Large urban development projects in company towns: The cases of Erlangen (Siemens) and Basel (Novartis)

Bertram, Dominik; Chilla, Tobias; Pfister, Marc Article Large urban development projects in company towns: The cases of Erlangen (Siemens) and Basel (Novartis) Raumforschung und Raumordnung / Spatial Research and Planning Provided in Cooperation with: Leibniz-Forschungsnetzwerk "R – Räumliches Wissen für Gesellschaft und Umwelt | Spatial Knowledge for Society and Environment" Suggested Citation: Bertram, Dominik; Chilla, Tobias; Pfister, Marc (2025) : Large urban development projects in company towns: The cases of Erlangen (Siemens) and Basel (Novartis), Raumforschung und Raumordnung / Spatial Research and Planning, ISSN 1869-4179, oekom verlag, München, Vol. 83, Iss. 5, pp. 350-365, https://doi.org/10.14512/rur.2967 This Version is available at: https://hdl.handle.net/10419/331549 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. 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If the documents have been made available under an Open Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ rur.oekom.de https://doi.org/10.14512/rur.2967 FORSCHUNGSBEITRAG RESEARCH ARTICLE OPEN ACCESS Large urban development projects in company towns. The cases of Erlangen (Siemens) and Basel (Novartis) Dominik Bertram , Tobias Chilla , Marc Pfister Received: 16 August 2024 Accepted: 7 April 2025 Published online: 3 July 2025 Abstract The literature on large-scale urban development projects often primarily addresses drastic failures and their underlying causes. Recently, however, success factors have also received increasing attention. From both perspectives, management approaches, participation logics and political strategies are prominenttopicsinthiscontext.However, thesymbolicdimension of large urban development projects is rarely considered. This is somewhat surprising, as symbolic meaning is considered key to urban development in many contexts. We explore this dimension with two cases of urban entrepreneurial development projects, the Novartis Campus in Basel (Switzerland) and the Siemens Campus in Erlangen (Germany). Our empirical study relies on thematic press analyses. We reflect on the postulate that a “fit” between urban symbolism and societal expectations is a crucial determinant of smooth implementation in large-scale urban development projects in company towns. In both case studies, urban integration, architecture and design are of great relevance. These “soft” factors in Dominik Bertram, Institut für Geographie, Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg, Wetterkreuz 15, 91058 Erlangen, Germany [email protected] Prof. Dr. Tobias Chilla, Institut für Geographie, Friedrich-Alexander-Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg, Wetterkreuz 15, 91058 Erlangen, Germany [email protected] Marc Pfister, Bauund Verkehrsdepartement, Kanton Basel-Stadt, Münsterplatz 1, 4001 Basel, Switzerland [email protected] © 2025 by the author(s); licensee oekom. This Open Access article is published under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International Licence (CC BY). planning and implementation suggest that the outcomes are not solely dependent on technical professionalism. Instead, the appropriate symbolism within the urban context and the associated project investment emerge as critical factors. Keywords: Large-scale urban development projects Public space Urban campus Newspaper analysis Erlangen Basel Großprojekte in “Company towns”. Die Fallbeispiele Erlangen (Siemens) und Basel (Novartis) Zusammenfassung In der wissenschaftlichen Debatte zu Großprojekten wird ein Schwerpunkt auf die Analyse von Misserfolgen gelegt, wobei die Ursachen hierfür vielfältig sind. In jüngeren Jahren werden zunehmend auch Erfolgsfaktoren in den Blick genommen. Für beide Perspektiven spielen neben Managementfaktoren und Partizipationslogiken politische Strategien eine wichtigeRolle. Die symbolische Dimension großer Stadtentwicklungsprojekte findet dabei bislang wenig Berücksichtigung. Dies ist erstaunlich, da die symbolische Dimension oft als entscheidender Faktor für die Stadtentwicklung angesehen wird. Wir untersuchen zwei Großprojekte der unternehmerischen Stadtentwicklung, des Novartis Campus in Basel (Schweiz) sowie des Siemens Campus in Erlangen (Deutschland). Die empirische Untersuchung basiert auf themenbezogenen Presseanalysen. Die Ergebnisse der Untersuchung legen nahe, dass die „Passung“ zwischen städtischer Symbolik und gesellschaftlichen Erwartungen eine entscheidende Determinante für die reibungslose Umsetzung von Großprojekten in „Company towns“ ist. In beiden Fallbeispielen sind die Aspekte der städtebaulichen Integration sowie des architektonischen Designs von bedeutsamer Relevanz. Diese eher ,weichen‘ Argumente für die Planung und Umsetzung von Großprojekten demonstrieren, dass die ausschlaggebenden Parameter nicht allein von 350 Raumforschung und Raumordnung | Spatial Research and Planning (2025) 83/5: 350–365 Large urban development projects in company towns. The cases of Erlangen (Siemens) and Basel (Novartis) der technischenProfessionalität abhängen. Vielmehrerweisen sich eine angemessene Symbolik des städtischen Kontextes und der Investition als wesentliche Größen. Schlüsselwörter: Städtebauliche Großprojekte  Öffentlicher Raum Städtischer Campus Presseanalyse  Erlangen Basel 1Introduction The growing literature on large-scale urban development and megaprojects focuses particularly on often spectacular failure – timing, budget and media coverage, among others, are sensitive issues during the implementation process (Dziomba/Matuschewski 2007; Gualini/Majoor 2007; Ansar/Flyvbjerg/Budzier et al. 2017). This finding is almost independent of the geographical contexts worldwide (Balke/Reuber/Wood 2018; Denicol/Davies/Krystallis 2020; Juarez Cornelio/Sainati/Locatelli 2021: 779) and the sectoral nature of the project (Dziomba 2009). In recent years, however, a number of factors for the “not failing” of large-scale urban development projects have come into play. A growing body of literature addresses several technical and organisational debates (Salet 2008;Ninan/Clegg/Mahalingam 2019; Wang/Xu/He et al. 2023). A series of studies explores the definition of success and the potential of a process-oriented framework that takes into account the contingent and dynamic nature of megaprojects (Abdallah/El-Boukri/Floricel et al. 2022). We contribute to this discourse with two case studies that combine (a) the particular spatial framework of company towns and (b) the strong relevance of symbolic factors – in addition to economic and social ones (Sanderson 2012). Company towns are a highly relevant spatial context for at least two reasons. First, their relevance for urban development is particularly great, given the high level of dependency (Gibson 1991). Second, and from a more empirical perspective, the somewhat compact structure of actor networks and material patterns allow for rather clear and plausible insights – even if the underlying processes remain multifaceted and incremental (Agrawal/Cockburn/Rosell 2010: 88). The symbolic dimension of large urban (mega) projects is mainly considered, if at all, from the perspective of failure. In several cases, oversized and iconic design is a key objective, serving the reputation of the initiators rather than the practical use of the project. The Sydney Opera House and the Pentagon complex are devastating examples of megaproject implementation (Gaim/Clegg/Pina e Cunha 2022). However, decades after their construction, they are now perceived as important symbols of the national culture and politics. Nevertheless, design and symbolism are sensitive issues. In our paper, we examine this symbolic dimension as a decisive implementation factor. Our research responds to the following question: To what extent are symbolic factors relevant to the implementation of large urban development projects in company towns? Our operationalisation relies on a retrospective thematic newspaper analysis. Using two large-scale entrepreneurial projects of urban development, we reflect on the argument that a “fit” between the symbolic dimension and societal expectations is key for implementation. Our examples show that aesthetics in a broader sense and open public access play an important role in project development and implementation. More specifically, we show that architecture can serve as an “appeasement” argument, and we illustrate that the degree of accessibility of open spaces is amongst the most sensitive topics influencing public acceptance. This argument does not question other prominent findings, such as the relevance of modularisation in planning and the various “biases” in early planning stages. It does, however, add a “softer” dimension to the discourse on the planning and implementation processes of large-scale urban development projects. We reflect on the postulate that a “fit” between urban symbolism and societal expectations is an important key to smooth implementation of urban projects in company towns and beyond. 2 Conceptual framework 2.1 Large-scale urban development in small company towns: size as a problem? The literature on large-scale urban development projects consistently demonstrates a correlation between project size and the incidence of various complications. Specifically, larger projects are more vulnerable to issues such as budget overruns, planning conflicts and timing challenges. This phenomenon has led to the characterisation of project size as problematic, highlighted in the chapter title “Big is fragile” by Ansar/Flyvbjerg/Budzier et al. (2017). The spectrum of large project types is extensive, ranging from the development of new city districts to the organisation of major events and the construction of motorway tunnels. Dziomba (2009) delineates four established categories of large-scale urban projects: major events, flagship image projects, large-scale infrastructure projects and urban transformation initiatives. However, clear categorisation may not always be feasible, as hybrid forms often emerge (Huning/Peters 2003). Some urban development projects are large in a material, physical sense, as exemplified by rail infrastructure. Raumforschung und Raumordnung | Spatial Research and Planning (2025) 83/5: 350–365 351 D. Bertram et al. Others, such as major festivalisation projects, are less tangible. Despite the inherent differences in the nature of these large (urban) projects, they often exhibit similar challenges, including conflicts, overspending and budgeting, resulting from planning issues. The reasons for these problems are manifold. In many cases, the actors are overstretched and struggle to cope with the complexity and scale of their tasks. These challenges can stem from technical factors, such as the novelty of the tasks at hand, but also from organisational issues and “exceptional urbanism”, as Hesse (2013: 25) illustrates for the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg. Frequently, initiators of large-scale urban development projects deliberately underestimate the necessary budgets and project complexities to gain political support, a phenomenon known as strategic bias (Flyvbjerg/ Holm/Buhl 2002, Flyvbjerg 2021a). The specific governance structures associated with large projects can inherently restrict the capabilities of local authorities, thereby hindering their ability to protect the public good in public-private negotiations and preventing them from fulfilling their essential purpose (Adam/Fuchs 2012: 570; Leick/Hesse/Becker 2020: 262). However, the legitimisation of such projects often occurs retrospectively, contingent upon their success (Dziomba 2009:2). Furthermore, the privatisation of public space and the lack of participation in planning procedures have been subjects of critical discourse. The issue of public spaces is particularly prominent (Bodnar 2015; Fleury/Gomes 2024). Recent academic discussions also emphasise positive and pragmatic aspects of private engagement in public spaces, suggesting that such involvement may enhance the quality of these areas as well as the balance between economic growth and environmental sustainability (Bauriedl 2007; Carmona 2015; Lee/Scholten 2022). A growing body of literature examines the success factors associated with large projects (e.g. no major delays, no budget overruns, public acceptance). This literature suggests that making projects “more modular” could enhance their effectiveness (Flyvbjerg 2021b). Additionally, an increasing number of studies focus on various technical and organisational aspects of project management (Wang/Xu/He et al. 2023). Other research adopts a qualitative approach, exploring the definition of success and how a process-oriented governance framework that takes into account the contingent and dynamic nature of large urban projects can be applied (Abdallah/El-Boukri/Floricel et al. 2022), for example as a “city within the city” (Leick/Hesse/Becker 2020: 249). Our paper contributes to this discourse by investigating the role of the symbolic dimension in large-scale urban development projects within small company towns, a topic that has not yet been systematically addressed. When large companies are established in relatively small towns or cities, the functional settings and governance structures tend to be quite specific. The debate on company towns particularly highlights economic vulnerability during periods of crisis and transformation (Commander 2018). Conversely, the high levels of compensation and generally favourable service provision are often noted as advantages. Additionally, from an entrepreneurial perspective, high employee loyalty and a strong local identity are frequently cited as a significant asset in company towns (Moonesirust/Brown 2021). Historically, company towns have been associated with sectors such as mining and production. Although the production sector remains dominant today, its relevance has expanded to encompass a considerable focus on research and development (R&D) and innovation. Notable examples of this trend can be seen in the automotive and chemical sectors, particularly in cities like Wolfsburg and Ludwigshafen (Berlemann/Jahn 2016,Kiese2016). The cases examined in this study, the Siemens Campus in Erlangen and the Novartis Campus in Basel, are examples of large-scale urban development projects situated in relatively small company towns. Both cases are rooted in the production sector – pharmaceutical products in Basel, electric systems and industrial automation in Erlangen. However, both investments prioritise research and development facilities over production infrastructure. The location of research and development activities is seen as a primary driver of urban development (Edvardsson/Yigitcanlar/Pancholi 2016). This is influenced by local agglomeration effects, the specific labour market and reputational factors associated with these locations. Basel hosts, alongside Roche, the Novartis headquarters, whereas Erlangen has the largest Siemens facility, despite the company’s headquarters being located in Munich. Interestingly, these cases incorporate the term “campus”. Traditionally, university and college campuses have been viewed as essential components of knowledge production and the development of knowledge cities. In recent years, the concept of a campus has extended into entrepreneurial contexts, often intersecting with academic institutions (Romme 2017). This notion is increasingly recognised as a relevant element of entrepreneurial ecosystems (Zoller/Boutellier 2013). 2.2 The symbolic dimension of urban development projects Large-scale urban development projects possess a symbolic and discursive dimension. They have the potential to fundamentally alter the identity and reputation of a place, while also holding symbolic relevance for a broader spatial context (Rego/Reis Irigaray/Chaves 2017: 18). Floricel/Brunet (2023: 9) describe symbolism in relation to the emotions, 352 Raumforschung und Raumordnung | Spatial Research and Planning (2025) 83/5: 350–365 Large urban development projects in company towns. The cases of Erlangen (Siemens) and Basel (Novartis) meanings and representations associated with a project. Their work illustrates how large (mega) projects can resonate deeply within nations or regions, a phenomenon they term “iconic agitation symbolism”, or evoke emotions such as aesthetic pleasure, which they refer to as “spectacular appeal symbolism”. Moreover, large urban development projects are frequently regarded as “flagship” projects and are discussed in terms of their catalytic function for development at the national or regional level (Zeković/Maričić 2022: 529). Adam/Fuchs (2012: 565) identify “orchestration” as a central feature of contemporary urban projects, such as the Elbe Philharmonic Hall as the flagship of Hamburg’s HafenCity, or Potsdamer Platz in Berlin with a number of prestigious architectural features. The interplay of architectural aesthetics and planning culture plays a crucial role in shaping specific city branding and the implementation process (Aydoghmish/Rafieian 2022). Balke/Reuber/Wood (2018: 1009) investigated the Hamburg Elbe Philharmonic Hall case and showed “how iconic architectural models and highly aestheticised discourses on architectural particularisation helped to enable a consensual (rather than conflictive) style of political decision-making”. This process encompasses various scales, ranging from local building blocks and city-regional functioning to the global embeddedness of transnational corporate (TNC) investors. The allocation of value capture resulting from large (mega) project investments can vary significantly across multi-level systems (Zukin 2011;vanMarrewijk 2017: 57). Large urban projects are meeting points of multi-scalar actors, discourses and relationships. Their symbolism may refer to local architectural styles or to broader international prestige. In this process of developing a common understanding and identity elements, the incorporation of “playful” and artistic components holds significant potential (Buchmuller/Keller/Koch et al. 2000: 59). For example, access to large-scale urban development projects can be restricted to privileged groups associated with a global company, or it can be entirely open to all urban dwellers. Through two empirical case studies, our paper contributes to a deeper understanding of the symbolic dimension as a critical factor in the implementation processes of large entrepreneurial projects. We focus on an essential success factor for large-scale urban development projects: the premise that a “fit” between urban symbolism and societal expectations is key to ensuring smooth implementation. 3Methodology 3.1 Positioning the case studies: small company towns Our paper adopts a two-case study approach. The basis of this approach is to select two cases that are highly comparable, allowing methodological comparison. By applying this comparative framework, it is possible to identify plausible patterns and variations that may be applicable across multiple instances of similar phenomena (Bartlett/Vavrus 2017). In Erlangen, Germany, a new, open urban district is currently being developed on the former Siemens production site, south of the city centre. This campus project includes office infrastructure, green and open spaces, restaurants, shops and various service facilities. Similarly, the Novartis Campus in Basel, Switzerland, serves as the global headquarters of Novartis and as a centre for research, development and management. This site also includes office and laboratory facilities, accompanied by green spaces, restaurants and retail services. Both case studies host and represent significant global players with political and economic relevance in the context of local urban development. Table 1provides a comparative overview of the two campus projects. While both implementation processes are ongoing, the Basel case began earlier, and its construction phase has already largely been completed in line with current requirements. In both the Siemens/Erlangen and Novartis/Basel cases, there have been no budget overruns, delays or protest campaigning (so far). Consequently, the new urban districts have been developed largely as planned and have now become integral parts of the urban landscape following relatively smooth implementation processes. The absence of cost overruns and planning conflicts contrasts with typical findings in the literature on large-scale urban development projects. The Siemens Campus is approximately twice the size of Table 1 Comparative overview of both case studies Urban project Siemens Campus Novartis Campus City Population Erlangen: 116,562 (2023) Basel: 196,786 (2023) Project timing start in 2014, completion foreseen 2030 start in 2002, completion 2023 Area 54 hectares 20 hectares Investment approximately one billion euros approximately two billion Swiss francs Work places approximately 20,000 approximately 10,000 Source: the authors; data from Eurostat and homepages of Siemens and Novartis Raumforschung und Raumordnung | Spatial Research and Planning (2025) 83/5: 350–365 353 D. Bertram et al. the Novartis Campus and is expected to offer around twice as many jobs upon completion. In contrast, the Novartis Campus represents a significantly larger financial investment, particularly due to its ambitious architectural goals. Both campus projects are easily accessible by public transport from the main train stations in Erlangen and Basel, and both provide direct access to the nearest major roads. The significance of these large companies as employers and sources of prosperity are crucial characteristics of both projects. The Siemens Campus is notable not only for its size but also for the transformation of a previously closed company site into a new urban district with a distinct urban character, which is likely to foster new functional connections and patterns (Chilla/Heugel/Sielker et al. 2020: 65). In Basel, the Swiss pharmaceutical company Novartis is transforming its Basel St. Johann site from an industrial area into a campus designed to promote knowledge exchange and innovation. This transformation involves the new construction of several buildings by some of the world’s leading architects and firms, including Vittorio Lampugnani (master plan), Frank Gehry, Tadao Ando, Rahul Mehrotra and Diener & Diener. Concurrently, outdoor spaces are being created to provide areas for walking and social interaction (Dick/Degenhardt/Schulze et al. 2015: 107). In both cases, these companies have significantly influenced the mentalities and governance structures within their respective cities (for Erlangen: Büttner 2009: 135, for Basel: Haab/ Luterbach/Heimann 2013: 262). The long-standing reputation of these large companies is also an important condition for the smooth implementation of large-scale urban development projects, as it tends to foster a high level of trust and openness among stakeholders (Moonesirust/Brown 2021). Historically, both sites were important production sites for their companies, but have since undergone complete restructuring to serve research and development activities, as well as management and administrative functions. Additionally, both campuses, previously closed to the public, are now to some extent publicly accessible. The architectural designs are further enhanced by the incorporation of artistic elements throughout the campuses. From a methodological perspective, assessing the construction phase of the Siemens Campus Erlangen is challenging, as it is not yet fully completed. Therefore, the assertion that both projects have undergone smooth implementation processes has to be regarded with caution. Nonetheless, both campuses are fully operational and, even in Erlangen, the majority of construction modules have already been completed. 3.2 Data collection We operationalise our research objective by means of a retrospective media-analysis. This methodological approach allows the cases to be considered comparatively despite the different spatial and temporal processes in Erlangen and Basel. Moreover, media coverage reflects in particular conflicts of broader interest, as is made clear in disputed cases like Stuttgart 21 or others (Nagel/Satoh 2019). The media corpus obviously comes along with limitations. In particular, the governance of large projects is characterised by a tendency towards confidentiality, with small groups making important decisions that are not reported in the media. The speakers and their roles in the urban projects should be examined critically, as the press typically references “scripted” statements issued by actors in politics, city management or at company level. Nevertheless, as soon as controversies lead to changes in fundamental planning ideas and implementation plans, the media tends to cover this, including the public debates surrounding them. In technical terms, the analysis is based on the extraction of newspaper articles related to large-scale urban development projects. The data extraction process utilises the WISO literature database,1which is a comprehensive online resource containing approximately 260 million articles from various daily and weekly publications. Moreover, an additional newspaper archive, Süddeutsche Zeitung, was incorporated to ensure coverage of the most relevant sources in the studied regions. The first objective of this data collection process is to determine the quantity of articles and explore the spatio-temporal distribution of press coverage focusing the Siemens Campus in Erlangen and the Novartis Campus in Basel. The extraction process included a systematic keyword search within the WISO database, executed through Elasticsearch. This advanced search mechanism employs composite decomposition and stemming techniques to identify similar documents without altering the user’s query. The operator to link search terms is “AND”, ensuring that the resulting documents contain both specified search terms. Two main searches are conducted: “Novartis Campus AND Basel” and “Siemens Campus AND Erlangen”. The observation period for Novartis spans from 2001 to 2022, while Siemens is covered from 2013 to 2022, capturing the main campus implementation periods. The starting point for each project is determined by identifying the first relevant publication. The data retrieval encompasses press articles from various geographical locations, including Switzerland, Austria, 1https://wiso-net.de/ (05.04.2025). 354 Raumforschung und Raumordnung | Spatial Research and Planning (2025) 83/5: 350–365 Large urban development projects in company towns. The cases of Erlangen (Siemens) and Basel (Novartis) Germany and international sources. However, articles from news agencies are excluded to prevent duplication. An important step of the data collection process is the manual review and organisation of all search results. This process includes the removal of duplicate articles, particularly in cases where an article has been published in both print and online formats. Such an approach is essential for accurately mapping the locations where reporting has been conducted. 3.3 Data processing and analysis We employ a two-step approach for data processing and analysis. First, we utilise a categorisation process to organise the newspaper articles. This approach allows a spatio-temporal analysis of press coverage concerning the two Campus projects. The categorisation involves systematically sorting articles based on several key criteria. This process records the newspaper name, publication year and publication location assigned to a NUTS 3 regional code and categorises newspaper distribution as either “supra-regional” or “regional”. Subsequently, these details are compiled into press article timelines for each campus project. These timelines serve as dynamic visual representations illustrating essential developmental milestones throughout the various construction phases, alongside a quantitative evaluation of regional and supra-regional press coverage. Figure 1provides further details regarding the corpus of the study. A total of 530 articles related to the Siemens Campus were collated and analysed for the period from 2013 to 2022. Of these, 478 appeared in regional newspapers, while 52 were published in supra-regional outlets. In contrast, the Basel case exhibits a much larger volume of press reporting, comprising 3046 articles within the database. This Figure 1 Overall number of press articles of regional and supra-regional newspapers referring to the Siemens and Novartis Campuses Siemens Campus timeframe: 2013-2022; Novartis Campus timeframe: 2001-2022 discrepancy is partly attributable to the extended reporting period of the Novartis Campus project (2001-2022), which includes 2770 articles from regional newspapers and 276 from supra-regional newspapers. This spatial data processing also involves importing the categorised newspaper articles into a Geographic Information System. The resultant dataset reflects the total number of published articles per year and per region (NUTS 3). This spatio-temporal analysis generates a comprehensive overview of press coverage trends, enabling a nuanced understanding of how media visibility evolves over time and across different regions. The spatial perspective is a significant dimension in research on discourses (Bauriedl 2009: 228). Our hypothesis postulates that conflicts in urban development projects correlate with the reach of press articles, specifically, the more regional the discourse, the less conflictual the surrounding debate tends to be. The second step of data processing involves a retrospective newspaper analysis aimed at examining differences and similarities in the thematic reporting of the two case studies. In this phase, all relevant articles are aggregated into two comprehensive text corpora (Siemens Campus and Novartis Campus). Subsequently, an inductive-deductive hybrid thematic analysis is employed to identify pertinent topics and content within the newspaper coverage (Proudfoot 2023). This mixed methods approach offers a systematic overview of the text corpus by using a qualitative framework combining both inductive and deductive reasoning (Tjora 2018). This process applies a multi-person principle, whereby three experts independently conducted searches to ensure inter-rater reliability (Boyatzis 1998). The initial phase employs an inductive (bottom-up) thematic analysis following the methodology established by Braun/Clarke (2006). This entails familiarisation with the data, generation of initial Raumforschung und Raumordnung | Spatial Research and Planning (2025) 83/5: 350–365 355 D. Bertram et al. codes, searching for themes, reviewing themes and defining themes. In this context, an open thematic coding approach is utilised (Mattissek/Pfaffenbach/Reuber 2013: 201). After defining the themes, a deductive (top-down) thematic analysis is implemented to gain a deeper understanding of the themes identified in the inductive phase. Based on this inductive-deductive framework, the systematic search resulted in topics considered to be explanatory factors for the rather smooth implementation. While these components are derived from a deductive perspective, our operationalisation primarily retained an inductive character to avoid bias in the results of the study: The involvement of specific actors in the media debate on large urban projects is of great interest for understanding the role of public and private actors in the project governance. Our review of newspaper articles identifies the complex network of actors involved, reflecting on their press statements. We conducted an explicit search for prominent figures, including the names of influential regional and supra-regional figures in Erlangen (Siemens) and Basel (Novartis). The conflict aspect, characterised by disputes over financing, timing and public acceptance, is frequently addressed in the literature on large urban projects. Our research identifies conflicts within the campus projects in Erlangen and Basel, using operators such as “expensive”, “relocation”, “corona”, “conflict”, “protest” and “job cuts”. Figure 2 Timeline of press articles on the Novartis Campus in Basel The smooth implementation of a large urban project correlates with its integration into the urban context. As both projects were initially production sites with restricted access, we investigate the relevance of “openness” in terms of public accessibility. The analysis of urban integration is discussed in a differentiated way, as newspaper articles do not directly assess the actual public accessibility of the projects but rather the discourse surrounding it. Our search operators included terms such as “accessible”, “fence”, “fenced”, “closed”, “open” and “public”. Architecture plays a prominent role in both projects. We conducted an explicit search for architectural descriptions in the press corpora using search operators such as “architecture”, “buildings” and “construction”. This process enabled us to extract adjectives that describe the architectural features of the campuses. 4Results 4.1 Timelines of press articles Figure 2illustrates the number of newspaper articles published on the Novartis Campus from 2001 to 2022. The dark blue bars represent articles from regional newspapers, while the light blue bars denote supra-regional publications. The 356 Raumforschung und Raumordnung | Spatial Research and Planning (2025) 83/5: 350–365 Large urban development projects in company towns. The cases of Erlangen (Siemens) and Basel (Novartis) Figure 3 Press articles timeline of the Siemens Campus in Erlangen volume of media coverage can be linked to key implementation activities, which can be categorised into four phases: (1) in 2005, the first building on the campus was opened; (2) in 2011, the expansion of the campus and a public promenade were announced; (3) in 2016, the Rhine promenade officially opened, and (4) in 2021, the construction of the Novartis Pavillon began and it was announced that the campus would be made more accessible to the public. Since October 2022, the outdoor area and certain premises, such as restaurants, cafés and bars, are accessible during business hours (Pavillon also at the weekend). Figure 2shows a significant increase in public interest following the opening of the first building in 2005. However, reporting was mainly restricted to regional newspapers. The volume of newspaper articles published remained high until 2011, when it peaked within the time series. Following the announcement of the Rhine promenade, which is accessible to the public, media interest in the campus project increased again. Subsequently, the number of newspaper articles decreased continuously until 2015, with a brief increase after the opening of the Rhine promenade. The Rhine promenade, located on the site of the former dockyard, serves as a central route for Basel, linking the city with Huningue (France) and, via the Dreiländerbrücke, with the German city of Weil and its shopping centre. This project, which includes a cycle path for commuters and a public restaurant on the Novartis site, was part of the International Building Exhibition Basel (20102020). In 2019, media attention towards the Novartis Campus increased significantly again due to the announcement of the architecturally prestigious Novartis Pavillon, which was also covered by national and international newspapers. This heightened level of media attention continued until completion of the Novartis Campus. Figure 3illustrates the press reporting on the Siemens Campus in Erlangen. The most significant development phases of this project include the construction agreement between the city of Erlangen and Siemens in 2014, the framework agreement for university buildings on the campus in 2018 and the relocation of the first Siemens employees to the campus in 2020. In comparison to the coverage of the Novartis Campus, the graph indicates a relatively low number of newspaper articles regarding the Siemens Campus. 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