y nea
Jaka a in Wes Ja a mean doubling down on k e ek mechaniza ion and con-
en ional combus ibles. I also mi iga ed disas e isk a e supply and dis ibu-
ion lines o he company’s Suko ejo plan we e signi ican ly dis up ed by a ossil
uel indus y–p o oked mud olcano ha e up ed in Sidoa jo in May 2006 and
p oceeded o spew o o e a decade.1 In 2013, PMI consolida ed i s ope a ions
when i buil a whi e ciga e e ac o y adjacen o he Ka awang k e ek plan and
ansplan ed machine y and wo ke s om he PMI ac o y in Bekasi (on Jaka a’s
eas e n ou ski s). Whe eas he Sampoe na plan in Ka awang p oduces only
h ee k e ek b ands—A-Mild, Magnum Blue, and Magnum Black—by 2015, he
Philip Mo is Indonesia (PMID) plan was p oducing 387 dis inc p oduc s (s ock
keeping uni s o SKUs) unde b ands like Ma lbo o, Alpine, Ches e ield, Basic,
L&M, Nex , Pe e Jackson, and Richmond. PMID sold 78 pe cen o i s p oduc
domes ically in 2015 and expo ed 22 pe cen , p oducing o hi y-one ma ke s
al oge he , each o which had i s own ules.2 A quali y assu ance (QA) supe iso
decla ed, “Wi h PMID whi e ciga e es we ha e many mo e cus ome s and hey
ha e highe s anda ds. We ha e o uphold highe quali y s anda ds, expend ex a
e o .” Simila i ies in layou and ope a ions ac oss he Sampoe na and PMID ac-
o ies, which a e in e nally di ided in o p ima y ac o ies o obacco p ocessing
and mechanizing blending and seconda y ac o ies o making and packing ciga-
e es, illus a e how mechanized k e ek p oduc ion is closely modeled on whi e
ciga e e manu ac u ing. As pa o i s e o o expand he ma ke o “smoke-
ee” obacco and nico ine p oduc s, in la e 2022 PMI opened a new US$186
million manu ac u ing acili y in Ka awang o p oduce HEETS b and obacco
s icks (used wi h i s IQOS de ice) o domes ic and Asia Paci ic dis ibu ion. This
chap e d aws on ou s o Sampoe na and PMI’s Suko ejo and Ka awang ac o y
acili ies and in e iews, many o which we e conduc ed by Shahnaz and Fa ma,
who assis ed me wi h his esea ch.
100 Machine-Rolling K e ek
THE FORTUNE AND MISERY OF KRETEK CAPITALIST
EXPLOITATION
Economis Joan Robinson’s (2021, 41) obse a ion ha “ he mise y o being
exploi ed by capi alis s is no hing compa ed o he mise y o no being exploi ed
a all” is salien o millions o Indonesians who li e in a cash-based capi alis
economy wi h g owing unemploymen and unde employmen . In Sampoe na’s
mechanized ac o ies, wo ke exp essions o app ecia ion and g a i ude o hei
jobs—and b oade public sen imen abou he economic impo ance o Indone-
sia’s obacco indus y—mus be unde s ood agains a na ional and global backd op
o jobless g ow h, economic p eca i y, unde employmen , s ymied middle-class
aspi a ions, and swelling anks o he educa ed unemployed (Fe guson 1999, 2015;
Li 2017; Milla 2014; Muehlebach 2012; S anding 2011). Being exploi ed by k e ek
capi alism, and Sampoe na/PMI in pa icula , en ails bo h speci ic o unes and
speci ic mise ies. Fac o y hie a chies a e igid and gende ed, g ueling shi sched-
ules lead o poo heal h and social isola ion, and some wo ke s a e ambi alen
abou he mo al s a us o hei wo k. Despi e hei many unde s andable misgi -
ings, o mos wo ke s, being exploi ed by a la ge, s able, and p es igious ciga-
e e manu ac u e emains p e e able bo h o unemploymen and o lowe -paid
employmen elsewhe e and enables hem o mee mo al obliga ions o amily
membe s, expe ience a ising s anda d o li ing, and plan o he u u e.
Sampoe na ec ui s and hi es employees in o a labo hie a chy ha b oadly
dis inguishes be ween ou sou ced labo , pe manen daily wo ke s, mon hly wo k-
e s, and manage s. I ou sou ces many suppo unc ions, such as secu i y, clean-
ing, ood se ices, and heal h-ca e se ices, while limi ing i s employees o co e
p oduc ion unc ions as equi ed by he go e nmen (Fo d 2013, 237). Sampoe na
uses headhun ing agencies o ec ui manage s and ills i s lowe anks by ad e is-
ing openings on he popula websi e Jobs ee , se ing up s ands a gene al public
and college job ai s, and ec ui ing ecen g adua es om nea by oca ional high
schools (Sekolah Teknik Menengah, Sekolah Menengah Keju uan). Candida es
mus pass Sampoe na’s w i en es , in e iews, and heal h es .
The wo ke hie a chy u ns hose a he apex in o a labo a is oc acy and
helps p eclude he eme gence o a common iden i y and solida i y ha would pu
o ganiza ional p essu e on managemen . The an alizing possibili y o indi idual
ad ancemen ac oss g ades and ca ego ies (e.g., om con ac o pe manen
wo ke ) also dissuades wo ke s om challenging managemen . “Daily wo k-
e s” ecei e lowe pay and enjoy ewe p i ileges han mon hly wo ke s and a e
iden i ied as “gene al wo ke s” o unde mo e speci ic i les, such as o kli ope -
a o , ha equi e echnical aining and es ing. In obacco wa ehouses, o kli
ope a o s a e accompanied by lowe ie “checke s” who ensu e sa e y and c oss-
check ha i ems being loaded o unloaded bea he co ec ba code labels. On he
shop loo , daily wo ke s assis mon hly wo ke s wi h asks like s ocking, cleaning,
nea ening supplies, and manual eeds. Mon hly wo ke s a e in u n o ganized in o
Gami ica ion and Indi idualiza ion 101
a echnical-skills hie a chy ha ises om ope a o s o p oduc ion echnician o
“p od ech,” main enance mechanics and elec icians, up o hose wi h supe iso y
esponsibili ies such as eam leade s and manage s. Whe eas mon hly wo ke s
enjoyed access o ca e e ias wi h ex ensi e bu e s and oosball ables o encou age
in e ac i e play, daily wo ke s ei he b ough ood om home o pu chased i om
a limi ed can een. This had he e ec o ein o cing hie a chies; one daily wo ke ,
who desc ibed ea ing as a basic ma e o e ueling, was eased by colleagues o his
mono onous die o can een mea ball soup (bakso). Uni o ms u he unde sco ed
dis inc ions be ween wo ke s, wi h Sampoe na hi ing ailo s o cus omize beige
and ba ik uni o ms o mon hly wo ke s and issuing daily wo ke s polo shi s and
black slacks in s anda d sizes.
Gende in luences he expe ience o k e ek capi alis exploi a ion in mecha-
nized ac o y jobs ha a e gende pola ized and a o men o e all. Daily wo ke s
conduc ing quali y checks in he p in pack ac o y we e all women, whe eas wa e-
houses we e o e whelmingly s a ed by men. Quali y assu ance was mo e gende
balanced, while machine ope a ion and main enance was masculinized. Ani, a
emale p oduc ion echnician who had ope a ed packing machines o i e yea s,
e lec ed, “Women a en’ as s ong as men bu mus y o be equal.” In he expe i-
ence, gende di e ences in s eng h we e insigni ican , since mos asks on hea ily
au oma ed machines could ei he be pe o med solo o necessi a ed wo wo k-
e s, ega dless o s eng h. She was e y ne ous ini ially abou handling machine
keys (pegang kunci), b eaking ou in a cold swea and wo king slowly. “Women
Figu e 11. Fil e machine p oduc ion echnician and daily wo ke . Pho o by au ho .

102 Machine-Rolling K e ek
end o be mo e de ail o ien ed. Thank ully he e was ano he ainee who ook
e en longe han me al hough he was a man.” She e lec ed on he longe - e m
expe ience: “The e’s a endency o unde es ima e women and ea hem as in e-
io [suka minde ]. [Male] colleagues will say, ‘Jus le me do i !’ [bia saya aja] I
le hem some imes!” A p ima y- eam leade insis ed ha he company did no
disc imina e based on gende , bu he na u alized he dominance o male wo k-
e s by claiming ha hey we e be e sui ed o he eno mous (gede-gede) lea and
clo e p ocessing and blending machines in p ima y wi h hei anks and pipes,
whe e moni o ing o en equi ed scaling all ladde s and he odo was powe ul.
Appealing o gende s e eo ypes, he claimed ha smalle machines in he ki chen
amid la o an sacks o he olling and packing machines in seconda y we e mo e
app op ia e o emale wo ke s.
In pa icula , gende could shape in e ac ions ha c ossed depa men al lines.
Ika, a emale QA echnician, was o en in he uncom o able posi ion o ins uc -
ing mo e senio male employees o hal hei machines. Whe eas p oduc ion
wo ke s ega ded main enance wo ke s as pa ne s in keeping machines un-
ning, QA always h ea ened o slow hings down. Quali y migh ump olume as
an o icial company alue, bu QA s uc u ally a o ed he o me and p oduc ion
he la e . As a QA echnician wo king in he p in pack ac o y, Ika was esponsi-
ble o inspec ing p oduc s on he loo and making app op ia e and imely de e -
mina ions abou whe he hey we e i o ma ke elease. Du ing a e noon and
nigh shi s, she o en had o decide wi hou consul ing a QA enginee o supe i-
so , since hey ypically wen home by 5:30 p.m. Sampoe na ied o se a na ow
ole ance zone o de ec s and o o e clea guidance, bu he e we e always g ay
a eas and mul iple ac o s o weigh. Implemen ing echnical knowledge abou
de ec s necessi a ed he social skills, and she wo ked o be nice ye au ho i a i e
wi h p oduc ion employees so hey would ake he conce ns se iously. She pe -
o med andom inspec ions on palle s once e e y wo hou s, ini ia ed in es iga-
ions i she disco e ed de ec s, and wo ked wi h p oduc ion echnicians o de ise
co ec i e ac ions o ensu e ha hey would no ecu . She had o c oss-check o
ensu e ha he numbe o epo ed and ac ual de ec s ma ched. On he loo , she
was known as “Miss Hold” because she o en pu p oduc s “on hold” wi h a yel-
low s amp ( ed s amps indica ed ejec s). Ind a, a male QA supe iso , acknowl-
edged ha a ough aspec o he QA echnician’s wo k was ha hey “need o
ace lo s o p oduc ion wo ke s alone. The e a e lo s o di e en cha ac e s and
a i udes among p oduc ion wo ke s. Some eadily accep eedback, o he s p e e
no o hea i o ac i ely oppose i .” He claimed ha he had de eloped a success-
ul app oach by making “an e o o in e ac wi h hem, be iend hem, hang
ou wi h hem, join hem when hey’ e ea ing a meal oge he e en hough we’ e
no in he same depa men . People a e mo e willing o accep sugges ions om
someone close who hey al eady know, a he han ha ing a s ange suddenly
make sugges ions o blame hem because hei p oduc is subs anda d.” Making
hese social o e u es among men would be easie o Ind a han o Ika, who
Gami ica ion and Indi idualiza ion 103
would ha e o c oss gende lines and whose mo i es o app oaching male wo k-
e s migh be subjec o specula ion.
In con as o Sampoe na’s lexible equisi ioning o o e ime labo in hand-
olled ac o ies o mee high ma ke demand o ake ad an age o lowe excise
ax a es, shi wo k is a s eady ea u e o ce ain shop loo s in mechanized k e ek
ac o ies. P olonging he wo king day, acco ding o Ma x (1992, 367), was bu a
pallia i e o quench capi alism’s “ ampi e hi s o he li ing blood o labou ”;
o o e come indi idual physical limi s o being exploi ed nigh and day, capi al-
is s de eloped shi sys ems ha enabled he app op ia ion o labo wen y- ou
hou s a day and ensu ed ha expensi e machine y would no si idle. Sampoe na’s
shi demands we e ied o mechanized p ocesses and capaci ies, which mean ha
a highe posi ion in he labo hie a chy would no necessa ily p o ec wo ke s
om shi demands jus as a lowe posi ion would no necessa ily expose hem.
Logis ics and he obacco and clo e wa ehouses ope a e a single day shi om
Monday h ough Sa u day and close on Sundays, wi h wo ke s expec ed o com-
ple e asks wi hin no mal hou s and, ba ing special ci cums ances, o a oid o e -
ime. O he depa men s ope a e double shi s o a ound- he-clock iple shi s o
con inuously p oduce ciga e es, demanding he p esence and labo o daily wo k-
e s, p oduc ion echnicians, main enance enginee s, QA echnicians, and con-
ac ed ca e e ia and medical suppo s a . The p ima y obacco lea –p ocessing
side o he Sampoe na and PMID ac o ies uns a mo ning and an a e noon shi ,
only occasionally adding a hi d o cope wi h a p oblem o high demand. In he
p in pack and seconda y ac o ies, ou g oups o wo ke s o a e h ough h ee
shi s. A e i e days on he mo ning shi (6:00 a.m. o 2:00 p.m.), wo ke s ge
one day o , ollowed by i e days on he nigh shi (10:00 p.m. o 6:00 a.m.) and
wo days o , i e days o a e noon shi (2:00 p.m. o 10:00 p.m.) and wo days o ,
hen back o he mo ning shi . The single day o a e he mo ning shi , as well
as he a ious holidays, mean ha which days wo ke s ha e o keep changing and
only occasionally co espond o weekends when iends, spouses, and child en
a e also o om wo k o school. Fo hei g ueling schedules, hese “4G” (g oup)
wo ke s ecei e an ex a allowance.
Resea che s ha e ound ha shi wo k inc eases occupa ional inju y isks,
leads o sleep dep i a ion, impai s men al heal h, dis up s social and amily li e,
may lead o p e e m bi hs and low bi h weigh ou comes o p egnan wo ke s,
is associa ed wi h gas oin es inal and ca dio ascula diso de s, and is a p obable
ca cinogen.3 “The an ido e o sleepiness should be sleep,” Iqbal lamen ed, “bu
ins ead we d ink co ee o s ay awake.” In addi ion o chugging ca eina ed d inks,
wo ke s coun e ac ed sleepiness wi h i amins and by washing hei aces wi h
cold wa e . Nigh -shi meals we e accompanied by small milk ca ons ha we e
supposed o nou ish wo ke s. “We a e encou aged o main ain wo k-li e balance,”
Wahid, an EHS manage , insis ed. In eali y, Sampoe na’s schedules and demands
o en p ecluded any heal hy balance and placed esponsibili y on wo ke s o
egula ize hei ea ing and oppo unis ically es and sleep.
104 Machine-Rolling K e ek
In addi ion o shi wo k, he ac o y loca ion dis anced many wo ke s om
social connec ions and om hei amilies, whose economic well-being o en
jus i ies hei sac i ices. As a QA echnician hi ed esh ou o his unde g adu-
a e deg ee p og am, Ind a said he soon s opped hanging ou wi h college iends
due o his shi schedule. Many employees bough homes o en ed in bed oom
communi ies whe e neighbo s in e ac ed li le and we e no bo he ed by i eg-
ula comings and goings. Al hough Sampoe na made a shu le a ailable o ake
employees om he indus ial pa k o esiden ial a eas, hose who could a oided
i because i was incon enien o eaching hei ul ima e des ina ions and/o
because hey did no wan o p olong an al eady long day. One claimed ha he
shu le was ypically popula ed by wo ke s who lacked hei own ehicle and by
women, sugges ing ha he ac o y’s loca ion and wo k hou s could also de e
emale jobseeke s and impose ex a ime cos s on hem. On mo o bikes, wo ke s
isked day ime a ic jams and nigh ime acciden s. A e da k, some coo dina ed
wi h cowo ke s headed in he same di ec ion o a el as a g oup o sa e y. Wo k-
e s’ wi es some imes op ed o li e in houses elsewhe e o wi h hei na al amilies,
especially a e ha ing child en. These wo ke s o en s ayed in simple en als and
isi ed hei spouse and child en e e y ew mon hs when hei schedules pe mi -
ed a el, which could be d aining and expensi e. Locally ec ui ed wo ke s we e
mo e likely o li e wi h hei amilies, bu he bus le and inescapable demands o
amily li e could also make es and ecupe a ion om shi wo k challenging.
O he downsides o Sampoe na ac o y jobs we e mo e speci ic o di e en
a enas and asks and exac ed di e en men al and physical olls on wo ke s. As I
de ail u he below, key pe o mance indica o s ailo ed o di e en jobs imposed
a pe mea ing s ess on wo ke s. Some asks exposed wo ke s o cumula i e o ca -
as ophic isk. In he clo e wa ehouse, Julmansyah, a daily gene al wo ke who
helped assemble p oduc ion o de loads, desc ibed li ing and hauling i y- o i y-
i e-kilog am sacks as “ho , exhaus ing, pain ul, ha d wo k. The e is no hing good
abou i .”4 Tea s s eamed down his ace when he s a ed in he ho and ie cely
pungen wa ehouse; masks had li le e ec on he clo e scen ha would ill his
nose and h oa . He had g own mo e accus omed o i o e ime bu s ill ound
i o e powe ing each mo ning when hey opened he wa ehouse, c ying, “Ahhh, i
eally sma s!” (Aduh! Pedih banga !). A wa ehouse assis an unkindly joked ha
hese wo ke s go hei exe cise a wo k and didn’ need o go o he gym. Sam-
poe na’s p in pack ac o y is also ho and illed wi h a ile and choking chemical
s ench. The plan manage assu ed us ha EHS had de e mined ha he ai quali y
was ine and chee ully boas ed ha he hea had helped him shed i e kilog ams.
Fi e isk in p in pack was exace ba ed by pic o ial heal h wa ning labels. Whe eas
he company-b anded po ion o he label hickly applied a limi ed numbe o col-
o s, machines used elec os a ic assis ance o c ea e hese hin and delica e mul-
icolo ed wa nings. The p ima y and especially seconda y and p in pack shop
loo s a e also ma ked by high noise olume. Ea plugs a e manda o y, albei no
Gami ica ion and Indi idualiza ion 105
consis en ly wo n, in many o hese spaces.5 In p ima y, he smell ho e s be ween a
deliciously swee a oma and an o e powe ing syn he ic s ench. A e inhaling his
a oma day a e day, one wo ke swi ched om smoking k e ek o whi e ciga e es.
Despi e hese speci ic and some imes se e e mise ies, wo ke s o en el
o una e o ha e escaped he h ea o unemploymen and o be exploi ed by
Sampoe na wi h i s ela i ely high wages, bene i s, and possibili ies o ad ance-
men . Daily gene al wo ke s in seconda y desc ibed hei pay as “decen ,” wi h
one adding ha i was an imp o emen o e his p e ious job a Yamaha. Hasan,
a il e p od ech who used o wo k a a bank and pu sued a bachelo ’s deg ee in
in o ma ics h ough nigh classes, doubled his wages when he joined Sampoe na.
Faja , a make p od ech whose pay “some imes ell sho o he minimum wage” in
p e ious ac o ies, was ela ed “ o secu e a job ha paid 50 pe cen mo e han he
egional minimum!” Tomas, a daily gene al wo ke in p ima y, en hused, “The e
a e oppo uni ies [peluang] a Sampoe na. I ’s no easy o land a job he e. My pa -
en s a e p oud. I ’s much be e han me becoming a hug [p eman]!” Ja od, a daily
o kli ope a o in seconda y, said ha be ween his and his wi e’s wages, his amily
could “li e well and a o d e e y hing we need, bu i ’s human o always eel dis-
sa is ied and wan mo e. As he Ka awang saying goes: small and insu icien , la ge
bu s ill no enough [kecil ku ang, besa belum cukup].”
Some wo ke s expe ience mo al ambi alence a ound he p oduc hey make
and hei wo king o a ciga e e company, al hough o he s con iden ly p onounce
hei wo k as “good and halal.” A e Yusu comple ed a wo-yea con ac in
Ba am wo king o an elec onics i m in lap op assembly, he was in e es ed
in ge ing hi ed by a company like Nes le. “I didn’ wan o wo k o a ciga-
e e company,” said he make p od ech. “Then a iend explained Sampoe na’s
compensa ion s uc u e, and I ealized i was he mos compe i i e job. Some col-
leagues a Sampoe na say i ’s ha am, bu hey s ill wo k he e. They wan o lea e,
bu i ’s ha d because o hei wages.” Like many male wo ke s, Yusu was himsel a
smoke wi h i s hand expe ience o he downsides o smoking. These and o he
d awbacks o he wo k, hough, a e o many wo ke s weighed agains he co e -
able ma e ial ad an ages o a Sampoe na job in he con ex o Indonesia’s di icul
labo economy. Beyond he ob ious d aw o ela i ely high wages, mechanized
ac o ies employ a ange o o he s a egies o en olling labo and o con olling
wo ke s once hey ha e i s been en olled.
WORKER GAMES AND CORPORATE GAINS
Sampoe na gami ies he wo kplace o mo e e ec i ely ex ac alue om wo k-
e s and align hei ac i i ies wi h company goals such as making ciga e es as e
and mo e cheaply. In Hon’s (2022) c i ical app aisal, wo kplace gami ica ion is
o en in oduced unde he p e ex o making wo k mo e un and ul illing, bu
en ails unc ea i ely laye ing “poin s, badges, ewa ds, and leade boa ds on op o
112 Machine-Rolling K e ek
o ensic accoun s o inciden s and inju ies ha blame wo ke s (Did someone
bypass a senso ? Fail o s o e sol en s in he lammable ma e ials cabine ? Lea e
a eil dangling o long hai loose? Dis ega d p esc ibed wo k pos u es and li ing
p ocedu es? Neglec o wea o p ope ly as en hei pe sonal p o ec i e equip-
men ?). This di ec s a en ion away om he in ense ime p essu e and exhaus ing
shi schedules unde which hey labo o con inuously p oduce ciga e es.
MACHINE RELATIONS
I manage ial s a egies ocused on gami ica ion and sa e y p ocedu es ha e he
e ec o inculca ing a sense o indi idual esponsibili y on he pa o each wo ke ,
a ela ed se ies o s a egies b ing abou a complemen a y ou come: unde min-
ing any sense o collec i e powe among wo ke s. This mani es s pe haps mos
ob iously in he ac o ies’ comp omised and complian labo union, as discussed
below, bu also in he ole ha machines ha e come o play in hese acili ies. Rizal
ecalled ha when he machines a i ed a he Ka awang plan in 2008, hey we e
“exac ly as he C ea o made hem,” e oking God (Mesin masih ull mu ni da i
Sang Pencip a). “We modi ied machines a lo so hey’d mee ou needs,” he p i-
ma y ac o y eam leade explained. “Fo example, i a machine was supposed
o p ocess en ons an hou , could we enla ge i and aise i o i een ons? I we
ound some hing unsa e, could we add ex a p o ec ion?” Main enance pe o med
some modi ica ions in house, while Sampoe na con ac ed o he s ou o endo s.
Clo es unde go cleaning, condi ioning, cu ing, and d ying on e o i ed obacco
machine y om I aly.
Wo ke s occasionally unde sco ed how ully au oma ed he machines we e
(se ba o oma is), ende ing humans ma ginal, me e accesso ies o he machines
ha pe o med he ac ual labo . Faja , a ciga e e make p od ech, said he
machines “appea complica ed, bu i ’s all compu e ized, so you con ol i a
he sc een.” “E e y hing is s anda dized, all aspec s o he p oduc ,” his colleague
Yusu a i med, “so he machine uns i s own quali y checks. I i ’s no up o spec,
i will immedia ely shu down. I checks i sel . Rejec ions a e a e.” Eko concu ed:
“We p og am he machines o p oduce a ce ain quan i y o ciga e es o packs,
and hey shu down once hey each ha numbe .”
Bu despi e he p omise o simple, e o - ee p oduc ion ha hese echnolo-
gies held ou , a hie a chy o expe s and a a o p o ocols we e in ol ed in mon-
i o ing, cleaning, and epai ing he complex and empe amen al machines. I a
ciga e e make b oke down i e o ewe imes pe week, acco ding o a main e-
nance echnician, hey we e doing hei jobs well. Main enance scheduled egu-
la pa s eplacemen and conduc ed bo h “p edic i e main enance,” an icipa ing
pa s ha we e likely o b eak down (e.g., bea ings ha would need o be changed
wi hin a week), and “ eac i e main enance,” in which se ice eam membe s we e
called o espond o indica o ligh s o la ge issues. Wo ke s’ iews o machines as

Gami ica ion and Indi idualiza ion 113
la gely sel -ope a ing and sel -checking a e oubled by he p ocedu es, p oblems,
and laye ed human o e sigh ac ually in ol ed in keeping machines unning, bu
his pe spec i e is ne e heless sugges i e o how such mechanized ac o y a mo-
sphe es can deemphasize he collec i e human labo in ol ed.
Be o e wo ke s in e ac wi h he machines o which hey a e esponsible, hey
spend a week o longe acqui ing gene al and machine-speci ic aining in he
Technical T aining Depa men . The depa men ’s manage explained ha Sam-
poe na’s machines, like a domes ic e ige a o , migh a i e wi h a manual, bu i
wouldn’ co e all he knowledge needed o un i . In aining, hey used simple,
uni e sal language (bahasa global) and a discussion-based app oach o disco e
wha wo ke s unde s and. Ques ions a e posed and hen answe ed in sho ,
conc e e wo ds: “Wha does a mo o do? I con e s elec ical in o mechanical
ene gy.” Technical T aining modules co e ed gene al knowledge, sa e y, ouble-
shoo ing, cleaning, and main enance. A e hey lea e he class oom, wo ke s
a e ypically assigned o wo k “in andem” wi h expe ienced ope a o s, g adu-
ally wo king mo e independen ly. Unde he o e sigh o a mo e senio employee,
Faja ecalled being allowed o wo k un il he made a mis ake o showed he didn’
unde s and wha o do. Faja was ini ially ained on il e machines, which he
desc ibed as no only mo e dange ous han ciga e e make s and packe s bu also
mo e augh : “Fil e s a e e y expensi e so you ge in ouble when you was e
hem. Once some hing wen w ong wi h mine and he e was a huge amoun o
was e. Fo una ely, he in es iga ion ound ha I wasn’ a aul .” Due o he speed
Figu e 12. Ciga e e make . Pho o by au ho .
114 Machine-Rolling K e ek
and scale o he machines, a p ima y supe iso obse ed, i was easy o spew ou a
“bus-sized” ejec ba ch be o e wo ke s de ec ed any p oblem. A e h ee mon hs
o “on he job aining,” Sampoe na e alua es new hi es and decides whe he o
make hem pe manen . Technical aining issues ce i ica es o wo ke s who pass
hei aining and e alua ion as ope a o s o speci ic machine ypes. In addi ion
o new hi es, he di ision also ains wo ke s who swi ch unc ions o a e seeking
mo e ad anced skills.
Machine ope a o s o en desc ibed machines in wa m, mu ualis ic, and in ima e
e ms. Adib, a p ima y p od ech, explained ha di ec expe ience o e ime builds
machinic awa eness, using he English wo d awa e. “I ’s like knowing he oice o
you child,” he elabo a ed, “when some hing is unusual, o , and he eason why.
I i ’s a new model, hen you don’ ye know i s oice, so you ha e o un i and ge
o know i s oice i s .” Ani also used a domes ic analogy: “Packing machines a e
all he same, ye each eels di e en . Each has i s own dis inc i e cha ac e is ics,
i s own endencies owa ds p oblems. I ’s like you own house, you wan o keep i
clean and o de ly.” A e spending i e yea s wi h il e machines, Hasan knew he
“small sounds” hey made “whe e he e’s ouble, like in he olle . And you know
when hey’ e unning well. Like a human, hey need o be ca ed o , cleaned. I y
o do my bes o he machine. Be o e s a ing i , I do all my checks and cleaning.”
Rizal explained ha machines signal and communica e i one knows wha o look
o and lis en o: “We know he low o he machine. The longe we wo k wi h a
machine, he easie i is o diagnose wha ’s no mal and abno mal. The ai p essu e,
he mo o unning. Maybe some hing’s going ou , dak-dak-dak, daci -daci . We
ge he eeling, ‘This is going o ha e ouble.’ I ’s nice. When machines change o
ac di e en ly, we’ll eel i . Maybe i ’s a di y sc een o he en ila o .”
Some wo ke s used he idiom o iendship o desc ibe hei ela ions wi h
machines. Yusu ega ded hem as anima e “pa ne s” wi h souls (nyawa): “A i s
he machines a e con using, bu a e a while we know wha hey’ e like. ‘You’ e
ac ing like his, I need o adjus ha .’ Like wi h a iend. ‘Oh, you’ e doing his, so
ha ’s wha you wan .’” He ne e heless kep machines’ ins umen al pu pose in
sigh : “They ha e o be espec ed and handled wi h ca e so ha we will walk in sync
oge he . They ha e o keep unning so ha we will achie e ou a ge olume.”
When one wo ke i s encoun e ed he machines, he el clumsy and ense (kikuk,
egang). As his knowledge and con idence g ew, he de eloped a mo e ale and
mind ully igilan (waspada) disposi ion: “We know which a eas a e dange ous.”
While some wo ke s compa ed machines o human companions, o he s app e-
cia ed hei nonhuman quali ies and ound upsides o collabo a ing wi h machines
a he han humans. A main enance echnician said, “Machines a e easie o wo k
wi h han people. They a e inanima e objec s [benda ma i], so we can jus decide
wha needs o be done. People ha e o be e alua ed. ‘Wha ’s his pe son like? How
a e hey going o espond?’” Rizal was nos algic o he machine-cen e ed asks
he had engaged in be o e being p omo ed o eam leade . “The keys, he oil, i ’s a
Gami ica ion and Indi idualiza ion 115
pleasu e o me. I enjoy managing machines. They don’ ge ang y o eel o ended.
Managing people is di e en . O e seeing he pe o mance o a machine is di e -
en o o e seeing he pe o mance o a pe son.” He ondly e oked his mo o bike: “I
ca e o i , ou inely change he oil, wipe i down a e i ains.” Such wa m eelings
owa d machines, and he spa ial and sonic dominance o machine y on he shop
loo , do li le o os e solida i y among wo ke s. And nei he , pe haps unexpec -
edly, does he labo union ha wo ke s belong o.
THE ANTI-UNION UNION
Daily wo ke s in Sampoe na’s mechanized ac o ies, like daily wo ke s and piece-
wo ke s in Sampoe na’s hand- olled ac o ies, belong o he ciga e e, obacco,
ood, and d ink sec o o he umb ella All Indonesia Wo ke s’ Union (Se ika
Peke ja Selu uh Indonesia o SPSI) in oduced in chap e 2. They sha e he same
p o-managemen a i ude, aspi a ions o indi idual wo ke p omo ion, and
s aunch opposi ion o labo adicalism and obacco con ol.
The mechanized ac o y unions ein o ced manage ial e o s o make wo k-
e s see hemsel es as agen s o , and assume esponsibili y o , company p oduc-
i i y, quali y, sa e y, and con inuous imp o emen . The union examined wo ke
pe o mance, one leade explained, and asked, “Wha did we do w ong in 2015?
Fo example, absen eeism. How do we adhe e o disciplina y ules and p e en
wo ke s om eaching he s age whe e managemen sends hem a wa ning le -
e ?” The union ad oca ed o wo ke s accused o w ongdoing when cha ges
seemed misplaced bu suppo ed managemen decisions i ollow-up in es iga-
ions ound hem guil y. Tau ik, a Sampoe na union leade , cau ioned wo ke s o
a oid he emp a ion o s eal. “This is whe e we make ou li ing. Don’ e en y
aking some hing small; i migh become an addic ion, and you’ll be emp ed o
ake mo e, la ge hings.” Fo Idham, he leade o he Philip Mo is Indonesia
union, in o ming wo ke s abou p ocedu es was a p io i y— o example, how
small iola ions (pelangga an kecil) could be eco ded, lead o wa ning le e s, and
ge aised in annual e iews as disciplina y p oblems. “I you’ e absen , i will a ec
you wo k eam’s pe o mance. The eam leade will wan someone di e en .”
Manage s con ibu ed esou ces o SPSI, and ep esen a i es ecip oca ed by
ou inely in o ming hem abou wo ke s. Managemen unded e en s, such as
hei annual mee ing and in i ed speake s, and u nished Idham wi h a lap op
ha he used o documen and eco d mee ings. Tau ik claimed ha he union suc-
cess ully lobbied managemen o be e acili ies like co eemake s and a ipling
o anspo and meal subsidies. The union also eques ed ep esen a ion and
in ol emen in ac o y planning as pa o a bid o be mo e alued and gi en an
ac i e ole a he han being seen “solely as he helpe s o ope a o s and p od echs.”
The unions submi ed weekly epo s o manage s and me wi h hem mon hly,
whe e, Idham explained, “mos ly we discuss small issues [kasus ingan]. We ell
116 Machine-Rolling K e ek
hem wha he p oblems a e, and hey send his in o ma ion on o IR [In e nal
Rela ions] and HR [Human Resou ces] in Su abaya. We a e he manage s’ eyes
and ea s on he loo . I any hing inapp op ia e is going on, we le hem know.
We a e hei spies.” The union leade decla ed, “I’m an i-demons a ion. Le ’s ake
ac ions ha will bene i us and he company.”
Union leade s pu sued in e nal hi ing and p omo ions o membe s and ecom-
mended p omising candida es o manage s o mon hly posi ions. Wo ke s p o-
mo ed o mon hly s a us we e no unionized bu au oma ically became membe s
o he in e nal Bipa i e Coope a ion Ins i u ion (Lembaga Ke ja Sama Bipa i o
LKSB), which hea d complain s and sugges ions a mon hly mee ings a ended
by manage s and mon hly wo ke s ep esen ing a ious depa men s. LKSB
deal mos ly wi h uncon o e sial ma e s like pa king, sa e y, p ojec s, ules, and
depa men -speci ic issues, bu a main enance elec ician no ed i could be used o
ci cum en hie a chies, “I you aise an issue wi h you boss, hey migh no b ing
i up o hei boss, bu i i is b ough o LKSB hen i comes up a he mee ing.”
Union leade s amed hei app oach as he an i hesis o ha aken by con ac
wo ke s o he Swiss i m ISS who demons a ed o se e al mon hs in 2013 o
highe wages and be e posi ions. Sampoe na’s pe manen wo ke s had nega i e
ecollec ions o his pe iod— long o e ime shi s, sleeping a he ac o y, ea ing
wha was le a he can een, ge ing s uck a wo k when hey we e sick, and being
esco ed by mobile b igade police a e demons a o s bea up a manage . They
blamed demons a o s o using iolen ac ics and making i a ional demands o
pe manen wo k o ce inclusion wi hou submi ing o Sampoe na’s es ing p o-
cess. ISS demons a o s we e i ed, bu Sampoe na kep wo king wi h he i m.
Sampoe na added se e al hund ed new ainee posi ions o daily wo ke s in
Augus 2013, bu only a mino i y o ISS wo ke s success ully passed Sampoe na’s
es s. Sampoe na sough o depoli icize pe manen daily wo ke s by encou ag-
ing hem o o m a local chap e o SPSI-RTMM unde he guidance o a wo ke
seconded om Suko ejo o he Ka awang plan . Tau ik explici ly con as ed hei
app oach o ha o he ISS union, which he claimed ook ad an age o he “ho
cul u e” in Ka awang:
They we e e y eac i e. They blew up small p oblems. They only ega ded demon-
s a ions and ac ions [aksi] as eal and didn’ app ecia e wha can be accomplished
by nego ia ing. We ake a mo e amilial app oach and seek win-win solu ions. O he s
call us he mos a is oc a ic [p iyayi] o ganiza ion. The 2013 clashes made wo ke s
mis us unions. We’ e ying o build a posi i e union image. We engage in posi i e
a he han nega i e ac i i ies, eam spo s no demons a ions and ana chy. Ou
p oduc is posi i e. We wan o c ea e indus ial peace and ha mony.8 Manage s
app ecia e ou good in en ions.
Tau ik seemed unpe u bed by his union’s a is oc a ic epu a ion, and he emb aced
ma ke ing language and goals (posi i e image and p oduc ) and he union’s
success in pleasing manage s.
Gami ica ion and Indi idualiza ion 117
Mos daily wo ke s eadily iden i ied as SPSI membe s (anggo a) bu we e ci -
cumspec abou hei knowledge o o in es men in union ac i i ies, main aining
a sc upulously neu al and dis anced s ance. Tobacco wa ehouse wo ke s said hey
we e unin e es ed in union posi ions since his equi ed being a icula e (pin a
omong) and dealing wi h lo s o people (ngu usin banyak o ang). Rudi, a daily
wo ke in seconda y, said he was auma ized a e wi nessing layo s in he wake
o demons a ions a his p io job a Yamaha. He el ha wo ke s we e doing well
enough and app ecia ed a consensus-building app oach (musyawa ah). Tomas
desc ibed himsel as “passi e” is-à- is he union. He pu he di ision o labo in
simple e ms ha emphasized he union’s manage ial unc ion: “I’m he e, ea ning
money, hey coo dina e us.” Philip Mo is daily wo ke s asc ibed nei he posi i e
no nega i e impac o he union, ema king ha he leade s we e he ac i e ones
who held mee ings, and o dina y wo ke s didn’ know wha union leade s did.
While hey a e eluc an o use s ee demons a ions o he idiom o s uggle
(be juang) agains he company, union ep esen a i es eadily oppose go e nmen
a emp s o ins i u e obacco con ol measu es aimed a p o ec ing public heal h.
Idham joined a g oup o ganized by Sampoe na’s public ela ions depa men ha
wen o Sukabumi o exp ess opposi ion o egional laws (pe a u an dae ah) in o-
ducing smoke- ee zones. “I smoke s s a ge ing he imp ession ha hey’ e no
allowed o smoke o e he e and o e he e, hey’ll be in imida ed! I will also ha e
an impac on ciga e e selle s.” They le sa is ied ha he local ( egency) go e n-
men unde s ood ha i hey c ea ed smoke- ee a eas in places like hospi als, hey
would need o in es in c ea ing spaces whe e smoking was allowed. In his iew,
“The company has o p ospe along wi h employees. I would be un o una e i a
clash occu ed, o a p oduc ion slowdown o o he p oblems. We wan s abili y
o he company.” The union’s p io i iza ion o company in e es s hus unde mines
bo h public heal h goals ex e nally and e ec i e collec i e ac ion in e nally.
SMOKING WORK
K e ek capi alism exploi s human labo in he classic Ma xis sense and also
exploi s popula ions as consume s. And in ce ain ci cums ances, exploi a ion
ia wage labo is co e minous wi h exploi a ion ia consump ion: ciga e e con-
sump ion is pa o he wo k ha un olds a Sampoe na’s Suko ejo Science and
De elopmen Cen e .
Machines pe o m a po ion o he consump ion wo k in he cen e ’s ISO-
ce i ied (In e na ional O ganiza ion o S anda diza ion) lab. The lab’s ISO ce i-
ica ion and impo ed machines enabled Sampoe na o p oduce “expo -quali y”
ciga e es ha me in e na ional egula ions, which also a ec he addi i es and
la o an s in Sampoe na p oduc s.9 Whe eas Indonesia equi ed only a and nic-
o ine es ing, B azil se limi s on suga con en , Malaysia and Singapo e on es able
a . A lab echnician showed us how wen y ciga e es u ned a d y whi e il e

118 Machine-Rolling K e ek
pad da k b own and mois wi h he a ha coa s smoke s’ lungs. The Bo gwald
machine smoked wen y ciga e es in a o a ing ca ousel, inhaling hi y- i e mil-
lili e s pe pu wi h a wo-second pu du a ion and one-minu e in e als be ween
pu s (a Ma lbo o Red s ick yielded se en o eigh machine pu s). The lab also
o e ed ee es ing se ices o a ious small domes ic k e ek companies. Helping
hese small compe i o s was a s a egic mo e o wo easons. Fi s , i encou aged
companies o sell hei p oduc legally wi h excise ax and he equi ed a and
nico ine labels a he han p oduce cheap black-ma ke ciga e es ha h ea en o
e ode he ma ke sha e o legal p oduce s. (Sampoe na is a s aunch and de o ed
ally in he s a e c usade agains black ma ke ciga e es.) Second, i os e ed good
ela ions and pa ed he way o Sampoe na o call on appealingly diminu i e
domes ic companies o lobby he go e nmen on behal o he indus y.
The cen e also equi es humans and hei lung capi al (modal pa u-pa u) o
p oduc es ing. In he cen e ’s blende oom, we encoun e ed one young woman
and eigh men si ing a ound a able smoking, co ee po s in he backg ound. The
se ing’s esemblance o a b eak oom belied he ac ha he lead blende , wo
junio blende s, and ainees we e eng ossed in p o essional smoking wo k. The
ainees we e unde going a comp essed one-yea aining du ing which hey
would lea n om seasoned blende s, make ield obse a ions in obacco cul i a-
ion om plan ing o ha es ing, and hen assume esponsibili y o unspeci ied
“special p ojec s.” Many o he ciga e es in he ash ays we e only pa ially smoked
because, as wi h wine as ing, he pu pose was o judge he p oduc wi hou ge -
ing in oxica ed and dulling hei senses. Didi , he lead blende , explained ha
mo nings we e he bes ime o as e. A e lunch, hei abili y declined, al hough
hey kep wo king. He liked o inhale along he leng h o ciga e es be o e ligh ing
up. Packs om di e en coun ies lay abou ; a manage joked ha he i y-pack
om Aus alia ado ned wi h an image o gang enous lesh was a “ amily pack.” In
con as o he con i ial scene o collec i e senso y wo k in he blending oom,
a second lead blende , whom he manage had o coax ou o mee us, labo ed
alone in his o ice behind closed doo s. He looked unheal hy, and his body was
misshapen. He ca ied ou his blending du ies wi hou ac ually smoking anymo e,
ha ing s opped in 2012 a e a se e e bu unspeci ied illness, which he said had
made i easy o qui . I was ha d no o specula e ha he had expe ienced a li e-
h ea ening obacco- ela ed disease, bu he ne e heless e u ned o his wo k,
whe e his semi-seques e ed p esence se ed as a chilling eminde o smoking’s
po en ial consequences.
Sampoe na in i ed Suko ejo employees o olun ee o in e nal smoking pan-
els a he cen e o help compa e p oduc s and ensu e as e consis ency. Volun ee s
we e ewa ded wi h ouche s a e se ing o six mon hs.10 When we isi ed he
smoking panel oom, one o he (lucky numbe ) nine smoking boo hs was occu-
pied by a wo ke . He yped his iden i y numbe in o a keyboa d and hen ecei ed
Figu e 13. Smoking panel olun ee . Pho o by au ho .
120 Machine-Rolling K e ek
ial ciga e es, ligh e , ash ay, c acke s, and a small wa e con aine o s ubbing
ou ciga e es. On he o he side o he wall, wo employees moni o ed he swi ch-
boa d ha li up when i was ime o dispense ial ciga e es o collec was e. The
company once had a os e o o e a hund ed in e nal es smoke s, bu by 2015,
i a ac ed ewe olun ee s. Those who emained we e inc easingly d awn om
lowe employee anks, e lec ing class s a i ica ion in who smoked.11
Ou side o o mal es ing, Sampoe na had ways o coe cing and cajoling wo k-
e s o smoke. A ma ke ing consul an ecalled ha when Pu e a Sampoe na
headed Sampoe na, he insis ed ha senio employees smoke Sampoe na p oduc s
and ha he ossed ciga e es a hose who abs ained du ing mee ings. Taking a less
bullying app oach, company media like Sampoe na TV, which plays con inuously
in places like he spacious ai -condi ioned lobby o Sampoe na’s Su abaya Rung-
ku headqua e s and he open-ai wo ke s’ can een behind he building, sc een
Sampoe na/PMI-b and ads in addi ion o p og am upda es, company news, and
comical didac ic segmen s on hemes such as how o hold a good men o ing mee -
ing. Sampoe na TV also ea u ed a company campaign o d um up p ide in—and
consump ion o —Sampoe na p oduc s. Mo oes included “I’m p oud o Sampo-
e na” (Saya bangga Sampoe na) and “I’m p oud o Sampoe na’s p oduc s” (Saya
bangga p oduk Sampoe na). Employees pa aded a ound o ices in Sampoe na
p ide T-shi s (including Sampoe na p esiden Paul Janelle, his T-shi wo n o e
his black uni o m) and held signs alo wi h decla a ions like “I’m no ashamed
o smoke” (gak malu me okok). Sampoe na p ide s icke s ado ned ood endo s’
glass display cases in he can een, oo. The campaign hus coun e ed he gene al
public heal h shaming o smoking and disciplined wo ke s who smoked non-
Sampoe na p oduc s o all in o line wi h hei employe . A Sampoe na ac o y
p oduc ion echnician eluc an ly admi ed ha he smoked Dja um’s LA Ligh s,
bu he ied o make ligh o his disloyal y by saying ha he swi ched a ound and
was no a e y ac i e smoke , consuming only one pack e e y wo days.
Some wo ke s who we e happy o ha e hei labo powe exploi ed we e o -
men ed by hei inabili y o wi hhold hei consume powe . A Sampoe na ac o y
wo ke whom we me a a ca é in Malang smoked en Ma lbo os a day and pleaded
o e ec i e ad ice on qui ing. He had ied hypno he apy, which in ol ed access-
ing memo ies o ciga e es ha we e no delicious, bu he had ailed o qui . He
app ecia ed his job and i s ad ancemen oppo uni ies o wo ke s like him wi h
low educa ion le els, bu he was despe a e o qui he p oduc he helped make.
A supe iso a Sampoe na’s ac o y powe plan was deeply disappoin ed when
he disco e ed ha his son, a i s -yea high school s uden , was spending his
allowance (uang saku) on ciga e es. The adolescen me his pa en s’ scolding
wi h silence. Hamzah, who chape oned us a ound Sampoe na’s ac o y g ounds,
e ealed ha he had been a hea y smoke o yea s, consuming as many as h ee
o ou packs a day. He s opped a e his hi d child, who had only ecen ly begun
alking, asked, “Why does a he always smoke?” (Kenapa ayah selalu me okok?)
Gami ica ion and Indi idualiza ion 121
In machine- olled ac o ies, Sampoe na has secu ed wo ke consen no only
by o e ing ela i ely high pay in a ough labo ma ke bu also, jus as impo an ly,
ia manage ial echniques ha magni y pe sonal esponsibili y on he pa o each
wo ke and ende collec i e o ganizing unappealing and ine ec i e. Sampoe na
gami ies smoking and p oduc ion-line wo k in ways ha classi y pa icipa ion as
olun a y un o o ms o sel -imp o emen a he han labo . In he chap e s ha
ollow, we will see how Sampoe na adop s con es s and games ou side o i s ac-
o y se ings o ec ui and exploi paid and unpaid b anding, dis ibu ion, and
consump ion wo k.
128 B anding K e ek
hallma k o eli e poli ical discou se unde Suha o (Reynolds 1999, 87). Sampoe na
wen on o anoin i sel he endse e and o accuse i s compe i o s o being
imi a o s (iku -iku an) in an “O he s Can Only Follow” campaign ha ea u ed an
asso men o ado able anima ed c us aceans, abbi s, and cows. A senio execu i e
old me wi h alse chag in ha Sampoe na’s use o anima ion had un o una ely
led some o accuse he company o delibe a ely ma ke ing o child en.
A e e i ing i s c ew o anima ed animals, Sampoe na a ached A-Mild o he
cause o poli ical and social e o m, o e o masi, which was ca alyzed by an i-
Suha o p o es s in he wake o he 1997 Asian inancial c isis. You h, especially
middle-class college s uden s who apidly adop ed ac i is p ac ices and s yles,
saw hemsel es as cen al p o agonis s o he mo emen ha oppled Suha o in
1998 a e hi y- wo yea s o au ho i a ian ule (S assle 2010). Despi e Sampo-
e na’s long-s anding de e ence o and complici y wi h s a e au ho i y, i s new ads
cons uc ed he A-Mild b and as an i-au ho i a ian. An “I Things Could Talk”
(Kalau Ba ang Omong) campaign ga e oice o e e yday and in o mal objec s o
s uden li e wi h handw i en demons a ion-s yle placa ds o e ing eiled poli ical
commen a y on hemes like p o es pu pose (a wok ha demands no o be hea ed
up o no eason), s a e iolence agains demons a o s (an ala m clock complain-
ing abou being bea en when i poli ely signals he ime), sycophancy (a lollipop
p omising ewa ds o whoe e licks he bes ), and he e e g een opic o co up-
ion (boxe sho s wea y o co e ing shame, a chocola e cake on which all will
eas , and an a mchai ha equi es cleaning o ge id o he bedbugs).7 A-Mild’s
new ound penchan o poli ical and social c i ique nex spawned he “Ask Why”
(Tanya Kenapa) campaign, which u ged iewe s o ques ion au ho i y. One ad
ea u es a young man app oaching a ending machine wi h a g ea sack o coins,
which he eeds in o he machine un il i coughs up a mo a boa d g adua ion cap.
A young woman lugging he own sack o coins queues up behind him. The ad
goads, “Why is becoming sma so expensi e?” (Mau pin a kok mahal?). Ano he
ad c i iques he old gua d o i s mis us o you h, showing a classic senio
male igu e (bapak) in an o ice o cing a young man o adop his sho s a u e,
paunch, bald head and mus ache (Yang lebih muda yang gak dipe caya).8 O he s
ake aim a he s a e. In one, wo young men speedily ca u ni u e o he second
s o y o hei home, don lippe s and mask, and di e om he ups ai s window
in o he dun-colo ed i e cou sing h ough hei s ee . Uni o med police bob
along in a mo o boa , wa ing chee ully and ad ising esiden s o emain calm
h ough a c ackling megaphone, unde sco ing he pe ennially la e and ine ec ual
go e nmen esponse o he loods ha ou inely de as a e and displace Jaka a
esiden s. “Banji kok jadi adisi?,” he ad quips. “Why ha e loods become a
adi ion?” Ano he c i icizes s a e bu eauc a s wi h hei i esome ed ape and
s amps o making simple asks di icul (Ha usnya gampang dibikin susah)
and seizing o dina y ci izens’ ime (Ve de y 1996). I sa i ical ads seemingly align
Sampoe na wi h ci izens agains he s a e, hey obscu e he ways in which he

In luence and C ea i i y in he Gig Economy 129
ciga e e indus y and he Indonesian s a e a e deeply, i ambi alen ly, in e wined
wi h one ano he in ela ions o “p eda o y ecip oci y” (Geo ge 2010, 82).
By cons uc ing A-Mild as he ciga e e o choice o “p og essi e Indonesia,”
Sampoe na o e s b and iden i ica ion and posi ions he ac o smoking as a means
o esol e he ambi alen poli ical eelings i s ads s i up (Sampoe na 2016). The
e m p og essi e s a egically lea es oom o in e p e a ion conce ning he kind
o p og ess implied: indi idual o collec i e, ma e ial o social, mode nizing o
edis ibu i e. The “Ask Why” ads emb ace e o masi as a middle-class en e p ise
wi h a conse a i e a he han e olu iona y c i ique o he p esen . They u nish
a limi ed sc ip o social ac ion and lea e nebulous whe he poli ical agency is
loca ed in indi idual o collec i e subjec s. They p o oke and p od bu do no
ad ise o esol e. They in i e you h o e lec on hei social posi ion and lack
o powe bu lea e i unclea i hey should do any hing abou his o jus “ elax
and ha e a ciga e e” and “wai un il hey come in o hei own” (Nich e e al.
2009, 105). The ads’ ambi alence is-à- is e o masi is eminiscen o how ea ly
ad e ise s in he Uni ed S a es se ed as “missiona ies o mode ni y” h ough
hei endency o “emphasize ha which is new and changing and, a he same
ime, acknowledge, manage and alle ia e signs o discon en wi h mode ni y”
(Ma chand 1985; Tinkle 2006, 83). Ea ly ciga e e ads amed women smoking
as mode n bu un h ea ening by sub ly easse ing con en ional gende ela ions
(Tinkle 2006, 84).
A-Mild ads wo k a mul iple le els, o e ing slaps ick humo ha appeals o
all ages—down o e y young TV iewe s—and he pleasu e o poli ical c i ique
deli e ed wi h a wink ha demands in e p e i e wo k on he pa o a mo e dis-
ce ning audience. They a e c a ed o appeal o key Ja anese opes and he o ical
s a egies alo izing indi ec speech and wo d slippages ha equi e an insigh ul
and cle e audience o deciphe hei meaning (Nich e e al. 2009, 104).9 Sampo-
e na ma ke ing s a , in ac , admi ed ha e en hey o en ound A-Mild ads puz-
zling. The appeal is, in pa , exclusiona y, asking iewe s whe he hey a e among
he ini ia ed. One ad explici ly sugges s ha he iewe lacks in-g oup s a us bu
migh someday acqui e i : “In he u u e you’ll unde s and” (Nan i juga lo paham).
In addi ion o wo dplay and punning, A-Mild copyw i e s and ma ke e s ely
hea ily on English and in o mal sociable speech (bahasa gaul) o in e pella e cos-
mopoli an Indonesian you h. Many ads conno e in o mali y in he way hey p es-
en ex , e oking he ma e iali y o chalk, g a i i-s yle sp ay-pain ed and s enciled
w i ing, and pain applied o media such as b icks o pape ha is c udely sewn,
c inkled, o lined as i ipped om a schoolbook. A ange o lexical i ems con-
no e sociable (gaul) speech: al e na i e spelling, ac onyms, sho ening o wo ds
(e.g., gak o nggak a he han idak o “no ”), inse ion o pa icles (kan, sih,
nya), and he p onouns gue (I) and lo/lu/loe (you), which de i e om Hokkien
Chinese and a e commonly used in Jaka a bu can sound ma ked and somewha
c ass o non-Jaka ans (Djena , Ewing, and Manns 2018; Sneddon 2003). Gaul
130 B anding K e ek
emphasizes solida i y and sha ed social iden i y as opposed o s a us di e en ials,
o mali y, and hie a chy, bu i en ails i s own coe ci e appeal, s a us signals, and
alo iza ions ha dis inguish hose who a e cool, mode n, u ban, and you h ul
om hose who a e old- ashioned, adi ional, awkwa d, and u al (Smi h‐ He ne
2007). Al hough i s oo s a e in “ he wo ld o social ma ginals,” gaul s yle has
come o inco po a e middle-class conce ns as well as English wo ds and ph ases,
becoming mo e s ongly associa ed wi h “an inc easingly cosmopoli an, Indone-
sian you h cul u e”—p ecisely he demog aphic ha A-Mild’s ma ke ing a ge s
(Smi h‐He ne 2007, 184, 197).
Sampoe na has eely deployed English in A-Mild slogans, ad copy, and
ma ke ing ma e ials since he b and’s incep ion. Sampoe na’s “Go Ahead Peo-
ple” campaign ma ke ing p ops in i e you h o “Find You Pa h,” “Follow You
Hea ,” “Change S a us Quo,” “Change he O dina y,” “Take Risk,” “Deli e he
Unexpec ed,” and “Don’ Think Twice.” A-Mild English o en sounded g amma i-
cally o o peculia o me, bu I was no i s in ended a ge . I ma ched how young
Indonesians use English in ways ha signal hei membe ship in a global you h
communi y amilia wi h ansna ional lows o ideas wi hou subo dina ing hei
exp ession o he ules and cons ain s o “p ope ” English g amma and spell-
ing. In speech and social media, you h o en code-swi ch o combine Indonesian,
egional languages, and English. In so doing, hey libe a e hemsel es om he
s ul i ying baggage o bo h he go e nmen -policed and -s anda dized “good and
co ec ” (baik dan bena ) na ional language and e hno-local languages, which a e
unappealing inso a as hey a e amed as “ adi ional” and ozen in ime (Djena ,
Ewing, and Manns 2018; Keane 2003). Such linguis ic expe imen a ion, and he
mo e p onounced lou ing o con en ional linguis ic ules in he pos -Suha o e a,
is lou ishing wi hin a b oade a ay o you h p ac ices ha app op ia e codes,
s yle, and signi ie s as ound cul u al objec s (Lu aas 2012). W i ing o simila
language mixing in he Philippines, Ra ael (1995, 113) sugges s ha Taglish u -
nished “ he means o e ading he p essu es o he linguis ic hie a chy, an ac ion
ha a ce ain poin s b oached he possibili y o econ igu ing he social o de .”
A language ha summons and mobilizes a mass audience can be u ned o he
pu poses o mass poli ical ac ion, bu i can also be ha nessed in he se ice o
mass consump ion. A-Mild’s signa u e linguis ic mixing sugges s he oice o he
commodi y masque ading as he oice o poli ical ac ion (Ra ael 1995, 117–18).
A-Mild ad e isemen s ha e played a c i ical ole in a ac ing consume s and
se ing key b and hemes. The es o his chap e is de o ed o unde s anding
how b and p oduc ion labo —which akes place ou side he sphe e o adi ional
ad e ising—builds on he hemes es ablished ac oss he p io decades’ com-
me cials and explo es how Sampoe na ec ui s, cho eog aphs, and moni o s
his wo k. I build on Fos e ’s (2008) e hnog aphy o he global soda indus y,
which goes beyond he ela ionship be ween ad agencies and clien i ms o b ing
oge he p oduc ion- and consump ion-cen e ed accoun s o b ands and show
In luence and C ea i i y in he Gig Economy 131
how b and manage s seek o cap u e he alue p oduced by consume s. Banks
(2022) has simila ly shown ha US co po a ions use Black cul u al pa onage
o acc ue di e si y capi al and enlis o dina y people as “p osume s” who bo h
consume and p oduce b and meaning. The examples ha ollow illus a e Sam-
poe na’s app oach o iden i ying, ec ui ing, incen i izing, coo dina ing, and
moni o ing b and p oduce s.
SALES PROMOTION GIRLS
While Sampoe na ma ke s A-Mild as a b and associa ed wi h sel -exp ession, c e-
a i i y, independence, and spon anei y, he company aims o igh ly con ol and
egimen he speech, d ess, makeup, and bodies o A-Mild’s sales p omo ion gi ls,
o SPGs. As a p o essional i le, “sales p omo ion gi l” has nega i e conno a ions; i
unde sco es he gende ed na u e o he labo , in an ilizes women, and e okes he
sexual objec i ica ion and age disc imina ion he wo k en ails. When we me in a
ca é, Dia and Ayu, wo SPGs who had concluded an eigh -mon h con ac wi h
Sampoe na and mo ed on o wo k o Sampoe na’s la ges compe i o s, Dja um
and Gudang Ga am, old us ha some i ms we e beginning o e e o hem
as b and p esen e s, o BPs. They ound he new i le o sound be e , bu hey
e e ed o hemsel es and pee s by he mo e amilia SPG as we alked. De end-
ing hei wo k agains de ac o s, hey no ed ha hey ea ned six million upiah
a mon h wo king ou days a week, which was double wha hey would make
as bank elle s wo king signi ican ly longe hou s (and s ill acing conside able
sc u iny o e hei appea ance and d ess). Ayu was sa ing o a college deg ee.
Ciga e e companies con ac emale SPGs and male “ eam leade s” h ough
endo s a he han hi ing hem di ec ly. This enables hem o associa e b ands wi h
a o a ing c op o new, esh, and you h ul— a he han amilia and aging— aces
wi hou di ec ly ca ying ou he sexis , ageis , colo is , and weigh -disc imina o y
wo k o hi ing and i ing hese wo ke s and di ec ly en o cing no ma i e ideals o
a ac i e eminini y and masculini y. A social media pos ad e ising SPG ec ui -
men included age and physical equi emen s: wen y- i e yea s old o younge ,
a leas 163 cen ime e s in heigh , good looking, and wi h a “p opo ional” body.
Mos a e ligh skinned, sugges ing ha pale skin colo is an uns a ed equi emen
o he SPG selec ion p ocess. Fou SPGs ypically wo k wi h one eam leade who
also has o be all, slende , young, a ac i e, and, as one acknowledged, “maybe a
bi o a playboy” (sediki playboy). Akin o a sani ized pimp, he eam leade ben-
e i s om he sexual a ac i eness o mul iple women, moni o ing and con olling
hei in e ac ions wi h men, and also po en ially se es as hei p o ec o , eady o
he oically inse himsel in o and escue he om encoun e s wi h ude, ineb i-
a ed, o igno an cus ome s who iola e he implici bounda ies go e ning hei
in e ac ions. The eam leade plans hei weekly ou es, inpu s da a, and eco ds
SPG-cus ome in e ac ions on an iPad.
132 B anding K e ek
Ciga e e companies dic a e he clo hing, hai s yle, and makeup ha cons i u e
he SPGs’ b and iden i y. Compa ed o i s compe i o s, Sampoe na applied mo e
elabo a e and s ingen ules o he isual spec acle o SPGs’ bodies. Sampoe na
insis ed on na u al black a he han dyed hai , disallowed jewel y and accesso ies,
s yled hem wi h iden ical hai and makeup o e en s, and p o ided hei uni o m
down o handbags and shoes (Keds, wedges, o heels). Each b and had a d ess
uni o m, ypically ese ed o nigh e en s, and a pan s uni o m ha hey mos ly
wo e o day ime ounds. Some imes, Dia was o ced o c am he size-40 ee in o
pain ully small and igh shoes. Male eam leade s a e allowed o smoke, bu SPGs
in uni o m mus no be seen smoking and a e supposed o co e hei uni o m
wi h jacke s when ea ing. Thei beau i ul bodies we e no supposed o be caugh in
ac s o consump ion (o exc e ion, o ha ma e ). A e en s, we caugh glimpses
o SPGs u i ely ea ing in ca s and smoking while queuing up o public oile s,
whe e we o e hea d one ask a colleague i she ea ed he impac o he smoking
on he child en.
Dia and Ayu exp essed a p e e ence o day o e nigh shi s. Day ime enues
include go e nmen o ices, ma ke s, ca és, and “hangou places” wi h company
sponso ship, whe eas nigh shi s o en in ol ed da k, noisy clubs. The eam leade
ypically schedules se en daily si e isi s, wi h each wo kday o icially s a ing a
9:00 a.m. and ending a 5:00 p.m., al hough in ac , hey mee a 7:00 a.m. a he
endo ’s o ice o don uni o ms and apply makeup. Excep o special e en s, hey
apply hei own makeup, which ideo u o ials ins uc hem should be “minimal”
bu su icien o ensu e a “ esh” appea ance. A 8:00 a.m., hey go o Sampoe na’s
Figu e 14. A sales p omo ion gi l closes a sale. Pho o by au ho .
In luence and C ea i i y in he Gig Economy 133
o ice, whe e ma ke ing o icials ake a endance and b ie hem, and hey p ay
oge he . O e a weekly ecap, hey elay eedback on consume eac ions o p od-
uc s and on which enues we e bus ling o quie .
Sampoe na speci ies how many packs SPGs mus sell, who is a po en ial cus-
ome , and how in e ac ions should un old. SPG sales a ge s we e ypically o y-
i e packs a day, al hough a nigh ime e en s, hey may be se highe ( i y- i e
packs, o example). They a e no supposed o sell o exis ing Sampoe na cus om-
e s and a e supposed o limi sales o wo packs pe cus ome . Acco ding o hese
ules, SPGs should con ine hemsel es o ec ui ing new cus ome s om he popu-
la ion o exis ing legal-aged smoke s o non-Sampoe na p oduc s. This sho es up
ciga e e execu i es’ e ain ha hey a e only ying o gain ma ke sha e om
compe i o s a he han ec ui new smoke s o eplace o exceed he numbe who
qui o die. SPGs a e supposed o eques iden i ica ion om he “baby- aced.” They
p ac iced hei sc ip ed cus ome in e ac ions ia oleplaying, aiming o adia e
wa m h and en husiasm (Hochschild 2012). Dia and Ayu modeled app oaching a
young man wi h a poli e ye amilia “Excuse me, do you smoke?” (Pe misi, masnya
me okok?). They ollow a posi i e esponse wi h “Which b and?” (Me okok apa?).
I he answe is no, o i he al eady smokes a Sampoe na b and, hey’ e supposed
o “close” he in e ac ion and mo e on. I he smokes a compe i o ’s b and, hey y o
lu e him in o pu chasing a compa ible Sampoe na b and, using a special o e like a
pack and ligh e . I he ies and dislikes he ciga e e, hey swee ly espond, “Maybe
you’ e jus no used o i ye ” (Mungkin belum e biasa Mas). The wo s cus om-
e s, Dia complained, we e he cha y ones who asked lo s o ques ions hen bough
no hing (diajak ngob ol, nanya-nanya aja, banyak omong api nggak beli). SPGs had
o memo ize h ee impo an poin s o each b and, e e ed o as he key b and
message. A Ma lbo o SPG sha ed ha he b and was “ he numbe one ciga e e
in he wo ld; he in e na ional ma ke leade , mode n and masculine; made om
choice obacco o he smoke ’s enjoymen .” A-Mild “is numbe one in Indonesia;
in i es you o ha e posi i e hough s, go ahead; and i you’d like o lea n mo e please
isi goaheadpeople.com.” SPGs a e no allowed o ake pho os wi h cus ome s,
o e pe sonal in o ma ion (iden i as), o upload sel ies o hemsel es in uni o m.
No su p isingly, SPGs ound ways o bend he ules go e ning hei beha io .
To achie e sales a ge s, SPGs migh iola e ules es ic ing o whom and how
much hey we e allowed o sell by app oaching non-smoke s and selling o exis -
ing Sampoe na cus ome s o e en e aile s in a pinch. Al hough eam leade s a e
o icially in cha ge o SPGs, e e an SPGs augh naï e new eam leade s aking
a by- he-book app oach o adop al e na i e s a egies o mee hei quo as and
p oduce he igh da a. These sc ip depa u es and small ac s o sub e uge did
no unde mine Sampoe na’s goal o selling ciga e es.
In addi ion o hei con ac ual wages, Sampoe na used disc e iona y gi s
and p izes o mo i a e SPGs and eam leade s o wo k ha d, assimila e b and
knowledge, and compe e wi h one ano he . Sampoe na o icials quizzed hem on
new p omo ions and ewa ded co ec answe s wi h p izes like T-shi s. When a

134 B anding K e ek
p omo ional p og am concluded, he highes pe o ming SPG and eam leade
won public p aise and p izes. The SPG’s p ize migh be a bag o makeup, ei he
o which would enhance he key alue—a ac i eness—she held o Sampoe na.
The b and p oduce s desc ibed in he ollowing sec ions enjoy g ea e appa -
en agency and la i ude in hei ela ions wi h Sampoe na han SPGs. Ye hey,
oo, a e o en subjec o company acking and a ge s, asked o pa o key b and
messages, made o compe e o ecogni ion and ewa ds, and gi ed s a egic
p izes ha enhance hei alue o Sampoe na. As in luence s, many ace a ge s
and popula i y indica o s o e which hey ha e incomple e con ol, such as social
media me ics ( ollowe s, isi s, likes) and audience size a e en s hey c ea e and
p omo e. Whe eas SPGs wo k long hou s wi h misleading s a imes, in luence s
a e always po en ially wo king, being ac i e on social media, mone izing social
ela ionships, and ende ing hei li es Ins ag ammable. SPGs do no choose he
b and iden i y and ma ke s hey wea , bu hey can de ach hem a he end o
each shi (Go man 1959). The iden i y o he in luence becomes implica ed in
ha o he ciga e e b and, and Sampoe na cons an ly p obes and assesses his
iden i y o how i con ibu es o o de ac s om he b and. The depe sonalized
and sc ip ed na u e o SPGs’ wo k in e ac ions also dis ances hem om hei p o-
essional speech ac s, whe eas in luence s mus y o main ain pe sonal appeal
and au hen ici y while also p omo ing company p oduc s and e en s. The lowe -
isibili y o ms o con ol o which in luence s a e subjec , hen, a guably exe
mo e insidious e ec s on hem and hei social ela ions, which hey a e u ged o
cons an ly expand, exploi , and commodi y.
THE ROCK STAR: MUSIC BANDS, SELF-BRANDING,
AND MERCHANDISE
A ian A i in, lead singe in he Jaka a-based hea y me al ock band Se ingai
and na ional key opinion leade in he eyes o Sampoe na, se ed as an A e -
land wo kshop leade . A his popula wo kshop, pa icipan s squeezed igh ly
on o low benches unde a la ge a my-g een en and lis ened a en i ely as A i-
in dispensed lessons on how o con o m o an aes he ic o dissen and appea
c ea i e, coun e cul u al, and ebellious while being shamelessly capi alis .
A i in skill ully wo ked he c owd wi h his jokes and in o mal manne . While
s a wo ked on s a ing his Powe Poin p esen a ion, he com o ably began dis-
pensing ad ice, elling his ap audience o ollow he Rolling S ones’ example:
“You need o be pho og aphed smoking and d inking whisky, e en i maybe you
don’ ac ually smoke.” “Don’ hink you can li e o you music ea nings alone
i you’ e in indie, ock, o pop gen es,” he cau ioned. “Ge a eal job! And, e en i
you an base is limi ed o i e hund ed people, you need o main ain hem.”
Launching in o his p esen a ion, i led “Band’s Image and Me chandising,” he
explained, “Bands ha e a ious images. Du an-Du an: ashion. The Cu e: go h,
In luence and C ea i i y in he Gig Economy 135
al e na i e. The Sex Pis ols: punk ock, an i-es ablishmen . Mo issey: a dandy.”
As he lis ed hese musicians, A i in e ained om passing judgemen on hem,
op ing ins ead o p esen hei dis inc iden i ies as equal and neu al inse ion
poin s o capi alism (simila ly, see Banks 2022 on co po a e sponso ship o Black
musical gen es).
“Logos,” he con inued. “Choose some hing ha wo ks wi h you music, like
Kiss did.”
“Fashion! Black shi s a e sa e o hea y me al.” Joking abou hei ubiqui y,
he p e ended o sea ch o a iend a a conce , yelling in o an imagina y mobile
phone, “I’m by he s age, black T-shi !” (Gue di panggung, baju hi am!).
“Conside you look ca e ully. I you’ e handsome, you’ e al eady sa e” (Kalau
gan eng, sudah aman). La e , when an audience membe aised his hand o ask
a ques ion, A i in old he young man, o his su p ise, ha he was handsome
(lu gan eng).
“Keep you image consis en , bu i can change and e ol e. Pea l Jam looked
be e when hey we e younge , like a ga age band; now hey’ e mo e like uncles”
(lebih Om-Om).
Tu ning o me chandise, A i in explained who he G a e ul Dead we e and
how hey sold T-shi s. The Mis i s? Supe capi alis s (kapi alisme bange ). “Wi h
declines in sales o music in physical o ma ,” he counseled, “me chandise has
become mo e impo an .” He did he ma h on po en ial p o i s om T-shi sales,
hen desc ibed how his band had come up wi h pa ches, denim es s, jacke s, and
Figu e 15. A ock s a dispensing ma ke ing ad ice o aspi ing musicians. Pho o by au ho .
136 B anding K e ek
colo ul bandanas. “One pe son will buy like i e bandanas. Is his capi alism?
YES!!!” he oa ed wi h an e il laugh. A e desc ibing a con o e sy o e a Se ingai
T-shi c i icizing he police, he obse ed, “I you ans hink a T-shi is o bid-
den, hey jus wan i mo e. The same goes o mis akes in he sc eening p ocess.”
These s a egies had appa en ly wo ked o Se ingai, which had had he good o -
une o ha ing one o hei T-shi s ea u e in he magazine CosmoGi l.
To ensu e ha he Q&A would ge o o a li ely s a , A i in announced ha
he i s i e people who asked ques ions would ge a ee T-shi . A e inspec -
ing wha he held in his hands—a mock uxedo shi emblazoned wi h he slogan
“Change he O dina y”—he i e e en ly ebuked Sampoe na o i s ugly swag
(“Maa Sampoe na api kaos lu jelek sekali”).
As he nou ished young people’s musical d eams and ad ised hem on how o
s yle and ma ke hemsel es, end hei an base, sell me chandise, and make use
o asse s like good looks, A i in ob ia ed he ension be ween ebellion and capi-
alism by p oposing ha he o me se e he la e . Smoking and d inking bu -
nish a ebellious b and image. Pissing o police sells T-shi s. Selling T-shi s and
bandanas is i s own o m o glee ul ebellion agains (ou moded and pu i anical)
punk and dea h me al alues o an icapi alism and au hen ici y.10 E en his small
ac o ebellion agains his sponso — elling Sampoe na i s T-shi sucked—was
nicely consis en wi h he ansg essi e pe sona Sampoe na cul i a es o A-Mild,
and hus could be no only ole a ed bu alued by he company.
Ciga e e manu ac u e s ake ad an age o indie leksibel musicians who
iden i y as “independen ” and emb ace an an i-comme cial DIY e hos while “ lex-
ibly” accep ing ciga e e b and sponso ship. Sponso ed musicians de end he
commodi ica ion o hei cul u al p oduc ion and claim hey main ain c ea i e
au onomy and au hen ici y because b ands like A-Mild do no in e ene in o hei
ou pu o decisions o ai social and poli ical iews (Bagaska a 2017). F aming
ciga e e companies’ ole as no mal and posi i e, hey insis ha sponso ship helps
build and p omo e he music scene, p o ides unding o ou s, pays o album
p oduc ion, gua an ees he quali y o audience expe ience and music enues, and
imp o es musical quali y wi h be e ins umen s and sound checks. Audiences,
meanwhile, ha e g own accus omed o ee o hea ily sponso ed and discoun ed
music es i als (Banks 2022, 71–72). A i in simila ly eassu ed his you h ul audi-
ence ha ciga e e sponso ship suppo ed sel -ma ke ing and ha nei he was
cause o shame o emba assmen .
THE COMMERCIAL PHOTOGRAPHER
AND THE SELFIE IMPERATIVE
By encou aging you h o ake pho og aphs and pos hem h ough b and-a il-
ia ed and “independen ” social media, Sampoe na wo ked a ound egula ions
es ic ing i s own social media ac i i y and associa ed A-Mild wi h a c ea i e and
in o mal aes he ic and a ac i e you h.
In luence and C ea i i y in he Gig Economy 137
Yohan, a na ional key opinion leade wi h a mo e seda e pe sonali y han
A i in, acili a ed hese goals in he A e land a e noon pho og aphy wo kshop
I a ended. I hoped o pick up some use ul poin e s o imp o e my pho og aphy
skills, bu he wo kshop p o ed b ie and gea ed owa d con olled composi ion.
Yohan wen o e ligh ing, s yling, composi ion, poin o in e es , backd ops,
came as, and edi ing apps. A e discussing gen es and s yles—minimalis , la
lay, mood, ees yle, a sy, high key, low key—Yohan announced ha pa ici-
pan s would ha e he oppo uni y o shoo pho os wi h h ee models. They could
pos he esul s unde he A e land hash ag on Ins ag am, and Yohan himsel
would e iew en ies and selec a winne who would ecei e an unspeci ied gi
om Sampoe na.
Behind he en , he models’ handle b usquely oused hem: “You can’ play
wi h you mobile phones all day. Time o ge up and wo k!” An MC a ac ed o
he scene joked, “You’ e no allowed o ake he models home wi h you!” (Gak
boleh dibawa pulang ya!).
Shyly a i s , he mos ly male budding pho og aphe s began in e ac ing wi h
he models, asking hem o engage in a ious ac i i ies o assume ce ain pos-
u es. The exquisi ely awkwa d and uncom o able scenes ha ensued p oduced
Sampoe na’s desi ed esul s. A e land pa icipan s pos ed Ins ag am pho os wi h
he equisi e hash ags, connec ing A-Mild wi h colo ul images o a ac i e young
people. Fo hose no in he know, he models appea o be o dina y unpaid pa -
icipan s in he e en s. Pa icipan s also pos ed plen y o la lay composi ions
ha appea ed o be inspi ed by Yohan’s wo k, o en inco po a ing ciga e es and
A-Mild pa aphe nalia. These pho os a ac ed many likes as well as commen s in
he you h ul social media p ose s yle ha slides be ween egionally in lec ed and
amilia Ja anese, Indonesian, Jaka a slang, and English.
Encased in a spi i o lea ning, un, and po en ial ewa ds, he compe i ion
concealed how Sampoe na was inducing pa icipan s o pe o m “aspi a ional
labo ” (Du y 2017). They p oduced social media con en bene i ing Sampoe na
in he hope ha hey migh access mo e emune a i e oppo uni ies and po en-
ial acclaim ia a compe i ion win, a connec ion wi h Yohan, o a paying spon-
so somewhe e. The compe i ion os e ed he c uel op imism ha eeds he gig
economy and licenses he economic ulne abili y o a la ge, young, and unde -
employed middle class who, wi h limi ed decen job p ospec s, ge o be c ea i e
(Be lan 2011; McRobbie 2016). A e land pa icipan s’ aspi a ional labo p oduces
he imp ession o g ass oo s, spon aneous suppo o A-Mild.
The compe i ion was consis en wi h Sampoe na’s b oade p ac ice o encou -
aging pho og aphy and social media use. A i s egula p omo ional e en s, Sam-
poe na’s e en o ganize s se up i esis ible sel ie walls wi h ma ke ing objec s and
p ops including hash ags. Sampoe na also encou ages sel ie- aking by p o ision-
ing b anded sel ie s icks ( ongsis, sho o na cissism s icks [ ongka na sis]) as a
p omo ion wi h he pu chase o wo packs o ciga e es o as pa o he goody bag
each pa icipan ecei ed upon a i al in A e land.

241
index
accoun abili y, 175
addic iden i y, 219n12, 221n20. See also nico ine
addic ion
addic ion. See nico ine addic ion
addi i es, 22–23, 206n30
ad e ising. See k e ek b anding
Agasam S ables, 13
age ac o and p oduc ion decline, 65–68
agen dis ibu ion sys em, 13
Ag icul u al Labo P ac ices (ALP) Code,
36, 53
ag icul u e. See k e ek ag icul u e
ai po smoking a eas, 186, 219n9
Al ama , 165, 166, 167, 171, 218n12
Alliance o Indonesian Smoking Vic ims
(Aliansi Masya aka Ko ban Rokok
Indonesia), 192
Alliance One, 37, 38, 41, 53
All Indonesia Wo ke s’ Union (Se ika Peke ja
Selu uh Indonesia; SPSI), 87–89, 115–17
Al ia, 200–201
A-Mild b and, 4 able, 24, 99, 110, 122–49, 215n2
ammonia, 22, 23
A-Mo ion b and, 123, 124, 159, 170, 215n3
AMTI (Aliansi Masya aka Tembakau
Indonesia), 59, 89
Ande son, Benedic , 197–98
an i-Chinese iolence, 8, 48
an i-communism, 3, 11, 87–88
an i-union union, 115–17
APCI (Asosiasi Pe ani Cengkeh Indonesia),
29, 59–60
APTI (Asosiasi Pe ani Tembakau Indonesia), 29
a s philan h opy, 125
assimila ion, 12
au ho ’s posi ionali y, 27
A e land, 122–24, 137, 141, 145–49, 178
Bal Tiga b and, 7
Ban ille, Théodo e de, 219n11
Basic Ag a ian Law (1960), 55
basil, 23, 206n31
Benson, Pe e , 3. See also obacco capi alism
Ben oel, 12, 14, 15, 21, 22 ig., 24, 204n11
be el chewing, 7
be el quids, 6
Big Pha ma, 20
Bipa i e Coope a ion Ins i u ion
(Lembaga Ke ja Sama Bipa i ; LKSB), 116
Bi u In e na ional b and, 12, 21
bisa, 90
Black people, 211n24; ciga e e ma ke ing o, 5
black peppe , 23
Bloombe g, Michael, 20
Bloombe g Ini ia i e, 16
Bou dieu, Pie e, 159, 219n7
b anding. See k e ek b anding
B azil, 30
242 index
B i ish Ame ican Tobacco (BAT), 5, 10, 18, 25,
125, 172, 207n5
B i ish machine y, 21
b occoli (b okoli) i us, 211n26. See also obacco
mosaic i us
Bu e , Wa en, 3
Bule in Sampoe na (publica ion), 169
bumipu a (also p ibumi) communi ies, 8
bu ley obacco, 31
bu n accele an s, 23
bu uh, 68, 213n13
buying s a ions, 13
cacao, 23
campus hobby g oups, 144–45
capi alism, as e m, 3. See also k e ek capi alism;
obacco capi alism
ca e wo k, 153, 156
casing, 22
ce he, 19
child labo , 52–55, 164, 211nn31,32
child smoke s, 17, 123, 175–77, 200–201
China, 30, 221n19
Chinese Indonesian k e ek businesses, 7,
8–9, 11–13
Chinese labo e s, 7
ciga e e classi ica ions, 4 able
ciga e e money (uang okok), 177, 179
ciga e e e ail indus y, 150–51; in as uc u es
and ma ke s o , 151–54; knowledge wo k in,
159–61; minima s, 164–67; objec wo k
in, 161–64; ela ionship wo k in, 156–59;
SRC p og am, 167–72; oko adisional, 150,
154–56. See also k e ek b anding; k e ek
capi alism
Ciga e es A e Sublime (Klein), 220n15
Cina, as e m, 12
Ci cle K s o es, 165, 217n8
ci izenship, 12
class di e ences, 7, 12, 16–17, 120, 182–87,
211n24, 218n7
“clean” smoking campaign, 219n8
clo e a me s, 30, 41–42, 210n22. See also
k e ek ag icul u e
clo e oil, 23
clo es and clo e ciga e es, 1, 6–7; cul i a ion
o , 30, 32–33, 50–51, 58–59; go e nmen
egula ions on, 203n5; as e m, 1, 204n8; ade
indus y o , 50–51. See also unde k e ek
Clo e Suppo and Ma ke ing Agency (Badan
Penyangga Pemasa an Cengkeh; BPPC), 50
cocoa, 23
Columbus, Ch is ophe , 7
Comas, 21
commodi y na ionalism, 18–21.
See also na ionalis mo emen s
Communis Pa y (PKI), 10, 11, 55, 64, 87
communi y ambassado p og am, 143–44
compe i ions (lomba), 106, 122. See also
A e land; gami ica ion; p izes
Cond oki ono, Gus i Kanjeng Ra u, 82
consume da a ha es ing, 53, 139, 160–61,
164–67, 168
consume indus y and beha io s, 2–3, 16–17.
See also k e ek b anding
consume egula ions on k e ek sales, 4, 17, 19–20,
156, 158, 221n22. See also obacco con ol
consump ion, de ined, 174. See also k e ek smoking
consump ion wo k, 117–21. See also k e ek smoking
con ac a ming, 31, 35–37
co po a e gains, 105–12. See also k e ek capi alism
COVID-19 pandemic, 17, 200
c ocodile clips, 209n13
cul u al he i age he o ic, 2, 18–19.
See also na ionalis mo emen s
cu ing p ocess, 74–75
da k ma ke , 164–67. See also ciga e e e ail
indus y
Decla a ion on Fundamen al P inciples (ILO), 36
deno maliza ion o smoking, 185–86
die hylene glycol, 23
disease. See obacco- ela ed disease and dea h
DIY scene, 124–25
Dja um b and, 12, 15, 24, 204n12
Dji Sam Soe b and, 4 able, 9, 10, 12, 21, 31,
61–62, 80
Du ch colonialism in Indonesia, 6, 8, 10
Du ch Eas India Company (Ve eenigde
Oos -Indische Compagnie; VOC), 6, 8
du y, 12–13
educa ion oppo uni ies, 16
Egyp , 18
e- obacco p oduc s, 18, 200–201
eugenol, 5
Eu omoni o In e na ional, 218n13
e en o ganize s, 142–44
exchange. See ecip oci y
excise ax. See axa ion
ex ajudicial killings, 11
ac o y p oduc ion. See k e ek p oduc ion
Family Smoking P e en ion and Tobacco
Con ol Ac (2009), 203n5
a me s, 30, 31, 43–51. See also k e ek ag icul u e
index 243
a ming. See k e ek ag icul u e
as ing, 188
a wa, 15–16
eminini y, 127, 131, 181. See also women
ield echnicians, 30, 31, 38–40, 46, 47
il e s, 1, 21, 23, 36, 72, 97, 101, 107–8, 113, 180, 181,
190, 203n5
Fi menich company, 23
la o an s, 22–23
olk ale, 62–63
F amewo k Con en ion on Tobacco Con ol
(FCTC), 17, 59–60, 164
F ance, 6, 7, 25, 174, 219n7
eon, 22
F eud, Sigmund, 219n11
Fuji ciga e es, 10
u aneol, 23
Gabungan Pengusaha Pab ik Rokok Indonesia
(GAPPRI), 5, 50
Gabungan P odusen Rokok Pu ih Indonesia
(GAPRINDO), 5
gami ica ion, 105–12. See also compe i ions
(lomba); p izes
Ga buio, 21
gende : ciga e e consump ion and, 2, 3, 7, 19,
61, 177–80; k e ek p oduc ion and, 61–70;
poli ical powe and, 10, 11; obacco- ela ed
illnesses and, 16, 56–57. See also LGBTQ
people and communi y; men; women
geog aphy o obacco p oduc ion, 30–35.
See also k e ek ag icul u e
Ge akan Wani a Indonesia (Ge wani), 10, 11, 65
Ge man machine y, 21, 24
gi -gi ing, 156–59, 173–75
gig economy. See k e ek b anding
gi ls’ educa ion, 16
Gi audan company, 23
glyce ine, 22
Good Ag icul u al P ac ices (GAP) p og am, 36
go e nmen con ol, 3
g ading sys em, 40–41
G een Re olu ion, 38, 55
G een Sampoe na. See Sampoe na Hijau b and
g een obacco sickness (GTS), 56
G èndèl, 83
Gudang Ga am b and, 12, 14, 15, 20–21, 42, 62,
131, 139, 141, 204n12
haji, 8, 210n18
Halim, Rachman, 15
Hamenkubuwono, Sul an, 82
hand- olled ( angan) ciga e es, 1, 12, 61–64;
decline o , 96–97; by emale piecewo ke s,
64–70; p oduc ion p ocesses o , 70–79;
supe ision o , 83–90; by hi d-pa y
ope a o s, 79–83. See also k e ek p oduc ion
Hand-Rolled Resea ch Cen e , 70–71
Hanjaya Mandala Sampoe na, 10
ha m indus y, de ined, 5
ha m educ ion. See obacco con ol
Ha ono, 15
Ha ono b o he s, 20
hau, 174
Hauni b and, 21, 206n28
Heal h Minis y Regula ion 28 (2013), 17
hea (panas), 1
hea iness (be a ), 1
HEETS obacco, 200
hie a chical sys ems, 38–40
Hi schman, Albe , 59
HM (Handel Maa shappij), 9
HM Sampoe na b and, 9
House o Sampoe na museum, 25 ig., 25–26, 97,
207n36
housewi e (ibu umah angga) iden i y, 11, 91.
See also women
Human Righ s Wa ch, 52, 53–54
humec an s, 22–23
Hwee Nio, 9, 10
Idego Takaka sa, 90–91
Impe ial B and, 125
imp isonmen , 8, 10, 11, 26, 218nn4,5
independence, 10
independen shops. See oko adisional
India, 30
indie leksibel musicians, 134–36
Indoma e , 165, 171
Indonesian Business Associa ion (Asosiasi
Pengusaha Indonesia; APINDO), 82
Indonesian Clo e Fa me s Associa ion (Asosiasi
Pe ani Cengkeh Indonesia; APCI), 29
Indonesian Communis Pa y (PKI), 10, 11, 55,
64, 87
Indonesian independence, 10
Indonesian Peasan s F on (Ba isan Tani
Indonesia), 55
Indonesian Tobacco Fa me s Associa ion
(Asosiasi Pe ani Tembakau Indonesia;
APTI), 29, 48
Indonesian Women’s Mo emen (Ge wani),
10, 11
in luence s, 125–26, 134–45, 149
in as uc u es, 151–54
In e na ional Labo O ganiza ion (ILO), 36
244 index
In e na ional Mone a y Fund (IMF), 51, 164
IQOS, 18, 200, 201
IQOS Club Indonesia, 201
Islamic communi ies and o ganiza ions, 8, 15–16
ISO (In e na ional O ganiza ion o
S anda diza ion), 117
I alian machine y, 21
jack ui , 23
Jaka a S ock Exchange, 14
Janelle, Paul, 120
Japanese 5S managemen ideology, 106–7
Japanese in asion o Indonesia, 10, 204n9
Japan Tobacco In e na ional (JTI), 6, 18, 125, 219n8
Je e son, Thomas, 210n20
Jembe adminis a ion, 25
Juul, 200–201
kas u i, 31, 35
kepo , 66
Ki a Adalah Ko ban (publica ion), 192–94
klobo , 7
knowledge wo k, 159–61. See also ciga e e e ail
indus y
Komuni as K e ek (Kom ek), 16, 18–21, 59
k e ek, de ined, 1
k e ek ag icul u e: a me s, 30, 43–51; geog aphy
and p oduc ion p ocess in, 30–35; lea
buye s and ade s, 37–43; PMI and con ac
a ming, 35–37; wage labo , 52–59
k e ek b anding: ad e ising businesses o , 14–15;
A e land and, 122–24, 137, 141, 145–49, 178;
expendi u es in, 16; go e nmen egula ions
on, 17, 19–20, 123, 143, 164; iden i y and
indi e ence in, 180–82; indi e ence o
loyal y and, 180–82; misleading, 24; by ock
s a s, 134–36; by sale p omo e s, 131–34; by
special b and ambassado s, 138–40. See also
ciga e e e ail indus y; names o speci ic
b ands and companies
k e ek capi alism, 2–7, 11–14, 27–28, 199–201.
See also ciga e e e ail indus y; k e ek
b anding; k e ek na ionalism; k e ek
p oduc ion; labo exploi a ion
k e ek museums, 24–27
k e ek na ionalism, 2, 4, 25–27, 59. See also k e ek
capi alism; na ionalis mo emen s
k e ek p oduc ion: capi alis exploi a ion and,
100–105; decline o , 95–97; gami ica ion o ,
105–12; mechaniza ion o , 11–14; p ocesses o ,
21–24, 70–79; quo as in, 76–77; supe ision
o , 83–90; hi d-pa y ope a o s (TPOs) in,
79–83; wo king condi ions o , 64–70, 110–12.
See also hand- olled ( angan) ciga e es;
k e ek capi alism; machine- olled (mesin)
ciga e es
k e ek smoking: addic ion o, 2–3, 187–92,
200–202, 219n12; b and indi e ence
and, 180–82; by child en, 17, 123, 175–77;
deno maliza ion o , 185–86; go e nmen
egula ions on, 203n5; by men, 2, 3, 7, 177–79;
qui ing o , 188–89; ic im na a i e and,
192–95; by women, 2, 3, 7, 19, 179–80, 182.
See also obacco- ela ed disease and dea h
Kudus k e ek indus y, 7, 8
Kudus K e ek Museum, 25
labels. See pack labeling
labo exploi a ion, 3, 6–7, 10, 52–53, 199.
See also k e ek capi alism; k e ek p oduc ion;
wage labo
LA Men hol b and, 180
landlessness, 55, 56
lea buye s and ade s, 37–43, 209n9, 209n16.
See also k e ek ag icul u e
Leba an, 96, 158
Lembaga Ke ja Sama Bipa i (LKSB), 116
LGBTQ people and communi y, 17, 24, 177,
205n22. See also gende ; sexuali y
lico ice, 23
Liem Seeng Tee, 8–10, 35
Liem Swie Hwa, 9, 10, 35
Liem Swie Ling, 9, 10, 12
ligh , as desc ip i e e m, 24, 181, 207n34
“local he oes,” 140–42. See also in luence s
Lombok Island, 31
LTLN (low- a , low-nico ine) k e ek, 4 able, 18,
24, 124, 127
lung cance , 24, 193, 194, 196
mace (spice), 6
machine ela ions, 112–15
machine- olled (mesin) ciga e es, 1, 10, 12,
21–24, 98–99; an i-union unioniza ion and,
115–17; gami ica ion and co po a e gains
om, 105–12; k e ek capi alis exploi a ion
and, 100–105; machine ela ions in, 112–15;
smoking wo k wi h, 117–21. See also k e ek
p oduc ion
Madagasca , 51
Madu a Island, 31–32
Madu a lea es, 31, 210n19
Magnum Black b and, 4 able, 99, 181
Magnum Blue b and, 99
index 245
Majelis Ulama Indonesia, 15
Malawi, 35
Malaysia, 43, 205n13
Maluku, 7
Mane company, 23
Mangunwijaya, Y. B., 63
Māo i, 174
ma ke ing. See k e ek b anding
Ma lbo o, 24, 80, 99
Ma lbo o Black Men hol b and, 4 able, 144, 159
Ma lbo o Ligh s b and, 150, 182, 207n34
Ma lbo o Red b and, 4 able, 24, 118, 127, 159,
180, 182
Ma x, Ka l, 103, 210n21
masculini y, 16, 47, 62, 65, 177–79, 181.
See also men
Mas e Se lemen Ag eemen (1998), 152
mechaniza ion, 11–14, 21–24. See also ools
o p oduc ion
media, 3
memo y p ojec s, 26
men: masculini y and, 16, 47, 62, 65, 177–79;
smoking by, 2, 3, 7, 177–79
men hol ciga e es, 5, 144, 159, 180, 189, 191, 203n5
me chandising, 134–36. See also k e ek b anding
mesin. See machine- olled (mesin) ciga e es
mild, as desc ip i e e m, 24, 181
minima s, 164–67. See also oko adisional
Minis y o Educa ion, 15
Minis y o Heal h, 16
Minis y o You h and Spo s, 15
Mode n Times ( ilm), 83
mo he hood, 65, 176, 180, 212n7, 218n2, 218n6
Muhammadiyah, 16, 205n19
Muhammadiyah Tobacco Con ol Cen e , 16
Museum Ben oel, 25
museums, 24–27
music bands and b and p omo ion,
134–36, 216n10
Muslim communi ies and o ganiza ions, 8,
15–16, 96, 158, 188
Mus ikasa i, Fa ma, 27, 99, 123, 146–47, 216n14
Nahdla ul Ulama (NU), 15
Na ional Commission on Tobacco Con ol
(Komisi Nasional Pengendalian
Tembakau), 192
na ionalis mo emen s, 8–10, 18–21, 197.
See also k e ek na ionalism
na u al esou ce ex ac ion, 3
nepo ism, 83–84
New O de adminis a ion, 11, 65, 106
nico ine addic ion, 2–3, 187–92, 200–202,
219n12. See also obacco- ela ed disease
and dea h
nico ine poisoning, 56. See also obacco- ela ed
disease and dea h
Nienhuys, Jacobus, 7
“No Bull” campaign, 110, 216n6
no-business ule, 213n15
nu meg, 6, 23, 206n31
objec wo k, 161–64. See also ciga e e
e ail indus y
Oei Wie Gwan, 204n12
Ong Hok Liong, 204n11
o ien al obacco, 31
o ens, 34, 45, 56, 207n6, 208n7
packaging, 1, 24. See also pack labeling
packing p ocess, 75–77
pack labeling: consume es ic ions on, 4,
156; o Dji Sam Soe, 9, 12; o excise ax, 76,
78 ig.; heal h wa nings on, 14, 17; du ing
p oduc ion p ocesses, 77–79
paddy, 49
pandemic, 17, 200
pape s, 23
pa e nalism, 28, 63–64, 69–70, 79, 95, 171
peke ja, 213n13
Pengkhiana an G30S/PKI ( ilm), 11
pes icides, 56–57, 211n29
pes s, 107, 109–10, 214n4
Philip Mo is In e na ional (PMI), 2; acquisi ion
o Sampoe na by, 6, 17–18; on child labo ,
53–54, 55; con ac a ming by, 35–37; ma ke
con ol by, 10, 99, 214n2; packs o , 24; e ail
indus y o , 152; smoke- ee ini ia i e o ,
18, 36, 200–201; s udies by, 5; on obacco-
ela ed disease, 203n1. See also unde k e ek;
Sampoe na
piecewo k, 64–70
PKI (Pa ai Komunis Indonesia), 10
pleasu e p inciple, 219n11
plum ex ac , 23
PMI. See Philip Mo is In e na ional (PMI)
Polak and Schwa z, 23
poli ical p isone s, 11
po assium ci a e, 23
p ibumi (also bumipu a) communi ies, 8
P iwingsa ining um, Shahnaz, 27, 99,
126, 147
p izes, 7, 110, 124, 133–34, 139, 149, 170. See also
compe i ions (lomba); gami ica ion

246 index
p oduc ion p ocesses o ciga e es, 21–24,
30–35, 70–79. See also k e ek ag icul u e;
mechaniza ion
p opaganda ilm, 11
p une ex ac , 23
PT Panamas, 10
PT Sadhana A i nusa. See Sadhana
public heal h egula ions, 5
public ading companies, 14
quali y con ol, 21, 38, 73–74, 80, 83–84, 93, 101,
102, 109, 167. See also k e ek p oduc ion
quee communi ies. See LGBTQ people and
communi y
Ques company, 23
qui ing smoking, 188–89, 221n15. See also k e ek
smoking
quo as in k e ek p oduc ion, 76–77, 213n16.
See also k e ek p oduc ion; supe ision
o k e ek p oduc ion
acialized ma ke ing, 5, 211n24
Radio Sampoe na, 77, 90–95
Ramadan, 188
ecip oci y, 15, 86, 129, 156–59, 173–75, 183.
See also ela ionship wo k
econs i u ed obacco ( econ) p ocess, 21, 24
Regula ion 109 (2012), 17
ela ionship wo k, 156–59. See also ciga e e e ail
indus y; ecip oci y
e ail. See ciga e e e ail indus y
“Re u n o he Village” ini ia i e, 79
Robinson, Joan, 100
ock s a s and b and p omo ion, 134–36
olling p ocess, 72–73. See also hand- olled
( angan) ciga e es; machine- olled (mesin)
ciga e es
Ro o (o Ra a) Mendu , 62–63, 65
o a ing c edi associa ions (a isan), 53
Sadhana, 31, 34–35, 37–38, 208n7, 209nn8,9
sa e y o wo ke s, 110–12
sale p omo e s, 131–34. See also k e ek b anding
Sampoe na, 2; A e land by, 122–24, 137, 141,
145–49, 178; b and ambassado s o , 138–40,
144–45; on child labo , 54; con ac a ming
o , 35–37; es ablishmen and ea ly g ow h
o , 8–10, 12; Lea and Clo e Depa men o ,
59; PMI’s acquisi ion o , 6, 17–18; ock s a s
and b and p omo ion o , 134–36; Sadhana
as main lea supplie o, 35, 37–38; sales
p omo ion gi ls o , 131–34; smoking wo k
a , 117–21; SRC p og am o , 167–72; Suko ejo
Science and De elopmen Cen e , 117;
supe ising p oduc ion in, 83–88; unions
and, 88–90; isual a is as local he o o ,
140–42. See also ciga e e e ail indus y;
k e ek ag icul u e; k e ek b anding; k e ek
p oduc ion; Philip Mo is In e na ional
(PMI); names o speci ic b ands
Sampoe na, Adi, 210n17
Sampoe na, Aga (Liem Swie Ling), 12
Sampoe na, Boedi, 13
Sampoe na, Ka ie, 13, 25
Sampoe na, Pu e a (Tien Pao), 13, 15, 79,
165, 205n14
Sampoe na Hijau b and, 4 able, 12, 143, 144,
160, 213n19
Sampoe na Re ail Communi y (SRC) p og am,
41–42, 151, 167–72
Sa eka Islam (Islamic Union), 8
Saudi A abia, 43
saus obacco mix, 9, 207n32
sel -b anding, 134–36. See also k e ek b anding
sel ies, 136–37. See also k e ek b anding
Se ika Peke ja Selu uh Indonesia (SPSI),
87–89, 115–17
7-Ele en s o es, 217n8
sexuali y, 68, 131, 147, 179–80, 205n22, 216n9,
218n1. See also LGBTQ people and
communi y
shophouses ( uko), 154, 217n3
sh inking p oduc ion, 95–97
Siem Tjiang Nio, 9, 10
Sien Nio, 9, 10
siga e k e ek. See unde k e ek
siga e pu ih. See whi e ciga e es ( okok pu ih)
sla e y, 25, 52
Smi h, Adam, 151
smoke- ee obacco p oduc s, 18, 200–201
smoking. See k e ek smoking
smoking wo k, 117–21
social media. See k e ek b anding
song, 95
Sou h A ica, 37
Spanish colonialism, 7
special b and ambassado s, 138–40. See also
k e ek b anding
Spice Islands, 7
spice ade, 6–7
spicy (pedas), 1
SRC (Sampoe na Re ail Communi y) p og am,
167–72
s es, 189, 220n13
Subono, Ad ie, 193–94
Suha o, Tommy, 50
index 247
Suha o adminis a ion, 11–12, 14–15, 38, 50–51,
55, 87–88, 128, 216n10
Suka no adminis a ion, 9, 10, 11–12, 14–15
Suka nopu i adminis a ion, 17
Suko ejo Science and De elopmen Cen e
(Sampoe na), 117
sunsc eens (ad e ising banne s), 150, 153, 154,
158, 162, 164, 167, 172, 218n14
supe ision o k e ek p oduc ion, 83–90.
See also k e ek p oduc ion; quo as
in k e ek p oduc ion
Su ya b and, 144, 146, 163 ig., 182, 184, 204n12
Su ya P o Mild b and, 181
swee (manis), 1
“Swi ch In” p og am, 144–45
Taíno, 7
Tali Jaga b and, 15
Taman Sampoe na, 9
Tamex, 56, 57
angan. See hand- olled ( angan) ciga e es
Tanzania, 18
a , 5, 22, 24
“Tas e he Fu u e” campaign, 127
axa ion, 4, 12–13, 16–17, 29, 69, 70, 82, 217n7,
218n14
een aping, 200–201
eman, 187, 219n10
THC pods, 201
hickness ( ebal), 1
hi d-pa y ope a o s (TPOs), 79–83. See also
k e ek p oduc ion
h ee-hands ule, 213n17
Tionghoa, as e m, 8, 12, 204n10. See also unde
Chinese
obacco ac i ism, 15, 19, 29, 204n6, 221n22.
See also obacco con ol
obacco bee le, 107, 109–10, 214n4
obacco capi alism, 3, 11–14, 200–201.
See also k e ek capi alism
obacco con ol, 4, 14–21, 156, 158
obacco cul i a ion, 7, 31–35. See also k e ek
ag icul u e
obacco a me g oups, 204n7
obacco indus y pa onage, 124–26
obacco lib a ian, 31, 207n2
obacco mosaic (b okoli) i us, 211n26
obacco- ela ed disease and dea h: campaigns
agains , 15; in China, 221n15; Dewi on, 146;
o LGBTQ people, 205n22; om me hod
o inhala ion, 24; na ional cos s o , 16;
pack wa nings on, 14, 17; PMI on, 203n1; o
p oduc ion wo ke s, 56–57, 66–67;
smoke- ee p oduc s and, 200–201; s a is ics
on, 2; s udies on, 5; ic im na a i e on,
192–95. See also k e ek smoking; wo king
condi ions
obacco ading companies, 13
Tobacco T anspa ency Index, 17
okens o exchange. See ecip oci y
oko adisional, 150, 154–56. See also minima s
ools o p oduc ion, 70–72.
See also mechaniza ion
oxic addi i es. See addi i es
oxic exposu e o a mwo ke s, 56–57
adi ional shops ( oko adisional), 150, 154–56.
See also ciga e e e ail indus y
ans women as ad e ising a ge s, 24
Tua Pek Kong, 8
U-Bold b and, 4 able
U-Mild b and, 4 able
uni o ms, wo k, 68, 132, 212n3, 212n6
unioniza ion, 10, 11, 88–90, 115–17
Uni ed Kingdom, 18
Uni ed S a es, 30, 35, 52–53, 125, 203n5
u ea, 23
Uzbekis an, 18
anillin, 23
eiled women, es ic ions on, 216n11
Ve eenigde Oos -Indische Compagnie (VOC),
6, 8
ic im na a i es, 192–95, 221n21
iolence agains women, 11, 147, 216n14
iolen inciden s (1965), 11
Vi ginia obacco, 31
isual a is s, 140–42. See also k e ek b anding
olcanic e up ion (2015), 47, 214n1
wage labo , 36, 52–59, 79, 81–82, 211n30, 211n33,
212n5. See also k e ek ag icul u e; labo
exploi a ion
wai ing, 185, 218n4
wa m h (hanga ), 1
#wea e ic ims, 192–95
whi e ciga e es ( okok pu ih), 1, 9–10
Wilde, Osca , 219n11
women: eminini y and, 127, 131, 181; housewi e
(ibu umah angga) iden i y, 11, 91; as
k e ek piecewo ke s, 61–70; as k e ek sales
p omo e s, 131–34; mo he hood, 65, 176,
180, 212n7, 218n2, 218n6; pay dispa i ies o ,
58; poli ical powe and opp ession o , 10, 11;
es ic ions on eiled, 216n11; smoking by, 2, 3,
7, 19, 179–80, 182; a ge ma ke ing o, 218n2;
248 index
women (con inued)
oxic exposu e o , 56–57; iolence agains ,
11, 147, 216n14
Wonowidjoyo, Susilo, 20
wo ke aliena ion, 212n7
wo king condi ions, 64–70, 110–12. See also
k e ek ag icul u e; k e ek p oduc ion;
obacco- ela ed disease and dea h
wo k uni o ms, 68, 132, 212n3, 212n6
Wo ld Bank, 44–45, 197, 210n22
Wo ld Heal h O ganiza ion, 17, 59–60, 164
Wo ld No Tobacco Day, 60
Yayasan Jan ung Indonesia, 15
Yayasan Lembaga Konsumen Indonesia, 15
Yayasan Len e a Anak, 15
Yudhoyono adminis a ion, 17
Zanziba , 7, 51
Zimbabwe, 30, 37
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