Citizenship Utopias in the Global South: The Emergent Forms of Activism in an Era of Disillusionment

Onode a, Hen i (Ed.); Kaskinen, Ma a (Ed.); Ran a, Eija (Ed.)
Book
Ci izenship U opias in he Global Sou h: The Eme gen
Fo ms o Ac i ism in an E a o Disillusionmen
Rou ledge S udies in Poli ical Sociology
P o ided in Coope a ion wi h:
Taylo & F ancis G oup
Sugges ed Ci a ion: Onode a, Hen i (Ed.); Kaskinen, Ma a (Ed.); Ran a, Eija (Ed.) (2025) : Ci izenship
U opias in he Global Sou h: The Eme gen Fo ms o Ac i ism in an E a o Disillusionmen ,
Rou ledge S udies in Poli ical Sociology, ISBN 978-1-040-27519-1, Rou ledge, Ox o d,
h ps://doi.o g/10.4324/9781003378891
This Ve sion is a ailable a :
h ps://hdl.handle.ne /10419/312741
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“Ci izenship U opias in he Global Sou h offe s a imely and engaging wo k
ha combines c i ique wi h ac ion. This compelling olume ha models
ansna ional schola ship, po ays how ci izen ac i is s om La in Ame ica,
A ica, he Middle Eas , and Asia imagine, ein en , and challenge eac-
iona y and unjus o ms o powe . Th ough “imagina i e o ms o c ea i e
ac i ism” hey s i e o o e come he disillusionmen o con empo a y
poli ics. Chap e s on digi al communica ions, new you h mo emen s, an i-
co up ion campaigns, an i- acism, non- iolen s a egies, o name a ew,
con ey how people join o ces o o ge al e na i e u u es g ounded in dig-
ni y and jus ice. A aluable addi ion o he wo k on new you h mo emen s,
poli ical change, and al e na i e ac i ism in he Global Sou h.”
Linda He e a, P o esso o Educa ion Policy, O ganiza ion and Leade ship,
Uni e si y o Illinois, U bana-Champaign, USA
“In he e a o pos -pandemic dys opias, his book offe s a my iad o ci izens’
u opias eme ging om he Global Sou h. I collec s he oices o young
eminis s, ecologis s, an i- acis s, pacifis s, quee indi iduals, s uden s, and
ade unionis s om a dozen coun ies in A ica, Asia, and La in Ame ica,
who engage o build mic o-u opian communi ies om below. Lessons o a
pe iod o old ea s and new hopes.”
Ca les Feixa, P o esso o Social An h opology,
Uni e si a Pompeu Fab a, Ba celona, Spain
Ci izenship U opias in he Global Sou h
Ci izenship U opias in he Global Sou h is an edi ed collec ion o empi ical
esea ch ha explo es eme gen o ms o ac i ism in A ica, Asia, and La in
Ame ica in imes o mul iple c ises. A he in e sec ion o hope and disillusion-
men , he di e se and hough -p o oking chap e s in es iga e eme ging o ms o
ac i ism in he Global Sou h – including you h ac i isms, an i- acism s uggles,
eminis ini ia i es, online dissen , and Indigenous mo emen s.
In he 2020s, many pa s o he wo ld a e wi nessing con adic o y p o-
cesses o popula claims o igh s, li elihoods, and social jus ice, and sub-
sequen o ms o populis au ho i a ianism and he secu i iza ion o ci il
socie y. P e iously hope ul calls o digni y, democ acy, and social jus ice –
h ough p o es ing, s ikes, ci il socie y campaigns, legal e o ms, and elec-
ions, o example – ha e been me wi h disdain and ci ic disengagemen .
This book in es iga es he e-imagina ion and pu sui o ci izen ac i ism in
such imes o popula disillusionmen . I explo es ci izenship u opias as
social imagina ies ha a e enac ed and ha a icula e an ideal social o de o
democ a ic poli y wi h ideal o ms o expe iencing ci izenship. I s chap e s
in e oga e con en ional app oaches o ci izenship by in oducing a nuanced
and empi ically g ounded explo a ion o he complex ways in which people
expe ience, nego ia e, and engage in he socie al changes ha hey aspi e
owa ds. The examina ion o ci izenship u opias ou lines con empo a y signals
o ans o ma i e u u es and hei possibili ies.
The book unde akes a esh effo a con ibu ing o he shi ing e ain o
c i ical de elopmen s udies, poli ical an h opology, poli ical sociology, and deco-
lonising schola ship by engaging in discussions abou ci izenship, ac i ism, dis-
illusionmen , and u u e socie al al e na i es in imes o mul iple global challenges.
Hen i Onode a is a Uni e si y Lec u e in Global De elopmen S udies a
he Uni e si y o Helsinki.
Ma a Kaskinen is a PhD Resea che in Global De elopmen S udies a he
Uni e si y o Helsinki.
Eija Ran a is an Academy o Finland Resea ch Fellow a he Uni e si y o Helsinki.

Rou ledge S udies in Poli ical Sociology
This se ies p esen s he la es esea ch in poli ical sociology. I welcomes bo h
heo e ical and empi ical s udies ha pay close a en ion o he dynamics o
powe , popula p o es and social mo emen s, as well as wo k ha engages in
deba es su ounding globalisa ion, democ acy and poli ical economy.
Eu opean Lobbying
An Occupa ional Field be ween P o essionalism and Ac i ism
Ch is ian Lahusen
Social Mo emen s and E e yday Ac s o Resis ance
Solida i y in a Changing Wo ld
Edi ed by S ama is Poulakidakos, Anas asia Vene i and Ma ia Ro isco
Unde s anding Indi idual Commi men o Collec i e Ac ion
Theo e ical and Me hodological App oaches
Ca los And és Ramí ez
In ima e Communi ies o Ha e:
Why Social Media Fuels Fa -Righ Ex emism
An on Tö nbe g and Pe e Tö nbe g
COVID-19 and he Le
The Ty anny o Fea
Elena Louisa Lange and Geoff Shullenbe ge
The Class Gap in P o es Pa icipa ion
The Compa a i e Case o Cen al Eas e n and Wes e n Eu ope
Vik o iia Mulia ka
Na iga ing Ci il Resis ance
Un a elling Mobiliza ion Dynamics, Goals, and S a egies in Nepal
Johannes Vülle s
Ci izenship U opias in he Global Sou h
The Eme gen Fo ms o Ac i ism in an E a o Disillusionmen
Edi ed by Hen i Onode a, Ma a Kaskinen, and Eija Ran a
Fo a ull lis o i les in his se ies, please isi : h ps://www. ou ledge.com/
sociology/se ies/RSPS
Ci izenship U opias in he
Global Sou h
The Eme gen Fo ms o Ac i ism in an
E a o Disillusionmen
Edi ed by
Hen i Onode a, Ma a Kaskinen and
Eija Ran a
Fi s published 2025
by Rou ledge
4 Pa k Squa e, Mil on Pa k, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Rou ledge
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© 2025 selec ion and edi o ial ma e , Hen i Onode a, Ma a Kaskinen,
and Eija Ran a; indi idual chap e s, he con ibu o s
The igh o Hen i Onode a, Ma a Kaskinen, and Eija Ran a o be
iden ified as he au ho s o he edi o ial ma e ial, and o he au ho s o
hei indi idual chap e s, has been asse ed in acco dance wi h sec ions 77
and 78 o he Copy igh , Designs and Pa en s Ac 1988.
T adema k no ice: P oduc o co po a e names may be adema ks o
egis e ed adema ks, and a e used only o iden ifica ion and explana ion
wi hou in en o in inge.
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has been made a ailable unde a C ea i e Commons A ibu ion (CC-BY)
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igh sholde .
This open access book publica ion was unded by he Na ional Resea ch
Council o Finland and Facul y o Social Sciences, Uni e si y o Helsinki,
Finland.
B i ish Lib a y Ca aloguing in Publica ion Da a
A ca alogue eco d o his book is a ailable om he B i ish Lib a y
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A ca alog eco d has been eques ed o his book
ISBN: 9781032458311 (hbk)
ISBN: 9781032458335 (pbk)
ISBN: 9781003378891 (ebk)
DOI: 10.4324/9781003378891
Typese in Times New Roman
by Taylo & F ancis Books
Con en s
Lis o ables ix
Lis o con ibu o s x
Acknowledgemen s xi
Lis o abb e ia ions x ii
1 Ci izenship u opias in he Global Sou h: Eme ging ac i isms,
e-imagining ci izenships 1
HENRI ONODERA, MARTTA KASKINEN AND EIJA RANTA
PART I
Ac i ism in imes o disillusionmen 19
2 Ac i is con es a ions in con empo a y socio-poli ical change
making in Kenya 21
MARTTA KASKINEN AND JOB MWAURA
3 Disa owing poli ics: An al e na i e way o doing poli ics o
young Alge ians 38
YAHIA BENYAMINA
4 Communica ion in he co ona i us c isis: A case s udy o
communica ion p ac ices o ac i is s in Johannesbu g in he
COVID-19 pandemic 53
ANGELA CHUKUNZIRA
5 The Chilean awakening in a global decade o social mo emen s 68
GEOFFREY PLEYERS
Acknowledgemen s
The beginning and making o his book coincided wi h he p eca ious yea s
o he global COVID-19 pandemic. Amid heal h eme gencies and inc easing
dea h a es, he pandemic also deeply impac ed li elihood oppo uni ies and
exace ba ed po e y, h ea ening social wel a e e e ywhe e in he wo ld.
Mos pa icula ly, howe e , i affec ed li es in he Global Sou h, as global
esponses o he pandemic highligh ed and deepened global inequali ies,
while demons a ing he need and yea ning o solida i y and jus ice s ug-
gles on a global scale. Since hen, he poli ical and economic impac s and
colonial con inui ies ela ed o he Russian wa on Uk aine and he Is ael–
Pales ine conflic , along wi h accele a ing au oc a isa ion a ound he wo ld,
ha e u he in ensified geopoli ical ensions and eo ganisa ions. In a pos -
pandemic global con ex dis inguished by mul iple c ises, complex ci izenship
dynamics and a mul i ude o social s uggles o democ acy, jus ice, and
equali y ha e a isen. Thinking c i ically abou ci izenship u opias and in es-
iga ing ans o ma i e al e na i es ha e hus become mo e c ucial du ing
he making o his book han wha we could e e ha e an icipa ed.
We a e indeb ed o many indi iduals and ins i u ions who ha e p o ided
assis ance and suppo , making his book possible. Lis ing all o hem would
be impossible, so he e we wish o acknowledge a ew indi iduals and g oups
o people who ha e engaged wi h his edi ed olume pa icula ly s ongly.
Fi s and o emos , we acknowledge he ounda ional significance o he
eminis , you h, an i- acism, quee , Indigenous, and human igh s ac i is s,
along wi h he social mo emen ep esen a i es and ade unionis s, whose
li ed s uggles o mo e jus and democ a ic socie ies a e discussed in he
pages o his book. We a e immensely g a e ul o hem o sha ing hei
iews, expe iences, and li es wi h he au ho s and he wo ld. Mos chap e s
a e based on long- e m e hnog aphic engagemen s and epis emic collabo a-
ions be ween esea che s and ac i is s. Many ac i is s a e also academic
schola s, and some ea u e as au ho s in his book: we acknowledge ha
hei mul iple posi ionali ies ha e been pa icula ly challenging du ing he
pandemic. We hope ha we can do jus ice o hese di e se s uggles by
highligh ing he complexi ies and con ex ual nuances o social ac i ism and
ci izenship in a ious pa s o he Global Sou h, while also delinea ing some

Acknowledgemen s x
o he s uc u al condi ions and con empo a y phenomena ha ie hem
oge he .
Second, we acknowledge he significance and he endu ance o he au ho s
who con ibu ed o his book despi e he challenging condi ions p esen ed by
pandemic lockdowns and economic and heal h- ela ed unce ain ies du ing
i s making. The chap e s o he book a e p oduc s o bo h new and p e-
exis ing academic collabo a ions and ne wo ks. We belie e ha each chap e ,
and he book as a collabo a i e effo , pushes o wa d a c i ical and nuanced
schola ship o ac i ism and ci izenship ha speaks b oadly o con empo a y
issues o di e si y, decoloniali y, and democ acy.
This book is he end p oduc o esea ch conduc ed wi hin he p ojec
“Ci izenship U opias in he Global Sou h: The Pu sui o T ans o ma i e
Al e na i es in Times o Ci ic Disillusionmen ” (2019–2024, p ojec numbe
1323051) a he Uni e si y o Helsinki, Finland. We acknowledge he
Na ional Resea ch Council o Finland o financing and suppo ing he
esea ch p ojec and his edi ed olume. Ran a’s o he esea ch p ojec ,
“Social Jus ice and Raciali y in Pos -U opian La in Ame ica” (2021–2026,
p ojec numbe 1346411), which is also unded by he Na ional Resea ch
Council o Finland, mus also be men ioned. Fu he mo e, Onode a wo ked
pa - ime on “Wha Wo ks? You h T ansi ions om Educa ion o Employ-
men in he Middle Eas and No h A ica” (2018–2023), a p ojec led by
Päi i Honka ukia a he Uni e si y o Tampe e, Finland, and financed by he
Academy o Finland p og amme o de elopmen esea ch (De elop).
Onode a and Ran a also acknowledge he epis emological influence and
in ellec ual alue o hei p e ious esea ch expe iences wi hin he esea ch
p ojec “You h and Poli ical Engagemen in Con empo a y A ica”, led by
Elina Oinas a he Swedish School o Social Sciences, Finland, and Leena
Suu pää a he Finnish You h Resea ch Ne wo k.
The findings o his book ha e been p esen ed a se e al con e ences and
wo kshops, in which many schola s and ac i is s ha e pa icipa ed. Many
sessions on he heme o ci il socie y ha e been o ganised in collabo a ion
wi h Tiina Kon inen om he Uni e si y o Jy äskylä, Finland, bu also on
he opic o hope in social s uggles wi h Henni Ala a om he Uni e si y o
Tampe e, Finland, and on he opic o democ acy in he Global Sou h wi h
Liisa Laakso om he No dic A ica Ins i u e. The Finnish Socie y o
De elopmen Resea ch, in which Onode a and Kaskinen ha e been ac i e
membe s, has been he hos o many con e ences and e en s ela ed o he
opics o his edi ed olume. We ha e also lea ned om he sha ing o
expe iences on he s udy o u opias wi h a g oup o esea che s on poli ical
imagina ion and al e na i e u u es, led by Su i Salmenniemi, a he
Uni e si y o Tu ku.
The discipline o Global De elopmen S udies a he Uni e si y o
Helsinki, whe e all h ee o us cu en ly wo k, has been an inspi ing place o
c i ical hinking and collabo a i e esea ch engagemen s. Du ing he cou ses
“Social Mo emen s, Powe , and S a e in Global Sou h”, augh by Ran a,
x i Acknowledgemen s
and “You h and De elopmen in he Global Sou h”, augh by Onode a,
many o he opics o his book ha e been nou ished h ough he ac i e
engagemen o s uden s o Global De elopmen S udies and o he ela ed
disciplines a he Uni e si y o Helsinki.
O e he yea s, we ha e had he pleasu e o wo king wi h many wonde ul
esea ch assis an s, including Mi a Hämäläinen, Hely Ma inen, Hanna
Pulkkinen, Henna Sa kkinen, and Da id Caicedo Sa alde. Du ing he final
edi ing p ocess, he ac i e engagemen and en husiasm o esea ch assis an s
Isla A ni aa a and Eliana Ta naala we e in aluable. We also acknowledge
Ma ie-Louise Ka unen om Emelle’s Edi ing Se ices, copy-edi o Hamish
I onside, and he p o essionals a he Language Cen e o he Uni e si y o
Helsinki o hei language edi ing se ices.
Finally, wa m hanks a e due o Neil Jo dan and Alice Sal , he senio
edi o s in sociology a Rou ledge, as well as Gemma Roge s and K i i Rana,
he edi o ial assis an s a Taylo & F ancis, o hei ini ia i e, ad ice, and
assis ance du ing he p ocess. We a e also g a e ul o he anonymous
e iewe s who e iewed his edi ed olume be o e i s publica ion. Publishing
i as open access was possible wi h he suppo o he Na ional Resea ch
Council o Finland and he Facul y o Social Sciences a he Uni e si y o
Helsinki.
Hen i Onode a, Ma a Kaskinen, Eija Ran a
Helsinki, Finland
5 June 2024
Lis o abb e ia ions
ADAM Associa ion ADAM pou l’Égali é e le Dé eloppemen
ADD Associa ion pou la p omo ion du D oi à la Diffé ence
ADS Social De elopmen Agency
ANC A ican Na ional Cong ess
ANGEM Na ional Agency o he Managemen o Mic oc edi
ANSEJ Na ional You h Employmen Suppo Agency
AUCC Asamblea de Unidad Can onal de Co acachi
BJP Bha a iya Jana a Pa y
BRICS B azil, Russia, India, China, and Sou h A ica
C19PC C-19 People’s Coali ion
CAA Ci izenship Amendmen Ac
CDR Comi és de De ensa de la Re olución
CNAC Na ional Unemploymen Insu ance Fund
CNES Conseil Na ional des P o esseu s du Supé ieu
CNDDC Comi é Na ional pou la Dé ense des D oi s des Chômeu s
COSAS Cong ess o Sou h A ican S uden s
COVID-19 co ona i us disease 2019
COWG Communi y O ganising Wo king G oup
CSO ci il socie y o ganisa ion
CTC Cen al de T abajado es de Cuba
EU Eu opean Union
FEBAC Fede ación de Ba ios de Co acachi
FGD Focus G oup Discussions
FIS F on Islamique du Salu
FMC Fede ación de Muje es Cubanas
FMF Fees Mus Fall
FTDES Fo um Tunisien des D oi s Economiques e Sociales
GEAR g ow h, employmen and edis ibu ion
GNC gende non-con o ming communi y
HCMC Ho Chi Minh Ci y
HDP Halkla ın Demok a ik Pa isi
HE highe educa ion
HRD human igh s de ende
x iii Lis o abb e ia ions
ICC In e na ional C iminal Cou
IMF In e na ional Mone a y Fund
ILO In e na ional Labou O ganiza ion
IMF In e na ional Mone a y Fund
IOM In e na ional O ganiza ion o Mig a ion
ITUC In e na ional T ade Union Con ede a ion
IVD Ins ance Ve i é e Digni é
LGBTQIA+ lesbian, gay, bisexual, ansgende , quee , in e sex, and
asexual
LTDH Ligue Tunisienne des D oi s de l’Homme
MENA Middle Eas and No h A ica
MSJC Ma ha e Social Jus ice Cen e
MP membe o pa liamen
MRG Mino i y Righ s G oup
NCA Na ional Cons i uen Assembly
NDA Na ional Democ a ic Alliance
NDP Na ional De elopmen Plan
NGO non-go e nmen al o ganisa ion
NRC Na ional Regis e o Ci izens
PAD Poin s An i-Disc imina ion Ne wo k
PAM Plan Nacional pa a el A ance de las Muje es
PCC Pa ido Comunis a Cubano
PIC Pa ido Independien e de Colo
PNCRD P og ama Nacional con a el Racismo y la Disc iminación
Racial
PPE pe sonal p o ec i e equipmen
RDC Rassemblemen Cons i u ionnel Démoc a ique
RDP econs uc ion and de elopmen p og amme
RMF Rhodes Mus Fall
SAP s uc u al adjus men p og amme
SAPS Sou h A ican Police Se ices
SARS Se e e Acu e Respi a o y Synd ome
SASO Sou h A ican S uden O ganisa ion
SFI S uden s Fede a ion o India
SIT Syndica Islamique du T a ail
SJCWG Social Jus ice Cen es Wo king G oup
SMILE Suppo o Ma ginalised Indi iduals o Li elihood and
En e p ise
SNAPAP Syndica Na ional Au onome des Pe sonelles de
l’Adminis a ion Publique
TISS Ta a Ins i u e o Social Sciences
TUT Tshwane Uni e si y o Technology
UCM Uni e si y Ch is ian Mo emen
UGTA Union Géné ale des T a ailleu s Algé iens
UGTT Union Géné ale des T a ailleu s Tunisiens
Lis o abb e ia ions xix
UN Uni ed Na ions
UNEAC Unión Nacional de Esc i o es y A is as de Cuba
UNORCAC Unión de O ganizaciones Campesinas e Indígenas de
Co acachi
USA Uni ed S a es o Ame ica
VGCL Vie nam Gene al Con ede a ion o Labou
VCP Vie namese Communis Pa y
WB Wo ld Bank
Wi s Uni e si y o he Wi wa e s and
WTO Wo ld T ade O ganiza ion

1 Ci izenship u opias in he Global Sou h
Eme ging ac i isms,
e-imagining ci izenships
Hen i Onode a, Ma a Kaskinen and Eija Ran a
In oduc ion
Many pa s o he wo ld ha e been wi nessing bu s s o popula up isings
and eme gen ac i ism in ecen yea s (Al a ez 2019; Muggen hale , B ingel,
and Ma ínez 2021), while a he same ime au ho i a ian populism, e hnic
na ionalisms, and eligious conse a ism a e also on he ise (Lüh mann and
Lindbe g 2019; Scoones e al. 2018). No ma e which democ acy index is
discussed, he wo ldwide decline o democ acy is a clea end, one ha was
u he ein o ced by he COVID-19 pandemic a he ou se o he 2020s and
he es ic ions on mo emen , assembly, and li elihood ha accompanied i
(Coope and Ai chison 2020). The pandemic also ende ed isible and exa-
ce ba ed exis ing inequali ies be ween and wi hin socie ies in he Global
No h and Global Sou h. T ans o ma i e p ocesses in he 2010s, such as he
“A ab Sp ing” up isings in he Middle Eas and No h A ica and he con-
s uc ion o plu ina ional s a es in La in Ame ica, had aised people’s
aspi a ions o equali y, jus ice, and democ acy, bu , a decade la e , hese
hopes had been eplaced by widesp ead disillusionmen , disdain, and ci ic
disengagemen (Onode a e al. 2020; Radcliffe 2015; Ran a 2023a; Spie ings
2020). In o he wo ds, he p e ious op imis ic calls o digni y, democ acy,
and social jus ice – h ough, o example, p o es s, s ikes, ci il socie y cam-
paigns, legal e o ms, and elec ions – ha e inc easingly been encoun e ing
s a e ep ession. In hese ola ile ci cums ances, imagina i e o ms o c ea i e
ac i ism, collabo a ion, and a icula ion a e needed wi hin and beyond
o mal a enues o poli ical pa icipa ion. This complex phenomenon calls o
esea ch on he po en ials, condi ions, and difficul ies o eme gen ac i isms
and hei ans o ma i e al e na i es.
This book in es iga es he e-imagina ion and pu sui o ci izen ac i ism in
imes o disillusionmen . I examines he ways in which in e wining p o-
cesses o populis au ho i a ianism, secu i isa ion o ci il socie y, and pan-
demic condi ions shape poli ical ac o s’ social fields and ans o ma i e
ac ion. The con ibu ions explo e eme gen o ms o ac i ism ha challenge
he deep s uc u es o s a e go e nance and he economy in he con ex o
sha ed disillusionmen wi h s a e p omises o equal ci izenship, social jus ice,
DOI: 10.4324/9781003378891-1
2 Hen i Onode a, Ma a Kaskinen, and Eija Ran a
and ep esen a i e democ acy. The empi ical con ex s in ol e, bu a e no
exclusi e o, you h ac i ism, an i- acism s uggles, eminis ini ia i es, online
dissen , and Indigenous mo emen s. Toge he , he chap e s in e oga e con-
en ional app oaches o ci izenship by in oducing nuanced and empi ically
g ounded explo a ions o he complex ways in which people expe ience,
nego ia e, and engage wi h he socie al changes o which hey aspi e. As we
elabo a e u he below, ou app oach o “ci izenship u opia” in his con ex
builds on he no ion o u opia as he imagina y econs i u ion o socie y and,
as such, i in ol es c i ical examina ion o implici imagina ies o he ideal
socie y, and hei p ac ical ealisa ion and en isioned membe ships (Le i as
2013).
In his in oduc o y chap e , we s a by discussing di e se concep ualisa-
ions o u opia, a e which we add ess he book’s ocus on ci izenship u o-
pias in he Global Sou h. The emaining h ee sec ions in oduce he book’s
chap e s in he cou se o examining he in e ela ed hemes o eme ging
ac i isms in imes o disillusionmen , decolonising he s a e, and e-imagining
ci izenships.
Whi he u opias?
The e a e many defini ions o “u opia”, and i s meanings a e con es ed in
bo h schola ly and e e yday discussions. I was fi s used as he i le o he
no el by Renaissance humanis Thomas Mo e, published in 1516, which
po ayed he imagina y island o U opia as an ideal socie y, hus p o iding a
sa i ical c i ique and coun e -image o poli ical li e in England and Eu ope a
he ime. Pa ly inspi ed by Pla o’s Republic, he communal li e on U opia
was cha ac e ised by equali y, collec i e p ope y, and ma e ial abundance
(Beauchesne and San os 2011, 2), and i “was o become a model o u u e
poli ical cons ella ions, in es ing he concep s o ‘u opia’ and ‘u opianism’
wi h he empo al dimension o he belie in a d eamwo ld o come” ( an
Rule and Sissa 2017, 7). Since hen, he no ion o u opia has inspi ed fic ion
w i e s and c i ical social heo is s alike. Despi e di e se in e p e a ions, he
commonali y in he ways in which u opia is discussed elies on i s c i ique o
he p esen and “ he desi e o a be e way o being and o li ing” (Le i as
2013, xii). In addi ion o implying he imagina ion o be e u u es, u opia
can also e e o conc e e social ini ia i es ha c ea e and p efigu e al e -
na i e li es yles and p ac ices such as communal li ing, ime banking, and
eco illages. As spaces whe e new p ac ices o poli ics and ci izenship a e
cons uc ed and exe cised, hey can be pe cei ed as adical al e na i es o
mains eam socie y (Fi h 2012). These al e na i e p ojec s no wi hs anding,
u opia can also e e o mo e comp ehensi e and holis ic socie al changes
and he cons uc ion o al e na i e social sys ems h ough, o example,
popula e olu ions (Le i as 2013, xiii–xi ).
Re olu iona y holis ic o sys emic u opias we e la gely conside ed o be
o e by he 1990s; wi h he collapse o he So ie Union and he Eas e n
Ci izenship u opias in he Global Sou h 3
Eu opean socialis bloc, i was p oclaimed ha humani y had eached i s
final s age o “ he end o his o y”, acco ding o Fukuyama’s (1992) con-
cep ualisa ion. The ho izon o e olu ions seemed o be wi he ing away as
libe al democ acy and capi alism (in he o m o neolibe al globalisa ion)
eme ged as he hegemonic pilla s o he “new wo ld o de ” in he making. In
he pos -Cold Wa e a, as Sco (2014, 4) a gues, “ he e a ose, as a seemingly
single and na u al ho izon, he new u opia o libe al democ acy, i s dogma o
human igh s, and he disciplining and go e nmen alizing echnologies o
u ge and en o ce i s ealiza ion”. While se e al coun ies we e democ a ised
om he 1970s o he 1990s – a imes called he “ hi d wa e o democ a i-
za ion” (Hun ing on 1991) – global “messianic” belie s in democ acy’s
po en ial and eal-li e ulfilmen we e also c i icised (Ab ahamsen 2000). Fo
many, democ acy in i sel con inues o be a dis an u opia, in a p ocess ha
ne e ulfils i s jus ifica ion, pa icula ly i s adical p omise o p o ide eco-
nomic and social equali y and jus ice o ci izens (Eskelinen 2019; Hols on
2008). As Eskelinen pu s i , “no o he poli ical concep in con empo a y
socie y is, simul aneously, as adical and comp omised” (Eskelinen 2020, 151,
i alics in o iginal), and democ a ic p ac ices ha e inc easingly su ende ed o
he logics o global capi alism since he u n o he millennium. Fu he mo e,
he deepening inequali ies and he concen a ion o weal h due o neolibe al
e o ms ha e e oded democ acy’s popula appeal by c ea ing, o example, an
uneasy associa ion be ween libe al democ acy and economic aus e i y mea-
su es (Ran a 2021, 45). I is an impo an eminde ha while u opian
hinking is o en a ached o socialis o g een poli ics, neolibe alism also
implies a ce ain u opianism when i comes o e hinking and econciling he
exigencies o he s a e and he global ma ke s (Le i as 2013, xiii).
While d eams o o e a ching e olu ions and sys emic u opias may ha e
waned, many schola s ha e a gued o a mo e empi ically g ounded ocus on
“conc e e u opias” as hope ul and imaginable u u e ho izons. This eo -
ien a ion sugges s a ocus on u opian isions ha p omo e a ainable ans-
o ma i e al e na i es in he amewo k o wha exis s and wha is possible,
he eby posi ioning “abs ac u opias” as un ealisable isions ha ha e li le
ans o ma i e po en ial in p ac ice (Bloch 1986; Elde -Vass 2022; Vog
2005). In he de ence o he con es ed concep , Le i as (2013) a gues ha
u opia should be unde s ood less as a desc ip i e imagina y o en i e social
sys ems, and mo e as a me hod a he co e o sociological hinking. Such a
pe spec i e allows u opias o be explo ed whe e e u u es a e imagined,
ega dless o how agmen a y, elusi e, and p o isional hose imagina ies
migh be (Le i as 2013, 4).
Coope (2014) also concep ualises “e e yday u opias” as iable p ac ices
and social p ojec s which open spaces in he p esen o imagining la ge -
scale u opian u u es. In he iew, e e yday u opias consis o ne wo ks o
people and spaces ha pe o m social li e as i could be h ough communal
p ac ices ha adically diffe om hose o mains eam socie y and i s alues.
E e yday u opias do no comp ise ac i ism o public ad ocacy pe se, no
10 Hen i Onode a, Ma a Kaskinen, and Eija Ran a
o he s a e while o en undamen ally con es ing i s wi he ing legi imacy.
Thus, in his sense, ci izenship u opias e ol e on a no ma i e e ain in
which s a e appa a uses play a ole in secu ing he ci izens’ equal access o
jus ice and wel a e. This is conspicuous, as he ad en o neolibe al globali-
sa ion has ied s a e go e nance in ima ely o he undemoc a ic ope a ions o
ansna ional co po a ions, banks, and o he agencies (Sha ma and Gup a
2006). Fu he mo e, many ac i is s ope a e beyond s a is ealms, i only
globally by digi al means, while in e na ional ins i u ions and s anda ds, such
as he Uni ed Na ions and in e na ional human igh s mechanisms, p o ide
hem wi h aluable, albei some imes con es ed, ools and amewo ks o
ac ion and p o ec ion.
The global end o inc easing au ho i a ianism and declining democ acy
indica es, howe e , ha s a es a e inc easingly becoming sou ces o dis-
illusionmen . Thus, we sugges ha s a es a e o g owing impo ance as si es
o con es a ion and objec s o u opian imagina ion in he Global Sou h.
While s a e go e nance in i es a my iad o aspi a ions o be e u u es, he
p ac ical ealisa ion o hese aspi a ions is becoming e e -mo e dis an . In
some sense, he once “conc e e u opias” o building and designing s a e
ins i u ions ha ensu e wel a e, jus ice, and equali y ha e become inc eas-
ingly un ealisable. In his con ex , seemingly con en ional claims ela ed o
he de ence o people’s powe and democ acy, he ule o law, and igh s and
eedoms in ci ic spaces ha e become e e -mo e pe inen o u opian ac i-
ism. Al hough ac i is s may no p omo e sys emic u opian isions as such,
hei ope a ional con ex s ha e been so al e ed ha hese claims a e being
ein igo a ed wi h mo e adical, exis en ial meanings. In o he wo ds, ci i-
zenship u opias a e u opian inso a as he exis ing social, poli ical, and eco-
nomic condi ions ha e pushed hei ideals u he away om he ealm o
pe cei ed possibili ies.
Wha is mo e, p ocesses o s a e o ma ion and policy making in he
Global Sou h a e being con es ed by aspi a ions o decolonise s a e s uc-
u es and s uggle agains in e sec ing inequali ies and ma ginalisa ion. In
such coun ies as Boli ia, Chile, and Ecuado , Indigenous peoples and A o-
descendan s ha e lobbied o he cons uc ion o plu ina ional s a es ha
ecognise and include hei cul u al and acial di e si y. In he name o
decolonising s a es, new isions, s emming om Indigenous peoples’ wo ld-
iews and cosmologies, o he o ms and p ac ices o s a e ins i u ions ha e
ma e ialised. Fo example, he Quechua concep o sumak kawsay, which has
been ansla ed – depending on he con ex – in o Spanish as i i bien/buen
i i (good li e, li ing well), means “li e in ullness” (Cubillo-Gue a a and
Hidalgo-Capi án 2015; Cues as Caza 2020), hus d awing close o wha is
gene ally conside ed o be cha ac e is ic o u opian u u es: li e li ed o he
ull in an idyllic communi y wi hou p i a e p ope y o ma e ial dep i a ion
(Beauchesne and San os 2011, 2). In Chap e 6, Radcliffe examines he
p ac ical implemen a ion o “decolonising u opias” in Ecuado , whe e he
no ions o sumak kawsay and buen i i , ensh ined in he na ional

Ci izenship u opias in he Global Sou h 11
cons i u ion since 2008, “p opel social ac i ism in o ins i u ionalising and
social embedding a b eak om his o ically en enched exclusiona y ci izen-
ship”. In addi ion o he ins i u ionalisa ion o “good li e” policies in some
La in Ame ican coun ies, i i bien/buen i i hinking con inues o inspi e
social mo emen s and ac i is s h oughou he egion (Habe sang 2022),
al hough hei s a e co-op a ion has also been con es ed and opposed (Ran a
2023b).
Thus, we need o be a en i e o c i icism o la ge scale o sys emic u opian
p ojec s o hei o ali a ian endencies (So ensen 2011) o lack o eedom
in he A end ian sense (A end 1990 [1963]). U opian ideals ha e o en
implied ha a wo ld wi hou powe ela ions could exis ; howe e , en isioning a
“powe - ee u opia” can po en ially lead o undamen alism, o ali a ianism,
and a emp s o homogenise he ci izen y, which obscu es in e sec ing
inequali ies and, ul ima ely, silences and in isibilises ma ginal g oups,
including women, sexual mino i ies, e hnic g oups, and Indigenous peoples
(Allen 2015, 525; also B own 2005). Ce ain kinds o idealism and oman i-
cisa ion ha e accompanied many e olu iona y p ojec s ha aimed a class-
less socie ies, as, o example, in he case o he Cuban e olu ion (Mo ales
Domínguez 2002, 76). As he s a e-led discou ses o equali y ha e been so
o e powe ing, he specific economic and social ha dships, disc imina ion,
and acism ha Black and Mixed-Race popula ions ha e aced, pa icula ly
since he p o-ma ke e o ms o he 1990s, ha e gone unno iced. Conse-
quen ly, he hopes and expec a ions o A o-Cubans in ega d o he “socia-
lis u opian ho izon” in Cuba ha e dec eased, o e en disappea ed (Zu bano
2021, 156). In Chap e 7, Rod íguez Malagón and Ran a discuss his si ua-
ion om he pe spec i e o Black eminis s, who find hemsel es caugh in
complica ed dynamics be ween socialis mass o ganisa ions and eme gen
au onomous o ganising. Meanwhile, al hough he case o Cuba is unique,
eminis o ganising is booming h oughou La in Ame ica. Reac ing o he
ise o pa ia chal au ho i a ianism and he sh inking space o ci il socie y,
new eminis o ma ions a e appea ing “ou side/beyond he s a e, beyond
ins i u ionalised in e ac ions, in he s ee s, in he ealms o media, cul u e,
meanings and ep esen a ions” (Al a ez 2019, 307–308), b inging oge he
ac i is s, a is s, and schola s o add ess in e sec ing inequali ies based on
gende , sexuali y, age, ace, and e hnici y, o name a ew.
Much o he booming eminis ac i ism is pa o much wide social and
poli ical mobilisa ion p omo ing decolonisa ion, an i-impe ialism, and he
es uc u ing o unequal powe ela ions be ween he Global Sou h and
Global No h. One o he mos emblema ic ecen s uggles has been he
Sou h A ican s uden mo emen , which has ad anced he p ocesses o
decolonising sys ems o highe educa ion. In Chap e 8, Nyundu and Hosseini
discuss how he pa allel p ocesses o neolibe al e o ms and au ho i a ianism
ha e esul ed in he ailu e o he pos -apa heid s a e o keep i s p omise o
p o iding quali y educa ion o uni e si y s uden s. The in oduc ion o
inc easing ui ion ees in 2015 ins iga ed s ong opposi ion among s uden s,
12 Hen i Onode a, Ma a Kaskinen, and Eija Ran a
many o whom we e al eady p o iding o hei amilies –in he o m o he
so-called “Black Tax”–who ha e been s uc u ally impo e ished o decades
unde apa heid. Since hen, demands and mo emen s o decolonising he
uni e si y ha e sp ead o many pa s o he wo ld (Bhamb a, Geb ial, and
Nisancioglu 2018).
Discussions o an i- acism and acism, as well as s uggles o acial
equali y and jus ice, a e a he cen e o decolonial mo emen s and ac i ism.
While he Black Li es Ma e mo emen has inspi ed acial jus ice mo e-
men s he wo ld o e since 2013, conc e e o ms o collec i e ac ion emain
oo ed and a icula ed in he local con ex s and his o ies in which hey
un old. In Tunisia, as Onode a and Ga fi discuss in Chap e 9, e e yday
acism is connec ed o he legacy o sla e y in he egion, and Black Tunisians,
augmen ed by mig an s om elsewhe e in A ica, ha e his o ically aced
disc imina ion and ma ginalisa ion based on socially ep oduced acial hie -
a chies. While he Tunisian Re olu ion o 2010–2011 opened new spaces and
oppo uni ies o an i- acis ac i ism, wi h ac o s and ci il socie y ne wo ks
managing o push acism in o public deba e and e en legal e o ms, in e -
ospec his has yielded ew angible changes. None heless, despi e expe ien-
cing se backs, ac i is s ha e pe sis ed in public li e and di e sified he scope
and con en o wha being a Tunisian could mean.
Re-imagining ci izenships
Ci izenship implies he no ion o poli ical belonging in impo an ways, and
hus i s examina ion p oduces knowledge o “how we li e wi h o he s in a
poli ical communi y” (Laza 2013, 1). F om a sociological pe spec i e, Isin
and Nye s (2014, 1) no e ha ci izenship can be seen as “an ‘ins i u ion’
media ing igh s be ween he subjec s o poli ics and he poli y o which
hese subjec s belong”, wi h ins i u ion e e ing o a b oad se o p ocesses
whe eby “some hing is enac ed, c ea ed, and ende ed ela i ely du able and
s able bu s ill con es able, su p ising, and in en i e”. By alking abou poli-
ical subjec s hey dis ance he no ion om he implica ion o na ional
belonging inhe en o he concep o ci izen, while poli y anscends he s a e
ame o include ansna ional ac o s and igh s con en ions (Isin and Nye s
2014, 1).
Some cau ion in his con ex is needed, howe e . In a sense, he concep o
ci izenship can be seen as in ima ely ied o he idea o he mode n na ion-
s a e and Eu opean/No h Ame ican adi ions o libe alism, making i
some hing o an accomplice o p ocesses o impe ialism and colonialism in
he Global Sou h (Shindo 2022; Smi h 2012; Smi h and Roge s 2015).
Ins ances whe e s a es p omo e igid iden i ies a he co e o ci izenship may
also p oduce highly exclusi e, e hnic na ionalisms, which ha e a imes led
Indigenous peoples o p oduce hei own amings o ci izenship as al e -
na i es o he s a e-sanc ioned membe ships. Simpson (2014, 109) e e s o
hese as “ eeling ci izenships” ha eme ge in he “p esen space o
Ci izenship u opias in he Global Sou h 13
in acommuni y ecogni ion, affec ion, and ca e, ou side he logics o colo-
nial and impe ial ule”. Globally, as Boa ca
˘ and Ro h (2016, 192) sugges ,
he no ion o ci izenship can also be seen a he co e o global inequali ies, as
“i s ins i u ionaliza ion in he Wes has gone hand in hand wi h he legal
(and physical) exclusion o non-Eu opean, non-Whi e and non-Wes e n
popula ions om ci ic, poli ical, social and cul u al igh s”.
Talking abou ci izenship u opias ha a icula e u opianism wi h he
no ion o ci izenship, as we do in his book, may in his ligh seem an oxy-
mo on. As no ed abo e, howe e , ou in e es lies in he explo a ion o ideal
expe iences o being and ac ing as a ci izen. We also hope o ake pa in
a emp s o decolonise ci izenship discussions and make hem mo e ele an
globally (Smi h and Roge s 2015). In his sense, ou app oach o ci izenship
u opias allows, fi s , a c i ical sc u iny o he de e minis ic accoun s o a
“good ci izen” ha a e con eyed, o en in con adic o y ways, h ough s a e
policy and he o ic, on he one hand, and s a e p ac ices, on he o he . Sec-
ondly, he ocus on ci izenship u opias opens up po en ial ways o imagining
ans o ma i e and decolonising u u es beyond he pa ame e s o con-
empo a y populis au ho i a ianism, exclusi e na ionalism, o pos -pan-
demic economies. A he same ime, mos o he mo emen s and ac i is s
discussed in his book a e no p omo ing adically new defini ions o ci i-
zenship. As we shall see, hei s is a de ence o he p inciples o wel a e, jus-
ice, equali y, ecogni ion, and he igh o ha e igh s (A end 1985 [1951])
and o engage in public p ocesses ha in ima ely e e be a e in people’s
e e yday li es. F om his pe spec i e, ci izenship u opias can bo h be econ-
ciled wi h and anscend he on ology o democ a ic s a e, while lea ing hei
p eca ious posi ions un esol ed a he ma gins o wha is imaginable and
wha is ac ually possible.
In he Global Sou h, he public deba e abou encoun e s be ween he s a e/
poli y and poli ical subjec s is no o iously complex. Te ms such as ci izen-
ship, na ion, and s a e a e p o oundly con es ed, and poli ical subjec s may
enjoy – o suffe om – mul ilaye ed poli ical belongings and “mul iple and
segmen ed so e eign ies” (Hansen and S eppu a 2006, 305). I , o he p o-
agonis s, he s a e has always appea ed dis an , co up , clien elis , and/o
e hnically biased, i may seem u opian o hope i could e e bes ow upon
ci izens ideal o ms o socie al change, belonging, and ac ion. In Chap e 10,
Zakhou explo es he na a i es o s a e co up ion among you h li ing in
he ma ginalised egions o Tunisia, demons a ing ha by naming he aul s
and sho comings o a s a e claiming o be democ a ising, hey hold he s a e
o accoun . While he examines wha could be e med he “gene a ional na -
a i es o sys emic ailu e” (Mu phy 2012) ha pe sis ed a e he Tunisian
e olu ion, he pessimism and disdain o he coe ci e s a e also sugges s hope
o a be e s a e o affai s and ways o being ci izens. In Alge ia, whe e he
A ab Sp ing up isings did no yield a popula e olu ion, he Hi ak mo e-
men eme ged in 2019 and ous ed P esiden Bou eflika om office, widening
i s demands o include he ule o law and an end o co up ion. In Chap e
14 Hen i Onode a, Ma a Kaskinen, and Eija Ran a
11, Maïche explo es he oles o au onomous ade union ac i is s in build-
ing he cul u e o p o es in he un-up pe iod o Hi ak mobilisa ion. He
pays a en ion o he pe o ma i e dimension o ci izenship, as ac i is s con-
s i u ed hemsel es as ci izens h ough a ious “ac s o ci izenship” (Isin and
Nielsen 2008) while ope a ing on he inges o o mal ade union ac i ism
and s a e-cen ic webs o pa onage and con ol. In his book, Alge ia,
Tunisia, and Sou h A ica each p o ide he empi ical backg ound o wo
sepa a e chap e s. This se es o illus a e, we hope, how he diffe en and
mul iplex p ocesses ake place wi hin any gi en na ional con ex .
In au ho i a ian con ex s and one-pa y s a es, he ins i u ionalised p ac-
ices o ci izenship end o co espond o he ideological needs and pe spec-
i es o s a e ac o s in e ms o he ideal o a “good ci izen”. Ye , as
con empo a y communis coun ies, such as China, ha e s a ed o emb ace
s a e-led capi alism, he ela ionships be ween o dina y ci izens and s a e
officials and ins i u ions ha e changed conside ably (Chen 2014, 191). In
highly cen alised communis decision-making, ci izens we e expec ed o
pa icipa e in mass o ganisa ions and submi complain s and pe i ions a
a ious le els in he nonbinding consul a ions o socialis democ acy. Now,
howe e , as o dina y people ha e los many o he benefi s and much o he
secu i y offe ed by he p e ious sys em (Chen 2014, 190–191), hey a e o ced
o add ess go e nmen officials di ec ly h ough collec i e ac ion and pe i-
ioning, which Chen (2014) desc ibes as “con en ious au ho i a ianism”.In
Vie nam, as Le and Nicolaisen desc ibe in Chap e 12, he communis s a e
has assumed he ole o an educa o ha eaches i s ci izens mo ally co ec
beha iou h ough he mechanisms o ewa d and punishmen . Meanwhile,
esponding o inc easing s a e ep ession du ing he COVID-19 pandemic,
small-scale e e yday esis ance and ci izen ac i ism has eme ged beyond s a e
con ol in suppo o he mos ma ginalised g oups, while la ge-scale p o es s
o public mobilisa ions ha e no aken place.
Beyond one-pa y s a es, he ques ion o ci izenship and belonging has
become a ool o na ionalis leade s in an inc easing numbe o coun ies
whe e e hnic na ionalism and au oc a isa ion a e on he ise. Such is India,
whe e di e se ac i is s s uggle be ween con adic o y and con o e sial
solida i ies and o ms o belonging, including class, cas e, and gende . As
Ghosh explains in Chap e 13, Indian quee ac i is s ha e g adually p o-
mo ed new isions o igh s and p i ileges wi h he suppo o local, na ional,
and global o ganisa ions. Some membe s o gende non-con o ming commu-
ni ies, who ha e been his o ically ma ginalised and dispossessed, ha e simul-
aneously ound e uge in Hindu na ionalis ci cles, while o he s de es he
la e ’s xenophobic and pola ising poli ics.
Finally, he con ibu ions in his book bea wi ness o he complex en an-
glemen s o eme gen ac i isms ha a icula e ideal socie al o de s wi h e-
imagina ions o wha ci izenship means and how i is pe o med, enac ed,
and ans o med in di e se con ex s in he Global Sou h. While he chap e s
a e ich in his o ical and con ex ual desc ip ion, hey collec i ely con ibu e
Ci izenship u opias in he Global Sou h 15
o g ea e unde s anding o he con empo a y global dynamics a ound u o-
pias, ac i ism, and disillusionmen s. By highligh ing diffe en aspec s o wha
we call “ci izenship u opias”, hey engage in ou lining con empo a y signals
o ans o ma i e u u es and hei possibili ies.
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Pa I
Ac i ism in imes
o disillusionmen
26 Ma a Kaskinen and Job Mwau a
Following Ma ha e’s oo s eps, nume ous o he in o mal se lemen com-
muni ies o med jus ice cen es in Nai obi and o he ci ies and coun ies, and
oday he e a e a leas 50 cen es ac oss Kenya (OHCHR 2019). The com-
muni y-based cen es o m a na ional Social Jus ice Cen es Wo king G oup
(SJCWG), which has wo ep esen a i es om each cen e and unc ions as
he collec i e oice and coo dina o o jus ice cen es in he Kenyan ci il
socie y. SJCWG is u he di ided in geog aphical chap e s, such as he
Nai obi chap e and he Wes e n chap e ha co e s he Wes e n coun ies in
Kenya. Wi hin he chap e s, he e a e hema ic commi ees ha wo k on
specific opics, such as gende -based iolence o police b u ali y. While he
social jus ice mo emen is based on olun ee wo k and does no equi e
qualifica ions ha a e alued in o mal ci il socie y o ganisa ions, such as
NGOs, i is a highly sophis ica ed collabo a i e ne wo k ha aims a mo e
s aigh o wa d and adical ac i ism han wha he NGO amewo k would
enable. Fo example, he jus ice cen es play a c ucial ole in o ganising he
annual Saba Saba ma ch, and he SJCWG has composed he official Saba
Saba pe i ion since 2018.
Mos ac i is s in jus ice cen es a e young and mos a e women, which
makes he cen es a peculia i y in es ablished ways o ci il socie y o poli ical
o ganising in Kenya, which a e usually senio male domina ed. Acco ding o
an in e iewee om MSJC, he cen e’s leade ship was composed o six
women and one man in 2022. This, acco ding o in e iews, has con ibu ed
o issues such as gende -based iolence being cen al in many cen es’ agen-
das, and o a eminis amewo k being inco po a ed in cen e policies. In
addi ion o women, he cen es also enable young and poo people o ha e
access o spaces whe e hey can ge a sense o agency no possible in o he
o ms o socio-poli ical changemaking. Fo example, becoming in ol ed wi h
Kenyan pa y poli ics equi es capi al and pa on–clien affilia ions ha may
comp omise adical poli ical ambi ions, which o en lea es young people
wi h fi s -hand expe ience o po e y wi hou oppo uni ies (Ran a 2017).
Kenyan pos -colonial ac i is mo emen s ha e ended o claim affilia ion wi h
his o ical symbols o poli ical opposi ion – such as he Mau Mau insu ec ion
agains he B i ish colonial egime – and s a egically combined hose symbols
o he in e na ional human igh s discou se (Pomme olle 2006). The combina-
ion o a socialis e olu iona y discou se and a human igh s discou se was
s ongly emb aced in he jus ice cen es: g affi i and quo es by in e na ional and
na ional independence leade s and socialis figu es deco a ed he walls o MSJC
and o he jus ice cen es, nex o NGO banne s and in o ma ion abou human
igh s and he Kenyan Cons i u ion. In in e iews, he jus ice cen e ac i is s
cul i a ed a discu si e mix u e o le -wing e olu iona y he o ic and human
igh s ja gon when desc ibing hei ac i ism and e e ed o hemsel es as
HRDs. Acco ding o Mu unga (2015), he communi y-le el ac i is s figh ing o
be e li ing and wo king condi ions in Kenya ha e la gely adop ed a human
igh s discou se amewo k o hei ac i ism, while he limi a ion o ha a-
mewo k has no been c i ically assessed much. Howe e , he jus ice cen e

Ac i is con es a ions in socio-poli ical change making in Kenya 27
ac i is s we in e iewed we e c i ical o NGO amewo ks, while emphasising
he need o ope a e wi hin hose amewo ks o s a egic easons, as will be
discussed in mo e de ail nex .
Ve ical dynamics wi hin he ac i is ecosys em
Ac i ism in social mo emen s and ad ocacy in Kenya a e shaped by a ange
o issues. Mwau a (2019) a gues ha class, e hnici y, and poli ical affilia ions
shape he social and poli ical li e o many Kenyans. The main issue ha dis-
inguishes communi y-based and NGO ac i is s is he issue o social s a ifi-
ca ion – class. While he NGO ac i is s possess financial esou ces and asse s
(mainly om dono unding), hey also ha e cul u al capi al: highe le els o
educa ion and local and in e na ional ne wo ks, which p o ide hem wi h a
lo o powe and influence in he ci il socie y. Ac i is s and social mo emen
g oups a he communi y le el in in o mal se lemen s, on he o he hand, a e
less p i ileged. Financial esou ces such as dono unding, a e difficul o
access because he ac i is s’ educa ional achie emen s a e compa a i ely
lowe . While hei g ea es asse is social capi al, h ough which hey a e able
o esona e, ad oca e, and build s onge ne wo ks in he communi ies, hey
o en s ill conside hemsel es o be o a lowe class han he NGO ac i is s.
These dynamics ha p ojec diffe ences o supe io i y and in e io i y, whe e
ac i is s a e de alued o alued depending on weal h, class, esou ces, edu-
ca ion, and cul u al dynamics, is wha we e e o he e as e ical dynamics
wi hin he ac i is ecosys em.
In an in-dep h in e iew conduc ed in ea ly 2019 wi h an ac i is om
MSJC, he esponden lamen ed abou he disconnec be ween NGO ac i is s
and g ass oo s ac i is s and men ioned he ollowing:
The e is a class disconnec be ween us as g ass oo s ac i is s and ac i is s
ope a ing wi hin he NGO sec o . When hey hold impo an o ums ha
affec he people we ad oca e o , hey hold he mee ings in flashy ho els
loca ed in he lea y subu bs o Nai obi. No e e yone can access hese
ho els, pa icula ly because one needs financial esou ces o access hem.
Also, hei s yle o ad ocacy is a bi dis an om ou s. While we a e on he
g ound wi h he communi ies we figh o , he NGO ac i is s ope a e mainly
on digi al media, and people in hese unde p i ileged communi ies canno
affo d a sma phone o da a o pa icipa e in he discussions online.
(In e iew, 9 Janua y 2019)
Despi e he pe cep ions o a disconnec , communi y-based ac i is ne wo ks
ha e had o find ways o wo king in collabo a ion wi h he “ o mal” side o
Kenyan ci il socie y, namely, NGOs and UN o ganisa ions, o a ious ea-
sons. As social jus ice cen es ope a e ully wi h a olun ee o ce and a e
composed o people li ing in in o mal se lemen s, esou ces o wo king on
la ge scale campaigns a e limi ed. Acco ding o he in e iewees, many
28 Ma a Kaskinen and Job Mwau a
campaigns and p o es s ha equi e ma e ial esou ces and legal suppo
a e conduc ed in collabo a ion wi h unded NGOs, who may p o ide ain-
ing, ca e o a el expenses, and o ganise -shi s, banne s, o o he sup-
po ing ma e ial o s ee p o es s. Addi ionally, NGO p esence is c ucial o
g ass oo s p o ec ion in p o es s in which conflic wi h he police is
p obable – such as Saba Saba – as hey can p o ide legal suppo and finan-
cial assis ance in paying o bail o hose a es ed. While he communi y-based
ac i is mo emen benefi s om such collabo a ion ma e ially and legally, he
mo emen is also c ucial o NGOs, as unde s equi e hei wo k o be
ancho ed in g ass oo s eali ies. This is some imes pe cei ed as ingenious
om he communi y-le el pe spec i e, as NGOs a e seen wo king om i o y
owe s and hei wo k a he g ass oo s le el migh no eflec he eali ies o
migh se bounda ies o how ha wo k should be execu ed (Jones, Kima i,
and Ramak ishnan 2017).
Du ing he ea lie -discussed ci il socie y “boom” o he 1990s, NGOs laid
s a egies ha would gi e hem an edge while seeking unding and o he
esou ces in Kenya. One o he hings hey did was o es ablish offices in
upma ke u ban cen es in Nai obi and elsewhe e, hi e na ional and in e -
na ional p o essional s aff in a ious po olios like und aise s, accoun s
manage s, p ojec s manage s, communi y wo ke s, communica ion office s,
among o he s. The ocus o hei ad ocacy also b oadened fi s , by ocusing
on bigge geog aphical a eas, and second, by including a mix o ocus a eas
such as heal h, gende , and go e nance. While some o he issues o NGO
ad ocacy ocused on sol ing p ac ical p oblems o low-income Kenyans, hey
also included agendas ha we e d i en by dono ideologies. In line wi h
many o he c i ics, W igh (2012) a gues ha while dono s gained he powe
o se he de elopmen agenda, NGOs became T ojan ho ses o global neo-
libe alism. These NGO ans o ma ions owa ds eli ism and p o essionalism,
while no necessa ily bad in hei own igh , necessi a ed wo hings. Fi s , i
made NGOs un like co po a e businesses, in which eli e jobs would be
ound. Second, and as Leh -Lehna d (2005, 22) no es, NGOs began o ha e
a e y diffe en ou look om hei in ended beneficia ies and became
de ached om poo , uneduca ed, and ma ginalised communi ies. This esul-
ed in disillusionmen wi h he NGO sphe e among poo communi ies and
especially he you h, as many o hem el neglec ed in ci il socie y discus-
sions. In effec , his con ibu ed o he es ablishmen o communi y-based
mo emen cen es like MSJC, o push o he g ass oo s agenda especially in
in o mal se lemen s (Jones, Kima i, and Ramak ishnan 2017).
Ou esea ch unea hed pe cep ions o a class disconnec and con es a ions
be ween communi y-based social jus ice ac i is s and NGO ac i is s. O e -
iding sen imen s cap u ed in in e iews e ol ed a ound unding and
cul u al capi al. The in e locu o s men ioned ha :
NGOs ha e financing, and hey ha e he powe o dic a e which issues
a e ad oca ed o . Some imes g ass oo s ac i is s eel his may di ec
Ac i is con es a ions in socio-poli ical change making in Kenya 29
hem away om he main goals hey see mos ele an om hei pe -
spec i e, as unde s’ pe spec i es may diffe … Money is a big ac o .
They [NGO ac i is s] ha e di ided he human igh s ac i is s and all
hese o ganisa ions because he NGOs a e figh ing social jus ice because
o money. The human igh de ende s e en wi hin hemsel es a e figh ing
each o he …
(FGD, MSJC, 25 Feb ua y 2022)
In addi ion, many o he jus ice cen e ac i is s had pos -seconda y school
qualifica ion, which was no sufficien o allow hem o wo k in highly p o-
essionalised NGOs. In he NGO sec o , employees a e equi ed o ha e
highe educa ion qualifica ions and academic le el p oficiency in English –
which mos young people and ac i is s in in o mal se lemen s would be
unable o ulfil. Howe e , such qualifica ions a e no needed o becoming
in ol ed wi h communi y-le el human igh s ac i ism, in which he unde -
s anding o human igh s and he local con ex and ha ing passion o hem
is conside ed enough o join he mo emen . One ac i is no ed ha while
hei educa ion le els we e no enough o wo k in an NGO, i was mo e
impo an o unde s and he g ass oo s eali ies in ac i ism:
Fo someone o wo k as a human igh s de ende in he NGOs, one has o
ha e a ce ain educa ion qualifica ion which can also a ac unding. Bu
om ou expe ience, we do no need he expec ed educa ion qualifica ion –
bu only need an unde s anding o human igh s and an unde s anding o
he con ex you a e wo king on. The unde s anding can be gained in
a ious ways o he han by holding o mal educa ion qualifica ion.
(FGD, MSJC, 25 Feb ua y 2022)
These ends o domina ion, class, and powe play in human igh s and
social jus ice ac i ism be ween NGO ac i is s and communi y-le el ac i is s
is wha we e e o as e ical dynamics he e. These diffe en le els o o ga-
nising ci il socie y ha e p o oundly diffe en s a ing poin s o human igh s
ac i ism, as he p o essional NGOs wo k wi hin he amewo ks o global
ins i u ional s uc u es ha ha e ounda ions in pos colonial and neolibe al
inequali ies, while he jus ice cen es ha e oo s in social jus ice s uggles.
Despi e he us a ion many communi y-based social jus ice ac i is s a icu-
la ed abou his disconnec , hey acknowledged ha collabo a ion wi h
NGOs is necessa y and a bes is ui ul o hei agendas, oo. Nex , we will
sc u inise how hese e ical dynamics eflec on con es ing dynamics on a
ho izon al le el among jus ice cen e ac i is s.
“Ho izon al iolence” in jus ice cen e ac i ism
In addi ion o he mu ually beneficial bu a imes, delimi ing ela ions
be ween NGOs and he communi y le el in social jus ice ac i ism,
30 Ma a Kaskinen and Job Mwau a
con es a ions also occu ed wi hin he jus ice cen e ac i is spaces ho izon-
ally. In a FGD wi h ac i is s om MSJC and in some in e iews, ensions
we e desc ibed as common be ween diffe en ac i is communi ies, such as
jus ice cen es o o he communi y-le el ac i is ini ia i es, and o en e e ed
o as “ho izon al iolence”. An impo an aspec o he con ex o such
ensions was compe i ion o limi ed esou ces ha a e needed o unning
cos s and campaigning. Usually, esou ces ha e come om coope a ion wi h
NGOs in specific ini ia i es, which has caused bo h oppo uni ies and eel-
ings o being bypassed, as was discussed abo e. Howe e , ac i is s men ioned
ha jus ice cen e ini ia i es a e now ge ing di ec unds o hei ope a ions
oo, o example om UN ins i u ions and Global No h based NGOs. Bu
because jus ice cen es ha e expanded ac oss he coun y du ing he pas decade
and dono unding has dwindled, unds o communi y-le el ac i is ope a-
ions ha e become inc easingly difficul o access. Thus, se e al jus ice cen e
ini ia i es a e campaigning o he same cause, o example c ea ing compe -
ing hash ags o social media, and no collabo a ing e en i ha we e bene-
ficial o he ou each. This way, one ac i is no ed, one g oup aims o gain
ecogni ion o e he o he : “I ’s no like we – as human igh s ac i is s – we
ough his, bu we wan ecogni ion. We wan ha ecogni ion ha we a e
he people p omo ing hese hings” (FGD, MSJC, 25 Feb ua y 2022).
Acco ding o some ac i is s, he compe i ion o unds has led o ac i is
communi ies filing public complain s agains each o he o damage hei
epu a ion, in o de o elimina e hem om he unding compe i ion. One
male jus ice cen e ac i is desc ibed wha commonly happens when an ac i is
communi y aises allega ions agains ano he :
So, you ha e a nished he o he mo emen , so ha hey don’ access
unds. Then you will no say ha we a e doing he same hing. “So
please, help us wi h unds.” So, i ’s a ho izon al iolence, whe e ac i is s
a e figh ing agains each o he o su i al, because his space is whe e
ou passion is. And mos o us, i no all, a e no in o mal employmen .
So, we su i e in ou ac i ism. I money comes, ha ’s whe e figh ing
comes.
(FGD, MSJC, 25 Feb ua y 2022)
An efficien way o “ a nish” ano he ini ia i e’s epu a ion was men ioned as
being epo s on sexual ha assmen among ac i is s. As he abo e quo ed
ac i is said, sexual ha assmen is “a new end ha people a e aking o
figh he mo emen ”, in which ac i is s a e epo ing on each o he om
diffe en communi ies o sexual ha assmen , which hampe s o he cen es’
unding oppo uni ies. Al hough in es iga ing he mo i es behind he com-
plain s on sexual ha assmen and epo s was beyond he ocus o ou
esea ch, i was e iden in ou da a ha ac i is s, bo h male and emale,
pe cei ed he phenomenon nega i ely. Howe e , he con ex o compe i ion
among ac i is g oups also o ced hem o ake any allega ions se iously,
Ac i is con es a ions in socio-poli ical change making in Kenya 31
ega dless o wha hey pe sonally hough . Fo example, a emale ac i is in
a leade ship posi ion in MSJC explained he con adic o y eelings ha
sexual ha assmen allega ions wi hin he ne wo k cause:
You’ e like po aying a bad pic u e wi h he dono s. Pe sonally, I will
say mos o i is p opaganda, bu because we’ e s ill in he g ow h p o-
cess, we usually ake hese ma e s e y se iously. I I alk abou Ma ha e
Social Jus ice, we don’ condone [sexual ha assmen ] … we make su e
e e y membe signs he Code o Conduc . And we ha e people commi
o he sexual ha assmen policy. When you b eak i , we usually suspend
you.
(In e iew, 3 Ma ch 2022)
He iews indica e ha e en i she and o he s in he cen e may no belie e in
he hones y o all epo ed allega ions, hey s ill eel obliged o go h ough
wi h in es iga ions and gi e sanc ions when needed. Howe e , sexual ha -
assmen policies and codes o conduc do no always lead o consequences in
he jus ice cen es, as o example, he abo e in e iewee also men ioned ha
many women d op allega ions due o lacking e idence. Ne e heless, he e
was a sha ed unde s anding among ac i is s figh ing o esou ces a he
communi y le el ha dono ins i u ions do no a ou collabo a ing wi h
g ass oo s ini ia i es when ha assmen occu s. As Jones, Kima i, and
Ramak ishnan (2017) no e, olun ee -based ac i is o ganising ends o
mi o bu eauc a ic ins i u ional s uc u es o en seen in human igh s ins i-
u ions’ policy ames, e en when ac i is s a e pa ly d i en by disillusion-
men wi h hose exac s uc u es. The jus ice cen es’ sexual ha assmen
policies can be in e p e ed as such mi o ing, especially as mos o ou
in e locu o s conside ed hem mo e as a necessa y e il han as policies ha
migh suppo he in eg i y o he mo emen .
Some schola s ha e iden ified infigh ing and o he wi hin-mo emen ensions
as majo causes o bu nou in ac i is s (Go ski 2019; Plyle 2009). Fo many
ac i is s, opp essi e socie al con ex s, o ea o being a es ed o e en killed
may no cause as much s ess as in e nal conflic s be ween pee s (Plyle 2009).
In he Kenyan social jus ice mo emen , many ac i is s a icula ed us a ion
wi h ho izon al con es a ions, as he s uggles and ac i is wo k a e simila
ac oss he mo emen . As one esponden pu i : “We a e a he same le el, we
should be figh ing o a common goal, bu I’m seeing you as he enemy”.The
compe i i e amewo k o unding c ea es dis us and di ision among ac i is s,
which may lead o ac i is s d opping ou as hei li e si ua ions a e o en bu -
densome e en wi hou addi ional s esso s caused by in e nal conflic s. Ne e -
heless, ocusing on ackling he issues ha cause ensions, such as sexual
ha assmen allega ions may a bes o ce he mo emen o become mo e sensi-
i e abou such issues. This can be essen ial o mo emen g ow h in he long
e m, as c ea ing sa e and mo e egula ed spaces may encou age inclusion as
mo e young women om diffe en backg ounds ha e lowe h esholds o

32 Ma a Kaskinen and Job Mwau a
become in ol ed in jus ice cen e ac i ism. Nex , we will look a how ac i is
dynamics a e ical and ho izon al le els appea in he case o an annual p o-
es ha is planned and execu ed by mul iple ac o s in he Kenyan human igh s
and social jus ice ac i is mo emen .
Saba Saba Ma ch o Ou Li es as a s age o communi y owne ship o
ac i ism
The annual Saba Saba ma ch c ea es an a ena o Kenyan human igh s
ac i is s o wo k oge he o a common goal, despi e con es a ions a bo h
e ical and ho izon al le els. Each yea , he p o es ocuses on specific
hemes o human igh s iola ions ha ha e been opical especially o he
in o mal se lemen communi ies ha yea . In 2020, he COVID-19 es ic-
ions had changed he al eady challenging si ua ion in in o mal se lemen s
o almos unbea able. The cu ew ha hinde ed people’s li elihoods and
compulso y use o masks we e no possible o ollow o many, which esul-
ed in inc easing police b u ali y. Addi ionally, people s aying home inc eased
gende -based iolence. (Mu ahi and Wanji u 2020; Rockowi z e al. 2021.)
Agains hese ci cums ances, he 2020 Saba Saba ma ch ocused especially on
police b u ali y and he iola ion o he cons i u ional igh o basic needs
(Ma ha e Social Jus ice Cen e 2020). Because o COVID-19 es ic ions,
public ga he ings had been banned, which ga e he police an excuse o a es
56 p o es e s, while using ea gas and iolence o dispe se he p o es .
Acco ding o in e iewed ac i is s, his was one o he mo e memo able and
iolen Saba Saba ma ches in nea his o y, while a he same ime, i was also
ecalled wi h p ide and eelings o solida i y. Police b u ali y du ing he p o-
es only s eng hened p o es e s’ sense o uni y agains a common enemy,
b inging ac i is s om diffe en communi y le el ne wo ks oge he . As an
ac i is om he Kayole Communi y Jus ice Cen e pu i :
Du ing 2020 Saba Saba, wha inspi ed me was he ac ha yes, we can
ha e people powe in his coun y, and i can educe a lo o iolence in
ou a eas. I ’s because he e was a lo o solida i y, people coming oge-
he . A ha momen people a e no e en looking who you a e wo king
wi h. We we e sha ing his momen oge he .
(In e iew, 11 Ma ch 2022)
While he 2020 Saba Saba was pe cei ed as a culmina ion o solida i y om
a communi y-le el pe spec i e due o sha ed us a ion du ing he ex a-
o dina y pandemic con ex , such uni y does no occu e e y yea . Many
esponden s desc ibed lack o clea ocus being a common p oblem in Saba
Saba ma ches, as ac i is s may elease a ious pa allel pe i ions ha conflic
wi h he agenda ag eed in he planning. Addi ionally, emale ac i is s men-
ioned gende - ela ed ensions as being cen al in o ganising he Saba Saba
ma ch. While women o m he majo i y o ac i is s in jus ice cen es and
Ac i is con es a ions in socio-poli ical change making in Kenya 33
hei ole is ema kable in pu ing oge he he p o es s, hey a gued ha
women’s ole is no ecognised as isibly as ha o male ac i is s.
Howe e , he e we e mo e conce ns ela ed o he e ical con es a ions in
Saba Saba ha eflec ed wide dynamics wi hin he human igh s ac i is
sphe e. Many jus ice cen e ac i is s p oblema ised b anding du ing he p o-
es , as NGOs, poli ical pa ies and o he ins i u ions’ isibili y in he ma ch
may comp omise communi y owne ship o he p o es . As a male ac i is
om MSJC pu i :
Because he eason why we a e no b anding, we’ e no ca ying flags,
we’ e no singing social jus ice, is because we wan he common mwa-
nanchi [ci izen] o eel ha his is pa o hei p oblem. And i ’sup o
hem o come o he s ee s.
(FGD, MSJC, 25 Feb ua y 2022)
Along he same lines, he p esence o eli e ac i is s, such as he in e -
na ionally ecognised ac i is Boni ace Mwangi, caused con adic o y
esponses om esponden s. On he one hand, hey a ac media a en ion
and can be help ul wi h hei long expe ience in p o es ing. On he o he
hand, eli e ac i is s may p o oke police iolence in he p o es while hemsel es
enjoying secu i y by hei ame, as one emale ac i is poin ed ou :
So, he [Boni ace Mwangi] can alk o hem [ he police] any way he
wan s, hen hey’ e like “we canno ouch you”. So, he can do wha e e
he wan s. You canno ouch him, bu he police ge ang y. Because hey
don’ ha e he powe . Fo me i ’sdiffe en , I’m a es ed again be o e I
ge ou o he police s a ion.
(FGD, 8 July 2021)
In gene al, ac i is s ecalled he 2020 Saba Saba ma ch as especially powe ul
because all communi y-le el ac i is s had a clea , common agenda ha was
p o oked by he effec s o COVID-19 measu es. Solida i y and ange among
p o es e s we e only s eng hened by he excessi e police iolence, while i al
ideo clips o ang y p o es e s – such as he one desc ibed a he beginning
o his chap e – filled Kenyan social media spaces du ing and a e he p o-
es . While a an e e yday le el, collabo a ing wi h NGOs and o he dono
ins i u ions c ea es he need o social jus ice ac i is s o use he he o ical
ame o ins i u ionalised human igh s policy s a egically, his was ha dly
he case o hem du ing he Saba Saba ma ch. Ra he , he annual p o es
was pe cei ed as a s age o poo and wo king-class ac i is s o uni e and
figh o mo e poli ical agendas and in mo e adical o ms han usually seen
in he human igh s ac i is amewo k. I was hus impo an o he ac i is s
ha he “common mwananchi” has owne ship o he p o es , ins ead o
NGOs o poli ical en i ies, allowing i o ha e mo e esemblance o e olu ionis
s uggle han ins i u ional human igh s ac i ism.
34 Ma a Kaskinen and Job Mwau a
Conclusion
Jus ice cen e ac i is s who ope a e a he communi y le el a e a i al pa o
he Kenyan ci il socie y ecosys em ha has been simul aneously expanding
on a mo e in o mal g ass oo s le el, and sh inking in ega ds o unded CSO
ope a ions du ing he pas decade. As a way o na iga ing wi hin he con-
ex ual cons ain s o ci il socie y – such as s a e hos ili y, compe i ion o e
esou ces, and significan class diffe ence – hese ac i is s fluen ly and s a-
egically combine diffe en discu si e amewo ks o socio-poli ical change
making. On he one hand, hey adhe e o he “people powe ” e olu iona y
he o ic o social jus ice mo emen s, akin o he (A ican) socialis discou se
o an i-colonial ac i is mo emen s such as he Mau Mau insu gency. They
insis on communi y owne ship o ac i ism in ins ances such as he Saba
Saba ma ch, which has oo s in he poli ical opposi ion and social jus ice. On
he o he hand, jus ice cen e ac i is s ha e adop ed bu eauc a ic policy
s uc u es and a human igh s he o ic ha enables access o global ins i u-
ional human igh s amewo ks. This is embodied as comp ehensi e sexual
ha assmen policies and codes o conduc , and he use o human igh s
policy language. In his dynamic composi ion ein o ced by ecen con ex ual
cons ain s o ac i ism, jus ice cen e ac i is s balance be ween e olu-
iona y s uggles, and he financial and ma e ial impossibili y o figh ing
hose s uggles on hei own e ms.
While he jus ice cen e ac i is s pe cei ed comp omises and collabo a ion
as being necessa y o success in he compe i i e unding scheme, hey did
no iew he bu eauc a ic s uc u es posi i ely, as hei hough s abou sexual
ha assmen allega ions indica ed. Con es a ions ha he ac i is s pe cei ed
de i ing om ho izon al compe i ion and e ical powe dynamics comp o-
mised he oppo uni ies o s aigh o wa d ac ion and adical communi y
owne ship o ac i is ini ia i es. Al hough con es a ions among ac i is s may
esul in demo i a ion and disillusionmen (Go ski 2019), s udies show ha
being pa o an ac i is g oup enhances indi idual well-being in a numbe o
ways, especially o young ac i is s, due o a sense o collec i e accomplish-
men and eelings o empowe men (Mon ague and Ei oa-O osa 2018). Ou
in e locu o s, oo, exp essed eelings o empowe men and joy when hinking
abou collec i e achie emen s when ac i is s s ood up o hemsel es and
agains he au ho i ies, such as he 2020 Saba Saba p o es . A an e e yday
le el, howe e , he con es ing o ces we e mainly pe cei ed as dis ac i e o
effec i e ac i ism.
Howe e , we a gue ha he dynamic and c ea i e coexis ence o diffe en
amewo ks o socie al change can also ha e beneficial impac s on he ac i-
is mo emen as a whole. Fo example, e en i sexual ha assmen policies
may no gua an ee ha assmen - ee spaces o i he policies we e abused in
he name o a nishing o he ac i is ini ia i es’ epu a ion, as he ac i is s
specula ed, i is likely ha allega ions a e made also because sexual ha ass-
men exis s, and he policies encou age epo ing. S ic policy ames may
Ac i is con es a ions in socio-poli ical change making in Kenya 35
allow he communi y-le el mo emen o become mo e di e se i hey enable
women and mino i y g oups o eel mo e secu e in ac i is spaces. Addi ion-
ally, dynamic collabo a ion be ween ac o s a e ical and ho izon al le els o
he ac i is mo emen is impo an o suppo ing a ib an ci il socie y
ecosys em o wo k o he g ea e good o he people i se es. This said,
ac i is s should ha e he space o exp ess c i ical conce ns abou he eali ies
o cu en collabo a ion. The sub le c i icism o communi y-based social
jus ice ac i is s o he NGO human igh s amewo k and i s eli is dis ance
om communi y eali ies is an impo an aspec o a heal hy ci il socie y
ecosys em, albei some imes inconspicuous.
No es
1 We diffe en ia e NGOs om CSOs he e in ega d o hei scopes: CSOs can be any
es ablished o non-es ablished o ganisa ions o popula mo emen s (including
NGOs), while NGOs e e o es ablished o ganisa ions ha o en seek o ecei e
ex e nal unding.
2 Jubilee coali ion is a poli ical pa y in Kenya and was he uling poli ical pa y
om 2016 un il 13 Sep embe 2022. I was o med a e a me ge o many smalle
poli ical pa ies. When he pa y was o med, i pledged o ensu e de olu ion o
powe , p o ec ion o mino i ies and he ma ginalised, and non-disc imina ion on
he basis o ace, sex, eligion, e hnici y, o any o he bias.
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Pa is: Édi ions de la Maison des sciences de l’homme.
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42 Yahia Benyamina
o ganise and p omo e ep esen a i es, he dis us among poli ical eli es and
o dina y ci izens, he memo ies o he ci il wa expe ienced du ing he 1990s
and he en ie -based policies ha allowed he egime o main ain social peace
(Addi 2017; Volpi 2013).
The ad en o he so-called A ab Sp ing was a u ning poin o Bou eflika’s
egime. Unlike he egime changes in Tunisia and Egyp , o he ci il wa s in
Sy ia, Libya and Yemen, he Alge ian egime could p ese e i s hold on
poli ical li e hanks o he financial esou ces o he s a e, which allowed i o
abso b he ange o p o es e s in 2011 and he memo y o he 1990 ci il wa .
Ne e heless, he new egional en i onmen has o ced poli ical au ho i ies o
unde ake new poli ical e o ms in which he li ing o he s a e o eme gency
has enabled many opposi ion mo emen s o pa icipa e in poli ics. As a
esul , some ac i is s ha e joined, o example, he Na ional Coo dina ion o
Change and Democ acy, an opposi ion mo emen c ea ed by young people
ep essed du ing he 2011 p o es s (Baama a 2012). O he s pa icipa ed in
he ba ake (‘enough’) mo emen , which challenged P esiden Bou eflika’s
candidacy o a ou h e m in 2014. In he sou h, in e -communi y clashes in
he M’zab egion (Wilaya o Gha daïa) be ween 2013 and 2015 offe ed
challenges o ce ain adi ional o ms o solida i y by which he egime in
place has d awn i s legi imacy o decades (Hadj-Moussa 2019).
Elsewhe e, social media pla o ms ha e emb aced many campaigns agains
he go e nmen ’s policies. Fo example, in esponse o he in oduc ion o
mo e expensi e au omobiles han hose a ailable in he in e na ional ma -
ke s, a campaign called Khaliha Tasda (“le i us ”) was launched by ac i-
is s on Facebook o change his new poli ical policy. The same spaces
emb aced a boyco campaign agains he 2017 legisla i e elec ions unde he
slogan Ma Nsou ich (“I do no jump”), a campaign ha con ibu ed o a
decline in o e u nou om 42.9% in 2012 o 35.37%.
A he ime o his s udy, P esiden Bou eflika had almos en i ely dis-
appea ed om he public sphe e due o a s oke ha he suffe ed in 2013, which
spa ked much con o e sy ega ding his abili y o lead he coun y. The
Na ional Libe a ion F on and Na ional Democ a ic Rally domina ed he elec-
ed councils and go e nmen in a way ha excluded he o he poli ical o ces
om poli ical li e. This pe iod is also known as a e u n o economic aus e i y
due o he decline in oil and gas p ices, Alge ia’s main expo s in he in e na-
ional ma ke s. The ambigui y su ounding he manne o decision-making in
s a e ins i u ions, in pa icula wi h he g owing influence o a lobbying g oup o
businessmen in alliance wi h he b o he o he p esiden , has agg a a ed
ensions, which ul ima ely culmina ed in he hi ak mo emen in Feb ua y 2022.
Disa owing poli ics: Nega i e unde s andings o poli ics and he
poli ical sphe e
I ha e al eady poin ed ou ha young people claiming “poli ical disa owal”
p e e ci ic ac i ism ins ead o poli ical ac i ism. When asking hem abou

Disa owing poli ics 43
his choice, hei answe s we e di ec ly linked o hei nega i e unde -
s andings o he wo d “poli ics” and he “poli ical sphe e”. Mo eo e , hei
eac ions o he poli ical componen o my in e iew ques ions eflec ed
nega i e a i udes.
3
Some p e e ed o mo e beyond hese ypes o ques ions,
while o he s ei he p o ed less inclined o ques ions ela ed o poli ical pa -
icipa ion in compa ison o ques ions ela ed o ci ic engagemen o hey
ga e a succinc esponse, such as “I don’ ha e any ela ion wi h o in e es in
poli ics”. E en hei physical ges u es p o ed meaning ul wi h ega d o hei
nega i e a i ude ega ding poli ics, such as emaining silen o a while
be o e answe ing o offe ing a sligh smile o shake o he head, and some-
imes e en exp essing doub as o whe he he esea che migh no be a
secu i y agen . As I discuss below in mo e de ail, analysing hei answe s and
eac ions e ealed ha ea , complexi y, co up ion, and scep icism we e he
main ca ego ies ha s uc u ed hei unde s andings o poli ical ac i ism.
Fi s , hei ea was connec ed o he egime’s ep essi e ac ics, especially
when i comes o joining opposi ion mo emen s o allies demanding a
adical change. In some cases, i was in o med by he his o y o iolence ha
shaped poli ical li e in Alge ia. The in e iewed young people men ioned
se e al imes he example o he ci il wa du ing he 1990s. The wa had
played an impo an ole in he poli ical disillusionmen o a la ge numbe o
Alge ians a e he g adual ans o ma ion om a sense o hope linked o he
sho -li ed expe ience o a democ a ic ansi ion (1989–1992) in o he
“na ional agedy” cha ac e ised by hund eds o dea hs, pe iodic massac es,
and housands o people missing (Ze aoulia 2020). Al hough young people
did no di ec ly expe ience his wa , he memo ies ansmi ed o hem,
whe he by hei amilies, he media, a ious associa ions, o poli ical ac o s
de ending he igh s o ic ims o his pe iod, made hem suspicious o any
poli ical ini ia i e, especially opposi ion mo emen s. S a e au ho i ies could
easily manipula e such collec i e memo ies and use public ea o i s own
ad an age. Du ing he so-called A ab Sp ing, o example, he uling poli-
ical eli e wa ned he ci izens who ook o he s ee s in 2011 o omen ing
“chaos” and “ins abili y” simila o he si ua ion in he 1990s o in se e al
o he coun ies in he egion a ha ime (Addi 2017).
Second, wi h ega d o complexi y, schola s ha e demons a ed ha an
inc eased le el o educa ion enhances an unde s anding o “poli ics” (Pe sson
2013). Al hough all he ac i is s ha I s udied we e ei he uni e si y s uden s o
had al eady comple ed hei uni e si y deg ee, such complexi y appea s mo e
closely connec ed o he opaci y cha ac e ising how he poli ical egime ope a es
and he difficul ies in unde s anding many decisions. Young people no ed a lack
o eliable in o ma ion and anspa ency in he managemen o public affai s,
bu also in “ he cul u e o in o mali y” ha shapes poli ical p ac ices in he
coun y. This poin was especially salien in discussions abou who eally go -
e ns Alge ia (Hachemaoui 2016). Many in e iewees epo edly belie e ha he
decision-making p ocess akes place “behind he scenes”, while ins i u ional
a angemen s only o malise decisions al eady made by unknown o ces.
44 Yahia Benyamina
Thi d, o he esponden s, co up ion mainly means he p ac ice o pu -
suing p i a e in e es s and en ichmen ha is bo h illegal and easy. Unde -
s ood also as oppo unism, co up ion p o oked wo ypes o deba e. The
fi s ela es o he influence o he so-called “di y money” in poli ics. A he
ime o my fieldwo k, he use o money o influence he poli ical p ocess (e.g.
o pu chase an elec o al lis , o e s, and s a e officials) had inc eased con-
side ably and p o oked widesp ead deba e in he newspape s and on social
media, among diffe ing poli ical o ces and e en by s a e officials (D is-Aï
Hamadouche 2020). This p ac ice has nega i ely impac ed he alue o poli-
ical ac i ism. One esponden exp essed i as ollows: “I is useless o spend
ime being an ac i is in a poli ical pa y. I is enough o ha e chka a (li -
e ally means bag, he e used in e e ence o money) o ob ain a poli ical
posi ion.” The second deba e connec s disengagemen om poli ics wi h
eligious alues. Co up ion has igge ed dicho omies, o halal (pe mi ed)
and ha am (p ohibi ed), as o wha is conside ed mo ally good o bad
acco ding o Islam.
Finally, scep icism eme ged as a dis inc ca ego y ha has shaped young
people’s unde s andings o poli ics. I is mainly based on pas indi idual o
collec i e expe iences wi h poli icians and poli ical li e. In se e al ins ances,
he esponden s men ioned he un ulfilled p omises made by poli icians
du ing elec ions and poli ical e en s o he inabili y o ce ain o ganisa ions
o b ing abou eal change in socie y. In his ega d, he young people ea -
fi med he c isis o dis us in e e y hing ela ed o poli ics (D is-Aï
Hamadouche 2020). In pa icula , hey se e ely c i icised he exis ing poli-
ical pa ies, pe cei ing he opposi ion as me ely a p agma ic s a egy used by
poli ical ac o s o pu p essu e on he egime in an effo o ob ain pe sonal
p i ileges o as an ins umen o he poli ical egime o decei e people and
in e na ional opinion wi h espec o democ a ic ule. Some e en c i icised
olun ee ing o being manipula ed by poli icians and he uling poli ical
powe , no ing ha one o hei objec i es is o pu i y i om his ype o
poli ical manipula ion.
Two kinds o “poli ics” o a oid
The s udied young people highligh ed wo meanings o “poli ics” ha hey
wan o a oid. The fi s one is na ow, as discussed abo e, meaning he
“mani es o m o poli ical ac i ism” ha akes place pa icula ly in poli ical
pa ies and opposi ion mo emen s. These ypes o poli ical o ganisa ions
imply di ec in ol emen in poli ical li e, and bo h a e pe cei ed nega i ely
by he esponden s. As an al e na i e, he esponden s p e e engaging only
in ci il socie y o ganisa ions and engaging in ac i i ies ha do no “dis u b”
o a ac he a en ion o poli icians. The second meaning is b oade . I
includes abs ac p ac ices and beha iou s ha he s udied young people
belie e ha a e also a o m o poli ics ha mus be a oided. In his ligh , he
cases o Hassan and Halima illus a e his second meaning qui e well.
Disa owing poli ics 45
Hassan, a 22-yea -old uni e si y s uden , is an ac i is in an associa ion
conce ned wi h you h de elopmen . He began doing olun ee wo k a he
age o 18 wi h an in o mal olun ee g oup engaged in social wo k. A e wo
yea s, he le his g oup and joined he you h associa ion in which he was
ac i e a he ime o he in e iew. When deba ing he easons o abandon-
ing he in o mal olun a y g oup, Hassan p o ided a se o p ac ices ha he
sough o a oid. He poin ed ou :
When I olun ee , I p e e ecogni ion o o he s o my wo k wi hou
sea ching o ge hei a en ion by pos ing pho os o sp eading de ama-
o y s a emen s. This p ac ice has dis o ed olun ee ing and aliena ed
many people om i .
On he o he hand, Halima, a 24-yea -old uni e si y s uden , began olun-
ee ing wi h an in o mal olun ee g oup a he age o 16. A e six yea s, she
became esponsible o he b anch o a na ional associa ion conce ned wi h
you h de elopmen in he ci y o O an. She complained abou he bad
p ac ices she had expe ienced while engaging in ci ic ac i ism, saying:
Some olun ee s don’ le you ad ance, and hey us a e you wi h
uncons uc i e c i icism. They don’ ake in o conside a ion you age o
ha you’ e s ill lea ning. Wha in e es s hem is des oying you. Wha I
do is noble and ee wo k; I don’ expec any e u n, and despi e ha , I
ha e encoun e ed many p oblems.
The examples p o ided by hese young people cla i y wha young people
mean by he ype o “poli ics” hey a e seeking o a oid. As explained abo e,
ea , complexi y, co up ion, and scep icism a e how young people unde -
s and he poli ical sphe e. Though hese unde s andings eflec he abs ac
ea u es and p ac ices ha define he ype o “poli ics” hey wan o a oid,
hey do no p o ide a specific amewo k whe e hey a e p ac ised (e.g. poli-
ical pa ies, associa ions, ade unions, p o es s). In his ein, he de es able
p ac ices in he field o olun ee ism men ioned by Hassan and Halima can
also be conside ed “poli ics”, and he e o e, such o ms o poli ics should
a oid becoming linked o such p ac ices as co up ion, mis us , g eed, ea ,
exploi a ion, manipula ion, and oppo unism. Such poli ics ha e no angible
o conc e e limi s because hey en ail p ac ices ha may exis e e ywhe e.
The “apoli ical” and “non-poli ical” aspec s o engagemen in he public
sphe e
Volun ee ing wi h ci il socie y o ganisa ions is he main o m o engagemen
o he s udied young people. Howe e , gi en hei s a e o suspiciousness
and scep icism o anyone ac i e in he public sphe e, he young people s i e
o diffe en ia e hemsel es by emphasising ha hei engagemen is an
46 Yahia Benyamina
in eg al pa o he p ocesses o socie al inclusion and he social and eco-
nomic de elopmen o he communi y, and he e o e, which gi es hei
engagemen meanings and pu pose o he han jus “doing poli ics”. I e m
such p ac ices he “non-poli ical aspec s o engagemen in he public sphe e”.
They mainly encompass, on he one hand, he mo i a ions o young
esponden s o become in ol ed in olun a y g oups in he fi s place, and on
he o he , he esul s o hei in ol emen , meaning se ices and ac i i ies
ha benefi he communi y.
Conce ning mo i a ions, he s udied young people lis ed a se o ad an-
ages ha hey could achie e due o hei engagemen . In his ein, social
ne wo king is one such ad an age. Th ough engagemen , hey can make
use ul con ac s, whe he wi h membe s o he olun a y g oup o h ough he
g oup o o ganisa ion. Indeed, wi hin he amewo k o olun a y ac i i ies,
many o hem had al eady had he oppo uni y o mee public officials, p i-
a e and public unde s, and media p o essionals, e en o collabo a e wi h
in e na ional o ganisa ions. Employmen and gaining p o essional expe ience
a e ano he mo i a ing ac o s influencing he engagemen o some young
people. By assuming ce ain paid o unpaid posi ions wi hin associa ions
(e.g. financial and adminis a i e managemen , sec e a ial wo k, chai ing he
associa ion, o leading a olun a y p ojec ), young people become amilia
wi h p o essional li e. Fo o he s, olun ee ing gi es hem an oppo uni y o
de elop p o essional expe ise in es ablishing and managing o mally egis e ed
associa ions.
In e ms o he ad an ages, he esponden s also join an associa ion ou o
a desi e o be pa o a specialised aining p og am (e.g. e u bishing he
s ones o old buildings in he case o young people om he local he i age
p ese a ion associa ion) o o acqui e “so skills”, pa icula ly wi h ega d
o how o connec and communica e wi h o he s and enhance hei pe sonal
abili ies. Likewise, finding a sa e and us ing space o mee , make iends,
exchange in o ma ion, and spend one’s spa e ime appea ed equen ly in he
s a emen s o young people. This aspec also implies a gende ed dimension
when used by young women o con ince hei amilies o emain ou side
a while longe o when coming home la e in he e ening. In ac , se e al
young women poin ed ou ha socie y and amilies s ill con ol he mo e-
men o women in public space and ha an associa ion is one o he ew
places whe e hey can sa ely spend ime. Finally, acqui ing a social iden i y is
also an explana o y ac o o he engagemen o young people in associa-
ions o in o mal olun a y g oups. On se e al occasions, exp essions o dis-
inc ion and diffe en ia ion om hose who do no olun ee eme ged in he
discou se o he in e iewed young people. Volun ee ing means o hem
being posi i e and use ul o he communi y, unlike non- olun ee ing, which
hey equa ed o passi i y and selfishness.
Wi h ega d o con ibu ing o he social and economic de elopmen o
he communi y, he s udied young people highligh ed diffe en ac i i ies,
including p o ec ing he local he i age o he ci y o O an, he aining and
Disa owing poli ics 47
in eg a ion o young people in o socie y, aking ca e o ma ginalised people
like he elde ly and o phans, o ganising campaigns o clean up he ci y o
affo es a ion effo s, helping poo amilies wi h ood and clo hing, con-
ibu ing o blood dona ion campaigns, honou ing excellen s uden s and
p o iding suppo lessons o s uden s who a e p epa ing o exams. The
s udied young people belie e ha hese ypes o ac i i ies a e “non-poli ical”
in scope and do no dis u b he exis ing poli ical powe s uc u e. In some
cases, hey complemen he wo k o he s a e, o example when collabo a ing
wi h official au ho i ies on he campaigns o clean up he ci y o affo es a ion
effo s o on o he campaigns o aise awa eness among ci izens abou he
impo ance o social solida i y when i comes o dona ing blood o p o ec ing
he en i onmen .
P ac ices claiming an aspi ing “poli ics”
While he young esponden s we e s i ing o appea apoli ical in he public
space, he ways in which hey we e o ganising and conduc ing hei olun-
a y ac i i ies implied ano he meaning o hei ci ic engagemen , one which
eme ges when hey use poli ical p ac ices o suppo hei apoli ical ac i i ies.
The p ocess includes he implemen a ion o ce ain modes o o ganisa ion
and ela ions inside he g oup ha in ol e poli ical meanings. In o he
wo ds, i appea s ha he in e nal making o he ac i i ies is poli ical in
na u e, e en i he ou comes appea “non-poli ical”. The conc e e ansla ion
o his p ocess can be cap u ed h ough he na u e o he e ical and
ho izon al ela ionships be ween ac i is s.
The e ical le el de e mines he na u e o ela ions be ween he head o
he g oup and ac i is s, du ing which ime applica ion o a “leade ship”
mode o managemen and pa icipa o y democ acy is a common p ac ice.
The in e iewed young people men ioned he wo d leade (in A abic ﺪﺋﺎﻗ)
epea edly in hei esponses o e e o an ac i is who has he p incipal
mission o coo dina ing and o ganising ac i i ies. This means ha he s a us
o he “leade ” is no a hie a chical posi ion ha equi es exe ing powe
o e he es o he membe s. Ins ead, he leade ’s ole is mo e symbolic and
emo ional. A good leade , said he young esponden s, is a pe son who goes
ou in o he field, li es wi h he membe s o he g oup, and is exposed o he
same suffe ing as he o he s. The leade s pu hemsel es a he o e on o
p oblems, exposing hemsel es o isks be o e he eam. The e o e, i is a
o m o sac ifice ha mus be p o ided o he gene al well-being o he
g oup. Th ough hese meanings, he young esponden s amed good “lea-
de ship” in opposi ion o he p esiden ial o op-down mode o managemen .
The young ac i is s depic ed he la e o ms o leade ship as unidi ec ional,
bu eauc a ic, passi e, less in e ac i e, and e en au ho i a ian, eflec i e o
p ac ices ha al eady exis in he public sphe e, ones which hey y o a oid.
In o he wo ds, by applying a diffe en leade ship s yle wi hin hei olun a y

48 Yahia Benyamina
g oups, young ac i is s nega e exis ing poli ical p ac ices and employ o he
p ac ices ha hey conside mo e accep able and effec i e.
The esponden s pa icula ly exp essed app ecia ion o how he ideals o
pa icipa o y democ acy a e applied wi hin he g oups. The p omo ion o
his p ac ice was closely ela ed o he leade ship mode o managemen .
Since he leade is jus a membe like he o he s, he p ocess o defining he
ac i i ies o be ca ied ou and he decision-making p ocess is a collec i e
one. In addi ion, he in ensi y o ela ionships ha he leade ini ia es wi h
he membe s p oduces an in imacy ha c ea es he gene al eeling ha he
oice o each membe is hea d and aken in o conside a ion in he o e all
dynamic o he g oup.
F om a p ac ical s andpoin , he implemen a ion o pa icipa o y democ-
acy implies wo main p ocesses. The fi s in ol es encou aging p oposals
om membe s o he g oup and c ea ing he eeling ha all ini ia i es a e
welcomed. Newcome s o a g oup ha e especially no ed he impo ance o
s eng hening he eeling o pa icipa o y democ acy in he fi s days a e
joining he g oup. Indeed, se e al young esponden s men ioned ha hey
we e assigned o un a olun ee p ojec al eady on he fi s day ha hey
joined he g oup, despi e hei lack o expe ience in unning olun ee p o-
jec s, some hing which hey app ecia ed and ha ep esen ed o hem a kind
o encou agemen and confidence in hei abili ies. The second p ocess is
ela ed o consul a ion. All p oposals and ini ia i es a e subjec ed o con-
sul a ion and delibe a ion by he g oup. Applying his p ocess b idges he
gap be ween a membe ’s sel -es eem and he o e all unc ioning o he g oup,
as each membe will eel ha hei ini ia i e has been aken in o conside a-
ion and discussed, while he g oup a oids any pe sonal aspec o domina ion
wi hin he g oup. Mo eo e , some associa ions and in o mal olun a y
g oups ha e in oduced communica ion echnologies o imp o e his “pa i-
cipa o y p ac ice”. This may in ol e c ea ing a p i a e g oup on Facebook o
ci cula e in o ma ion and ideas be ween membe s o c ea ing an in e ac i e
and consul a i e space o all ques ions conce ning he g oup. Such a me hod
allows each membe o eel connec ed, e en i hey a e no physically able
o a end he g oup mee ings.
A he ho izon al le el, he young esponden s desc ibed he links uni ing
hem wi hin he g oup as inged wi h in imacy and mu ual emo ions, and no
as simple ela ionships e e ing o a o mal membe ship wi hin he g oup.
This eeling o “in imacy” inside he g oup was cap u ed in some exp essions
used by he esponden s, such as “we ha e a amily spi i in he associa ion”
and “we a e all iends”. In con ex s whe e scep icism and ea ma ks
engagemen in he public sphe e, such eelings and ela ionships p o ide
people wi h a sense o secu i y and us (Onode a 2018). While his finding
can be confi med among my esponden s, he eelings o amily and iend-
ship helped make ci ic ac i ism mo e a ac i e o many young esponden s
a e he wa e o collec i e disengagemen om poli ical and ci ic li e in
ecen yea s.
Disa owing poli ics 49
Conclusion
The no ion o poli ical disa owal discussed in his chap e e e s o a o m o
ac i ism among young Alge ians who engage in he public sphe e on he
basis o hei nega i e unde s andings abou poli ics. Th ough humani a ian,
social, and en i onmen al olun ee ing, hey ha e main ained and p omo ed
ce ain quali ies o ac i ism, bu wi hou engaging in pa isan poli ics o
p o es mo emen s. As a esul , hey ha e es ablished a o m o ac i ism ha
does no in e e e wi h poli ics on he one hand, bu s ill sepa a es hem om
people who a e no in ol ed in he public sphe e on he o he .
Du ing he hi ak, wi h many o he young people ha I in e iewed ha ing
pa icipa ed in i s dynamics, he demons a o s ejec ed all effo s a poli ical
media ion and aming o he mo emen by hose in powe . Only he mili a y
powe could manage he p esiden ial elec ions, he eby spa ing he coun y
om he deadlock o poli ical non- ep esen a i eness ha eme ged jus a e
Bou eflika’s demise in Ap il 2019 (D is-Aï Hamadouche 2020). Does his
signi y an ou igh ejec ion o poli ics by young people? When c i icising he
dys unc ion o con empo a y democ a ic socie ies, despi e he mul iplici y o
spaces o exp ession, Inne a i y (2017, 76) a gues he ollowing:
Wha is no going so well is poli ics, in o he wo ds, he possibili y o
con e ing his plu al se o o ces in o p ojec s o poli ical ans o ma-
ion, gi ing o ien a ion and poli ical cohe ence o hese popula exp es-
sions and configu ing quali y public spaces whe e e e y hing is
delibe a ed, discussed and syn hesised.
The s udied young people clea ly eflec his finding when hey highligh poli-
ical disa owal as he main d i ing o ce behind hei engagemen in he public
sphe e. Be o e he hi ak, when hey e used any engagemen in poli ical pa ies
o p o es mo emen s, hey had no only con es ed he exis ing poli ics bu had
a he same ime made claims o a diffe en ype o poli ics. In an implici and
so manne , hei ideas and ac ions con adic ed many exis ing poli ical p ac-
ices. Leade ship, pa icipa o y and inclusi e democ acy, iendship, and amily
spi i a e some o he al e na i e p ac ices ha hey seek o diffuse h ough hei
olun ee ism in ci il socie y o ganisa ions. Thei ac i ism can also be unde -
s ood as an aspi ing ci izenship u opia ia pa icipa ion in ci il socie y. They
iew his sphe e as app op ia e o achie ing hei p ojec o affec ing social and
poli ical change wi hou engaging in pa isan o p o es poli ics, bo h o which
a e iewed nega i ely by young esponden s bu also by o he ci izens seeking
deep poli ical change du ing he hi ak.
No es
1 I used he pu pose ul sampling me hod o selec my in e iews, and I applied he
hema ic con en me hod o analyse he discou ses ha eme ged du ing he
in e iews.
50 Yahia Benyamina
2 Conce ning he young people who affec ed a ce ain poli ical disa owal, hey all
ha e a uni e si y-le el educa ion and we e be ween 19 and 33 yea s o age. In
e ms o gende , se en we e men and fi e women. They we e ac i e in associa ions
and in o mal olun a y g oups in he ollowing fields: wo we e membe s o an
associa ion wo king o p o ec he his o ical he i age o he ci y o O an, ou we e
membe s o associa ions conce ned you h de elopmen , wo we e ac i is s in
en i onmen al p o ec ion associa ions, and wo we e membe s o cha i able
associa ions.
3 This e e s o ques ions ega ding he o ms o poli ical engagemen , which ange
om o mal o ms ( o ing, poli ical pa ies) o in o mal o ms (demons a ions,
si -ins), and o a i udes abou he unc ioning o poli ical li e.
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bléma iques e enjeux.” In La jeunesse algé ienne: Vécu, ep ésen a ions e aspi a-
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Pe sson, M. 2013. “Educa ion and Poli ical Pa icipa ion.” B i ish Jou nal o Poli ical
Science 45 (03): 1–15. doi:10.1017/S0007123413000409.
Rennick, S. A. 2019. “Beyond Mass P o es s: Re hinking Wha Cons i u es A ab
You h Poli ical Ac i ism.” In You h Poli ics in he Middle Eas and No h A ica,
POMEPS S udies 36, 86–90. Washing on, DC: The P ojec on Middle Eas
Poli ical Science (POMEPS), Geo ge Washing on Uni e si y.
58 Angela Chukunzi a
eaching and lea ning. A numbe o s udies also demons a e how mo e-
men s ha e used Zoom (Alexande 2020; Hancock 2022; Ka ada 2022;
K insky and Caldwell 2022), an adap a ion ha has occu ed as he mobili-
sa ion o social mo emen s has changed and new ways ha e been in oduced
(Della Po a 2020). Ye hese s udies do no in es iga e communica i e p ac-
ices in de ail, as hey ocus on Zoom me ely as a means o communica ion
and no on how he pla o m is used in he hyb idi y o media ecologies
wi hin he mo emen s. Fu he mo e, he e is e y li le li e a u e ha links
he use o Zoom o Wha sApp and o he echnologies in he con ex o social
mo emen ac i ism as exemplified by he COWG.
Me hodology: Pe sonal eflec ions on schola ac i ism
How, hen, did I ge in e es ed in digi al ac i ism and in ol ed wi h he
COWG in Sou h A ica? I was pa ly because I was o una e – o un o u-
na e – enough o be “caugh up” du ing he lockdown. As he pandemic
sp ead, I was emba king on my s udies in Sou h A ica. I come om an
ac i is backg ound in Kenya and would “na u ally” be in e es ed in com-
muni y o ganising, and a p o esso who was in ol ed in con ening he g oup
inqui ed i I was in e es ed in aking pa . Soon a e wa ds, I was added o a
Wha sApp g oup and a ended a Zoom mee ing while ollowing he p o-
ceedings. I was a difficul unde aking a fi s because I was no amilia
wi h he people behind he compu e sc eens; mo eo e , I had only a li le
knowledge o he ac i ism landscape in Gau eng because i was mos ly new
o me. The g oup consis ed o 32 people when I joined, d awn om ac oss
Johannesbu g and i s su oundings. Fo his s udy, I collec ed he da a in wo
ways: fi s ly, as an obse ing pa icipan in i ual spaces such as he Wha -
sApp g oup and Zoom mee ings; secondly, by conduc ing semi-s uc u ed
ace- o- ace in e iews wi h he ac i is s as soon as some o he lockdown
egula ions had been eased.
Ini ially, i el s ange o join he Zoom mee ings and pa icipa e in he
Wha sApp con e sa ions because I was no ac i e on he g ound in he
ownships and in o mal se lemen s whe e he wo main ac i i ies o popula
educa ion and ood dis ibu ion we e aking place. Howe e , my ole in he
g oup was o assis wi h communica ions. In p ac ice, I w o e he minu es o
he mee ings and pos ed hem on he Wha sApp g oup; I also assis ed some
o he membe s o amilia ise hemsel es wi h using Zoom, which in ol ed
one-on-one Zoom calls wi h hem o “p ac ice” o he COWG mee ings.
This ole helped me o gain us among he membe s o he g oup, al hough,
as a esea che , I was no ini ially a membe mysel . While I had no in ended
o ca y ou esea ch on Zoom, as he eali y o lockdown s e ched and
unce ain y as o whe he I could conduc my o iginal design loomed, I
op ed o esea ch connec ions be ween Zoom and communi y o ganising. I
was hen able o ge consen o he s udy om he COWG membe s h ough
consensus in one o he Zoom mee ings.

Communica ion in he co ona i us c isis 59
Li e a u e on online da a collec ion uses he e m “ne nog aphy” o desc ibe
pa icipan obse a ion and e hnog aphically o ien ed esea ch in online spaces
(Kozine s 2015). The e a e many hu dles o collec ing da a online, a majo issue
being linked o he e hical challenges o being “allowed” in o an online space.
As he li e a u e on Wha sApp, o example, poin s ou , a majo eason why
people eel com o able using Wha sApp g oups is he in imacy ha hey p o-
ide (Milan and Ba bosa 2020; Gil de Zúñiga, A dè ol-Ab eu, and Case o-
Ripollés 2019); hus, being an ac i e pa icipan in he Wha sApp g oup and
a ending he Zoom mee ings p o ided me wi h an oppo uni y o analyse how
he wo pla o ms we e being used simul aneously. Howe e , because o my
posi ionali y as an ou side o ac i is ci cles in Sou h A ica and my un ami-
lia i y wi h he con ex o e e yday li e in he ownships, his was no sufficien
o g asp a holis ic unde s anding o he pa icipan s wi hou ace- o- ace in e -
iews. These I conduc ed la e in he diffe en ownships whe e he ac i is s
li ed – some in hei homes, o he s in communi y cen es.
The combina ion o ace- o- ace in e iews and ne nog aphy en iched my
da a, allowing me o each a be e unde s anding o he pa icipan s’
expe iences. Fo example, when I saw whe e hey li ed and hei social
en i onmen s, he challenges ha hey aced wi h connec i i y became much
mo e appa en . I could clea ly see he in as uc u e ha su ounded hei
homes and he immedia e p oblems ha hey had o o e come. On he o he
hand, my own biases we e also challenged, as I obse ed class diffe ences,
pe spec i es, and di e se ac i is expe iences.
Zoom and Wha sApp communica ion in he COWG
I would ha e been impossible o o ganise ac i is ini ia i es du ing he pan-
demic had i no been o he simul aneous use o Zoom and Wha sApp, as
hey no only played a undamen al communica i e ole o he COWG, bu
we e he pla o ms whe e decisions we e made; u he mo e, all he ac i is s
had sma phones ha allowed he ins alla ion o hese apps. Gi en ha he
use o one would no ha e been possible wi hou he o he , I will begin by
in es iga ing how Zoom was used, as I conside i he main pla o m ha
ensu ed he success o COWG ac i i ies o a numbe o easons: fi s ly
because, h ough Zoom, i was possible o hold mee ings. I was a o um o
accoun abili y and he exchange o ideas simply because, unlike Wha sApp,
people could speak on his pla o m; indeed, being able o connec wi h
o he s, al hough physically isola ed, c ea ed a sense o communi y. Secondly,
Zoom was whe e collec i e decisions and esolu ions we e made, ensu ing
ha he COWG’s wo k and manda e could be accomplished.
As he lockdown egula ions changed, he use o Zoom and Wha sApp
wi hin he COWG also shi ed. Fo example, he e was conside able ac i i y
a he heigh o he pandemic and, he e o e, he egula i y o Zoom mee -
ings and a endance was high; as he egula ions eased and some membe s
wen back o wo k, a endance educed, while, as unding dwindled, he e
60 Angela Chukunzi a
was less ood o dis ibu e. Volun ee s had also been gi en a lunch allowance
o 50 and (app oxima ely 3 US dolla s), bu his could no be main ained.
Howe e , he COWG e ol ed, and o he ini ia i es and ac i i ies con inued
as he lockdown egula ions we e being eased.
The Sou h A ican go e nmen phased he lockdown a diffe en le els
be ween he highes a 5 and he lowes a 1. A le el 5 (26 Ma ch–30 Ap il
2020), only essen ial se ices we e in place, including pha macies, hospi als,
and ood shops. The sale o alcohol and ciga e es was p ohibi ed, along wi h
all ga he ings, and na ional and p o incial bo de s we e closed. The COWG
unde ook popula educa ion ini ia i es h ough doo - o-doo mobilising
and dis ibu ion o pamphle s, and iden ified he mos ulne able amilies in
he communi ies in o de o dis ibu e ood o hem. A lockdown le el 4 (1–
31 May 2020), some wo k ha was e med non-essen ial was esumed wi h
ex eme p ecau ions; he nigh cu ew was se a 8 p.m. o 5 a.m., while
schools emained closed, and some COWG membe s wen back o wo k.
When le el 3 (1 June–17 Augus 2020) was en o ced, ec ea ional es ablish-
men s and schools we e opened, and cu ew hou s we e se a 11 p.m. o 4 a.
m. This was when he COWG saw mos o i s membe s esume wo k.
Na ional days we e also used as symbols o ac ion. The COWG es ablished
a campaign dubbed Asi ikelane, a Zulu ph ase ha oughly ansla es as “I
p o ec you, you p o ec me”, used as a slogan in subsequen mee ings. I was
also du ing his phase o he lockdown ha ga he ings we e allowed, and he
COWG used his oppo uni y o enginee public mobilisa ions. Fo example,
on You h Day on 16 June 2020, he COWG mobilised a numbe o commu-
ni y ac ions, pa icula ly popula educa ion, unde he slogan, “we a e ang y,
we a e hung y”. Banne s, T-shi s, masks, loudhaile s, pos e s, songs, and
chan s we e widely used in his and a o he e en s ha he COWG o ganised
on na ional holidays. Membe s hen con ened a he Hec o Pie e son
Museum in Sowe o a e holding communi y ga he ings, aising issues ha
included solida i y wi h o he mo emen s globally. A his ime, he Black
Li es Ma e mo emen in he Uni ed S a es was p o es ing he dea h o
Geo ge Floyd, killed by he police. I was also a p o es c y agains he
gende -based iolence inflic ed on women ha had isen du ing he pan-
demic. On 18 July 2020, ma king Nelson Mandela Day, popula educa ion
ini ia i es we e unde aken in diffe en communi ies, encou aging he mem-
be s o mask up and sani ise – se ices ha we e conduc ed o 67 minu es o
symbolise he numbe o yea s Mandela, Sou h A ica’s eedom figh e and
i s fi s Black p esiden , who spen many yea s o his li e in se ice o his
coun y, including being a poli ical p isone , and ad oca ing o a non- acialism.
On 9 Augus 2020, Sou h A ican Women’s Day, he COWG membe s con-
ened a Cons i u ion Hill o commemo a e he ole o women in he
na ional libe a ion mo emen . I was an oppo uni y o ampli y he message
o Asi ikelane ha we mus p o ec each o he o su i e.
When he COWG began using Zoom, he mee ings we e ad hoc because, a
he ime, he e we e many delibe a ions and discussions o be unde aken.
Communica ion in he co ona i us c isis 61
Popula educa ion had jus begun, he e was a lo o pe sonal p o ec i e
equipmen (PPE) o be deli e ed, and cons an communica ion was impo -
an . Iden i ying he mos ulne able households in he diffe en communi ies
was also an u gen ask. Bu as he wo king g oup g ew and d a ed a man-
da e, i was ag eed ha Zoom mee ings would ake place e e y Thu sday,
wi h an agenda ha was always pos ed and discussed in he Wha sApp
g oup p io o each mee ing. They usually included a weekly epo on wha
was happening in he eam leade s’ locali ies. I was also an oppo uni y o
discuss he challenges ha we e being aced o he successes ha had been
achie ed. A fi s , he use o Zoom was no easy as he e we e many hu dles,
which I desc ibe u he below. I ook a lo o eamwo k o ensu e he
g oup’s success in using he applica ion and, in pa , his was due o he
de e mina ion o he ac i is s hemsel es, while he di e si y o COWG
membe ship and he diffe en skills ha i ha nessed e en ually ensu ed ha
Zoom mee ings we e success ul. Fo example, he leade s ook up chai ing
he mee ings, and I pe sonally ook no es and la e pos ed hem on he
Wha sApp g oup.
In many ways, he COWG c ea ed i s own cul u e o mee ings o e ime.
In an o dina y mee ing, he membe s would come in one by one, which o en
p o ided a chance o small alk among hose pa icipa ing, mos ly on mun-
dane subjec s, such as he la es announcemen s in he na ional news, o
wha we should expec om he nex p esiden ial add ess. A e a ew min-
u es, hose who had no joined would be called by phone, and his would be
delibe a ed among he membe s p esen . In mos cases, hose who we e
unable o join would send hei apologies o he Wha sApp g oup and hey
we e excused p io o he mee ing. The chai would hen s a he mee ing by
s a ing he i ems on he agenda and welcoming any addi ions. A endees
would aise hei digi al hands (a ea u e on Zoom) o con ibu e and he
chai would mode a e he con e sa ions. Video calls we e ne e used due o
connec i i y issues and because i would consume mo e da a. Whene e a
membe was ou o o de o o go o unmu e hemsel es, he chai would
emind hem, while, i he e we e a p oblem, he chai could ask he hos o
mu e a membe . This was always done espec ully and no o shu somebody
down while hey we e speaking. On he o he hand, i someone could no
speak ei he because o he connec i i y o oo much backg ound noise, hey
would ype hei commen s in he cha box. One in e es ing aspec o he
cul u e ha he COWG c ea ed online was ha a he end o he mee ings,
he hos would unmu e e e yone and people would say goodbye almos
simul aneously be o e he mee ing officially ended. Al hough he e we e all
hese ea u es ha allowed he mee ings o p oceed, hey did no come
wi hou hei own challenges.
As men ioned ea lie , one o he issues ha we aced was he p oblem o
in e ne connec i i y, which o en had o do wi h he in as uc u e in he
icini y o pa icipan s’ loca ions. In some a eas, i was difficul o ge con-
nec ed, as was u he explained o me by some o he ac i is s du ing ace-
62 Angela Chukunzi a
o- ace in e iews and in e ac ions in he a eas whe e hey li ed; some had o
s ain o ge a ne wo k connec ion in hei homes. This would hen comp omise
he quali y o he audio.
Ano he challenge ha was aced was elec ici y supply as some ac i is s
li ed in a eas ha we e no connec ed o he elec ical g id and depended on
sola powe o cha ge hei de ices, which was pa icula ly difficul du ing
win e mon hs. Fu he mo e, when he e we e powe cu s, i was impossible
o some o connec , while a sho age o elec ici y would mean ha he
de ices we e no cha ged and he e o e could no be swi ched on o online
connec ion o migh cu ou mid-s eam when he ba e y was low. In ye
o he cases, he ac i is s conside ed leade s in hei communi ies could no
pa icipa e because hey we e in ol ed in conflic ing communi y ma e s a
he same ime, such as a ending o a baby ha had been abandoned ou side
hei doo . These issues we e u gen communi y ma e s ha could no be
pos poned and, he e o e, ook p io i y o e a Zoom mee ing. Fu he mo e,
as mos ac i is s used hei phones o connec o Zoom, his mean ha
when hey ecei ed o he calls in he middle o he mee ing, hey los he
connec ion and had o join again, he eby in e up ing hei pa icipa ion.
In e es ingly, one ac i is (age 44) also poin ed ou o me ha one o he
weaknesses o using Zoom was ha he mee ings lacked “a eal eel”. By his
he mean ha he o en ound i difficul o gauge he hones y o o he pa i-
cipan s because he could no see hem ace- o- ace, while backg ound noise
could indica e ha people we e no ully p esen in he mee ing.
Com ades … some o hem a e lying, you see … he e we e hings ha
we e being b acke ed … I could ell someone was smoking ganja [can-
nabis] while we we e in he mee ing … all he backg ound noise … hey
o en con adic hemsel es while speaking.
Pe haps he g ea es challenge was ha some COWG membe s ound using
Zoom oo difficul , al hough i was new o mos o hem; in ac , all he
ac i is s I in e iewed had used Zoom o he fi s ime when hey go
in ol ed wi h he COWG. The lea ning p ocesses o adap ing o he use o
Zoom we e no uni o m among he ac i is s. This had o do wi h he issues
o he digi al di ide ha equi e skill o one o be able o use pla o ms
effec i ely. As one ac i is (age 39) obse ed when eflec ing on wha i eally
mean o unde s and how o use Zoom:
Bu using Zoom … wha does i eally mean? Uuuummm … Can we all be
hos s? Can we all un webina s? Be like hose panellis s … Can we all sha e
a sc een? I mean, he e a e hose echnicali ies ha come wi h Zoom. Being
able o connec o a mee ing doesn’ meanIcan use Zoom effec i ely.
This eflec ion in many ways exposes he issues ha he COWG encoun e ed
as he membe s adap ed he newe echnologies. As li e a u e on he digi al
Communica ion in he co ona i us c isis 63
di ide shows, he use o social media does no necessa ily equa e o use s
being empowe ed; indeed, o en social media use s who a e ac i e online a e
p i ileged in mul iple ways ela ing o hei gende , ace, e hnici y, class, o
o he issues (Mu s ai o and Ragnedda 2019; Nyabola 2018). On he o he
hand, ac i is s wi h p io exposu e o echnology could confiden ly use and
enjoy he con eniences o Zoom. Some we e wo king o NGOs, one was
wo king o a bank, ano he was a pa amedic, and hey had al eady been
exposed o using compu e s and in e ac ing wi h echnology. Zoom was,
he e o e, jus a con inua ion. In ac , when he lockdown was a i s peak,
hose who we e wo king in a ious o ganisa ions and had swi ched o wo k-
ing om home we e using simila applica ions, which mean ha hey
became mo e confiden in he use o Zoom because o amilia i y and e-
quen use. The confidence also mean ha hey could exp ess hemsel es
be e and hei pa icipa ion was enhanced. The confidence o in e ac wi h
echnology, as he g oup in e iews show, has a lo o do wi h exposu e,
which mean ha Zoom was a be e pla o m o sel -exp ession. As one
ac i is (age 22) claimed:
I eel he e is so much openness behind he sc een. You can always
swi ch off you came a and no be seen, igh ? … Whene e I spoke
when he came a was off, I could say much mo e … I like wo king om
behind he scenes wi h my pe sonali y.
The o he challenge was he issue o language. Zoom, like mos digi al ech-
nologies, is p ima ily in English. E en hough i is a ailable in 11 o he lan-
guages, none o he op ions a e an A ican language. Some o he membe s
expe ienced he challenges simul aneously, which mean , o example, ha
while hey we e acing a connec i i y issue, hey could no ype in he cha
box due o a lack o confidence in hei linguis ic abili y. The issue o lan-
guage is highligh ed in some digi al di ide li e a u e, showing how i affec s
online pa icipa ion (Sam 2019). As one ac i is (age 41) old me:
I don’ unde s and Zoom … e en now [a e 7 mon hs o using i ], I
don’ unde s and Zoom. I know o aise my hand and alk only. To cha
and do wha , wha I don’ know, any hing! I see some people cha ing
he e … I don’ know.
Al hough no all hese challenges could be o e come, some o he ad hoc
solu ions p o ided demons a ed he wo king-class c ea i i y ha enabled he
success o he COWG. Fo example, he issue o connec i i y was o e come
by calling ac i is s and connec ing hem o Zoom ia a phone call. This was
done by mo e esou ce ul membe s who had mul iple de ices and sufficien
ai ime o sus ain o he membe s in mee ings ha las ed almos wo hou s.
On he o he hand, in my ole as assis an o communica ion, I i ually
ained some o he membe s o use Zoom, which boos ed hei confidence

64 Angela Chukunzi a
and allowed be e pa icipa ion. In many cases, ac i is s who had issues wi h
elec ici y in hei locali ies managed o cha ge hei de ices in ime o he
weekly mee ings by planning o ha e da a and a eady phone o he egula
Thu sday schedule. He e, he COWG membe s’ de e mina ion enabled effec-
i e mee ings o he g oup. Fu he mo e, al hough mee ings we e almos
exclusi ely conduc ed in English, i was no uncommon o some membe s o
speak in Zulu, and i would hen be ansla ed. In o he wo ds, inclusi i y
was p ac ised o allow people o exp ess hemsel es. One o he highligh s o
he success o he use o Zoom was ha mos mee ings we e well-a ended.
A he beginning o he pandemic, he COWG success ully hos ed a webina
in collabo a ion wi h he Uni e si y o Johannesbu g lib a y ha sensi ised
he public o he wo k ha he COWG had s a ed on popula educa ion
du ing he lockdown.
The b ie ou line offe ed abo e exhibi s he cen al ole Zoom played o
COWG ac i i ies. Du ing he pandemic, i unc ioned as a c ucial pla o m
o in e nal communica ion, decision making, sociali y, solida i y, and lea n-
ing a a ime when physical mee ings we e no possible. I is impo an ,
finally, o highligh he complemen a y ole ha Wha sApp played in his
con ex . In Ap il 2020, which was he peak o he lockdown, he a e age
numbe o messages sen pe day in he COWG g oup was 113. Impo an ly,
as pa o accoun abili y, he membe s sha ed pic u es ha showed ood
dis ibu ion and popula educa ion h ough he dis ibu ion o pamphle s.
The links o Zoom mee ings, hei agendas, and he mee ing minu es we e
also sha ed in he g oup, along wi h o he documen s allowing membe s o
seek cla i y on a ious ma e s. Be o e Zoom mee ings, some membe s would
eel ee o add any i ems ha hey el we e o impo ance o he agenda. O
cou se, he e we e ins ances when membe s would go as ay and pos hings
ha we e i ele an o in o ma ion ha was no e ified, in which case he
g oup adminis a o would call hem o o de , enabling he smoo h unning
o he g oup.
The COWG also had se e al o he Wha sApp g oups among i s membe s
o coo dina ion pu poses. In many cases, he e would be a smalle eam ha
was designa ed o ca y ou a specific ask, which would o m a smalle
g oup o acili a e coo dina ion and minimise message affic in he main
g oup. Fo example, he e was a small ask eam ha was esponsible o
coo dina ing he e en held on You h Day on 16 June. This mean hey we e
conce ned, o example, wi h how T-shi s would be deli e ed, and wi h
liaising wi h o he eams o publicise he e en .
Conclusions
This chap e has es ablished ha Zoom was a c ucial digi al pla o m ha
sus ained he mobilisa ion, coo dina ion, and ac i i ies o he COWG in
Johannesbu g du ing he pandemic lockdown in 2020; complemen ed by
Wha sApp, i was cen al o he g oup’s in e nal communica ion p ac ices.
Communica ion in he co ona i us c isis 65
The a chi ec u e o hese pla o ms made hem sui able o o ganising
nume ous people in a la ge ci y, making hei communica ion effec i e, and
se ing as a locus o membe s’ accoun abili y h ough weekly mee ings. The
in e nal dynamics o communica ion uni ed he COWG, p oducing a sha ed
iden i y ha de eloped du ing he pandemic.
The chap e also shows ha i is no only he in e nal communica ion
p ac ices ha made he COWG success ul. Many o ms o ex e nal commu-
nica ion, including he use o adi ional media such as loudhaile s, pamph-
le s, banne s and T-shi s, slogans, and symbolism, we e also used o
communica e he g oup’s messages o wide publics. Ano he impo an
ac o ha helped wi h popula mobilisa ion was ha mos membe s we e
seasoned ac i is s who we e espec ed leade s in hei communi ies; hei
ac i ism and communi y engagemen helped o ensu e ha hey could ec ui
olun ee s om hei exis ing ne wo ks o ulfil he g oup’s manda e. Las ly,
he g oup’s social di e si y was addi ionally beneficial as he diffe en skill-
se s he membe s con ibu ed assis ed he g oup in hos ing mee ings and
ensu ing accoun abili y o dono s.
No es
1 See mo e a h ps://c19peoplescoali ion.o g.za/poa/.
2 The ownships whe e COWG was ac i e included Klipsp ui , Pim ille, O lando,
Nomzamo Pa k, Meadowlands, Diepkloo , O ange Fa m, Eldo ado Pa k, Them-
behlile, and P o ea Sou h. These egions a e sou h o Johannesbu g, mos ly a ound
Sowe o, excep o O ange Fa m which is app oxima ely 35 km u he sou h.
Alexand a, I o y Pa k, Tsakane, and Diepsloo lie in he no he n egions o he
Ci y o Johannesbu g, while Makause is loca ed in he Ekhu leni municipali y and
Bekke sdal lies in he Wes Rand. The COWG ope a ed in h ee municipali ies:
Wes Rand, Ci y o Johannesbu g, and Eku huleni.
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74 Geoff ey Pleye s
Fo hose who ook pa in i , he 2019 e ol has no only been a collec-
i e and poli ical p ocess bu also a deeply pe sonal expe ience (Gan e e al.
2022; Sando al 2023). Based on p ocesses o pe sonal subjec ifica ion,
unde s ood as he cons uc ion o onesel as a pe son and he concep ion o
he li e one wan s o li e (Bajoi 2012), he expe ience o he e ol led o
pa icipan s’ ques ioning he p omises o he Chilean neolibe al social and
economic model ha claimed o be based on “me i oc acy”. Du ing he
e enings hey spen on he squa es, hey ecoun ed hei li es, lis ened o
o he s doing he same, and ealised ha hei pe sonal des iny was collec i e
and ha he difficul ies hey aced in daily li e ound hei sou ce in a model
o socie y ha is deeply un ai . This “opened hei eyes”, as many epea ed in
in e iews and as s ee a claimed on he walls o he ci ies o Chile, and
hey e isi ed hei li e his o ies based on his new pe spec i e. A e de o ing
mos o hei ime and ene gy o wo k (A aujo and Ma ucceli 2012), many
in e iewees exp essed hei desi e o “ge hei li e back”. One wo ke p esen
a Plaza Dignidad sha ed his in hese e ms du ing he in e iew:
A one poin , I asked mysel , “A wha poin did we become like his?”
because we li ed s essed, i ed. I wo ked in a bank. I wen in a se en in
he mo ning and some imes I le a wo a nigh ! Wha kind o li e did I
ha e wi h my amily? …Since 18 Oc obe , he e has been some hing, a
phenomenon, ha I s ill can’ iden i y. All I know is ha I eel happy …
I ’s such a selfish wo ld. We we e augh o be selfish. In hese 20–25
yea s, we we e no augh o be people, bu o be “neolibe als”…I don’
know wha we became. When did his happen o us? When did his
happen o me, locked up in he wo ld o wo k, wo k, wo k, and I didn’
ealise how i happened. 30 yea s passed by me!
(In e iew, Plaza Dignidad, No embe 2019)
Exp essi e and a is ic dimensions
A is ic c ea i i y has eme ged as a consubs an ial pa o all he squa e
mo emen s and ci izens’ e ol s du ing he 2010s. S ee a s, poems, songs,
and pe o mances ha e exp essed ou age a injus ice, ange a s a e iolence,
and demands o social jus ice. The Tunisian Re olu ion ailed o p o ide a
be e u u e o i s you h; howe e , i has p o oundly pe mea ed he sub-
jec i i y o many ci izens, pa icula ly among young people, ans o ming
hei ela ionship wi h he s a e, socie y, and hemsel es (Diaco e al. 2017).
The exp ession o hese subjec i i ies is embodied in pa icula in a dyna-
mism and a is ic c ea i i y ha ouches all fields, om cinema and music o
s ee a (see Laine, Suu pää, and L ifi 2017 on he Tunisian case).
A is ic c ea i i y has been a cen al componen o he Chilean up ising. In
he mon hs ha ollowed 18 Oc obe 2019, dozens o a is s w o e songs
dedica ed o he mo emen , o he poin ha Da id Ponce (2020) speaks o a
“sound up ising”(un es allido sono ). The ou bu s canno be ecoun ed, le

The Chilean awakening in a global decade o social mo emen s 75
alone unde s ood, wi hou he coun less poems na a ing and dissemina ing
he hopes, ea s, and expe iences o hose who li ed h ough i (Gan e e al.
2022). O he pa icipan s exp essed hei ou age and hope h ough emb oi-
de y and bu lap. S ee a and g affi i we e o pa icula significance, popu-
la ing and shaping he space o he mo emen s and embodying he
eapp op ia ion o he neolibe al ci y by a popula mo emen . I p o ided
he isible dimension o he ans o ma ion o hese squa es in o spaces o
expe ience, hopes, encoun e s among ci izens, and con on a ion wi h he
police (Pa edes 2021). Pain ings and g affi i emained on he walls o down-
own San iago un il May 2023: he sedimen o he e ol and i s c ea i i y,
ecalling he ene gy and c ea i i y o he e ol and main aining i s memo y.
Such esidue ac ed as aces o he s uggle and i s hopes and alues, and he
al e na i e p ojec o socie y i ep esen ed. I was no an abs ac decla a-
ion bu embodied in he expe ience o he people who ga he ed on hese
squa es. The images p olonged he mo emen and i s claims, add essing he
ac o s who li ed h ough i and s ill ca y i wi h hem, as well as he poli-
ical au ho i ies and passe s-by (Hen íquez 2022), ques ioning hem abou
he injus ices o a social and economic model ha ules a p o oundly neolibe al
and unequal coun y.
Ye c ea i i y and he affi ma ion o subjec i i ies a e no me ely he means
used o p omo e a cause; hey a e a he co e o esis ance o he in asion o
he wo ld by he o ces o neolibe al ci ies. The indica ion o hese sub-
jec i i ies and c ea i i y opposes he p ocess o subjuga ion and o ma ing
by an economic and cul u al sys em.
Beyond con e gence: Spaces o encoun e
A key elemen o hese mo emen s is ha hey p o ided spaces whe e pa i-
cipan s wo e dense and deep social ela ions. The squa es became “spaces o
expe ience”, unde s ood as “places dis anced om he capi alis socie y ha
allow ac o s o li e acco ding o hei own p inciples, en e in o diffe en
ela ionships, exp ess hei subjec i i y and ha a ou p ocesses o
subjec ifica ion” (Pleye s 2010, 39).
In all he ci ies o Chile, he occupied squa es became spaces o sociabili y
whe e ci izens sha ed he difficul ies o hei li es and hei hopes. They opened
up o he o he no only wi h hei con ic ions bu also hei poli ical and exis-
en ial doub s, he agili y o hei expe ience, and hei p ocesses o pe sonal
subjec i a ion. These ela ionships o us , openness, and a en ion o he o he
ha cha ac e ised social ela ions in Plaza Dignidad con as ed wi h he ex en
o dis us ha cha ac e ises Chilean socie y (B unne 2021), bo h owa ds pol-
i ics and among ci izens. F iendships and mu ual suppo ne wo ks we e o med
on he squa es (Hen íquez 2022), he g ound on which mu ual aid and local
solida i y ne wo ks would eme ge o consolida e du ing he pandemic o con-
on he ailu es o he s a e o add ess basic needs in popula neighbou hoods
con on ed wi h s ic confinemen measu es (Pleye s 2023a).
76 Geoff ey Pleye s
All o e he wo ld, he squa e occupa ions also os e ed encoun e s
be ween people om diffe en social backg ounds. People who usually “don’
mix”, ei he in e e yday li e o in social mobilisa ions, me , sha ed hei li es,
and suffe ed he ep ession oge he . Those who we e in Plaza Dignidad will
emembe he flags o i al oo ball eams flying abo e he s a ue on he
squa e. Those who we e pa o he on line con on ing he police will
emembe he suppo o some membe s o he oo ball an adicals, he
“ba as b a as”, who used hei expe ience o con on a ions wi h he police
in he s adiums when de ending he occupied squa e. The same happened in
Cai o du ing he 2011 e olu ion when he “ul as” o i al clubs allied o
de end Tah i Squa e agains he a med o ces o he Gezi mo emen in
Is anbul in 2013.
In e sec ional mo emen s
As men ioned abo e, he “mo emen s o he 2010s” a e cha ac e ised by a
close a icula ion o economic and cul u al (ma e ialis and pos -ma e ialis )
claims (Glasius and Pleye s 2013), and also an in e sec ional dimension.
The eminisa ion o social mo emen s was al eady an essen ial elemen o
mobilisa ions a he beginning o he decade. Women ook cen e s age in he
Tunisian e olu ion, in he Spanish 15M, and e en mo e so in he Gezi
mo emen in Tu key in 2013 (Tü kmen 2016), among o he s. This was ein-
o ced h oughou he decade, exemplified by he democ acy mo emen in
Sudan (Handique 2020) and he Women, F eedom, Li e -mo emen in I an
in 2022 (Khos okha a 2023), o name he mos emblema ic cases. T ans-
cending i s p o agonis s, his eminisa ion shows he g owing influence o
eminis cul u e and p ac ices in con empo a y social mo emen s (Suá ez-
K abbe 2020), no ably embodied in he impo ance o ca e o ac i is s,
exp essed in hei a en ion o o he pa icipan s, he diffe en s yle o lea-
de ship, and he p oduc ion o spaces in which human ela ions can be
exp essed h ough mu uali y.
The eminis dimension was c ucial in he Chilean up ising, p olonging he
2018 na ional “ eminis up ising” (Ponce La a 2020), while he pe o mance
o he eminis collec i e Las Tesis esona ed globally and was ep oduced in
dozens o coun ies. The a e ma h o he 2019 up ising also saw he his o y-
making eminis ma ch on 8 Ma ch 2020. Echoes on a pe sonal le el and in
p oducing ela ions be ween ci izens a e e en mo e impo an . When I asked
wha he ou bu s had changed, a young ac i is eplied, “Since 18 Oc obe ,
we alk abou ou emo ions a dinne in my amily” (in e iew wi h a law
s uden , 21 yea s old, San iago, No embe 2019).
Ano he in e sec ional dimension o he squa e mo emen s in he 2010s
ha has been epea ed in many coun ies has been he encoun e be ween
u ban and “non- acialised” ci izens wi h popula , “ acialised” and/o e hnic
ac o s, domina ed in he na ional con ex by ins i u ionalised acism and/o
colonial p ac ices. The ac i e pa icipa ion o opp essed mino i ies in he
The Chilean awakening in a global decade o social mo emen s 77
“pos -2011” mo emen s con as s sha ply wi h he wa e o an i-globalisa ion
p o es s in he la e 1990s and ea ly 2000s. While he Zapa is a mo emen was
an inspi a ion sha ed by many o he young ac i is s, al e -globalisa ion
p o es s o e whelmingly ga he ed “non- acialised” (i.e. Whi e), middle-class
ci izens, o he ex en ha he ques ion, “Whe e was he colou in Sea le?”
1
(Ma ines 2000) became a majo conce n o he mo emen .
A decade la e , he squa e occupa ions o he 2010s we e spaces o
encoun e s be ween ci izens and ac i is s om diffe en social backg ounds.
In New Yo k, Occupy Wall S ee was an impo an momen o in e ac ion
be ween s uden s and middle-class ac i is s and “ acialised” (mos ly Black
and La inx) ac i is s om he ci y’s mo e popula neighbou hoods. The
ela ionships o us and suppo hey o ged du ing he encoun e led o
solida i y ac ions when popula neighbou hoods we e flooded by Hu icane
Sandy in 2012, and o a ib an Black Li es Ma e mo emen in he ci y a
ew yea s la e . In Is anbul, he 2013 Gezi Pa k occupa ion b ough oge he
eligious ci izens and a heis s, and middle-class Tu kish ac i is s and Ku dish
ci izens opp essed and ep essed by he egime, p oducing sha ed unde -
s anding, in e pe sonal us , and mu ual suppo o hei causes; his con-
e ged in demands o a mo e democ a ic coun y and he ejec ion o
inc easing s a e con ol and ep ession. These encoun e s os e ed a new
pe spec i e on Ku dish ac i is s and s eng hened he new p o-peace pa y in
Tu key, he People’s Democ a ic Pa y (Halkla ın Demok a ik Pa isi, HDP),
which won 13% o he o es na ionally in he 2015 elec ions be o e being
hea ily ep essed by he E dogan go e nmen .
In Chile, he s ong p esence o Mapuche flags and Mapuche language
g affi i on he Plaza de la Dignidad in San iago and ac oss he coun y
became a symbol o one o he mos significan dimensions o he up ising:
he encoun e be ween ac i is s and u ban mo emen s, and elemen s o
Mapuche cul u e, wo ld iew, and iden i y. As Fe nando Pai ican and Juan
Po ma explain, “Mapu bidad
2
was no only p esen . I played a undamen al
poli ical and symbolic ole” (Pai ican and Po ma 2022). The Chilean
Awakening had a decolonial dimension and con ibu ed o b oadening
wha Pai ican (2022) has called “plu ina ionali y om below”. Ca ying
Mapuche flags du ing he squa e occupa ion, young people sough o show
he Indigenous componen o hei iden i y o hei solida i y wi h he
Mapuche people’s s uggle. They denounced ep ession o he mo emen , he
obbe y o Indigenous lands by he Chilean s a e (Pu Lo y las Comunidades
La kenche en Resis encia 2017) and he in isibilisa ion o Mapuche iden i y
and cul u e in he colonial cons uc ion o Chilean iden i y. Indeed, he
encoun e s in squa e occupa ions and hei a e ma hs ha e ans o med how
many pa icipan s see hei coun y. As happened in o he La in Ame ican
coun ies wi h he Zapa is a mo emen and wi h sumak kawsay/buen i i
(see Radcliffe, his olume), some pa s o he Mapuche wo ld iew ha e
become an inspi a ion o a new gene a ion o ac i is s in hinking abou ou
ela ionship wi h na u e (o which we a e a pa ), wha li ing wi h digni y
78 Geoff ey Pleye s
means, and he plu icul u al eali y o Chile. I has ansla ed in o a diffe en
way o concep ualising democ acy (Díaz Polanco and Pacheco 2002; Pai ican
and Po ma 2022) ha s esses he need o conside collec i e subjec s and
igh s and o acknowledge and p o ec diffe en na ions and cul u es in
wen y-fi s -cen u y democ acies.
Rela ionship o ins i u ional poli ics
I is an analy ical mis ake o educe he ou comes o social mo emen s o
hei impac on ins i u ional poli ics while igno ing he complex ela ions
be ween hese wo a enas and hei ac o s, which e ol ed significan ly du ing
he mo emen s and e ol s o he 2010s. A he dawn o he decade, mos
ac o s in he ci izen e ol s and squa e occupa ions – including he A ab
e olu ions (Khos okha a 2012), he Spanish 15M, Occupy Wall S ee , he
Gezi Pa k mo emen , and he June 2013 p o es s in B azil (B ingel and
Pleye s 2019) – adop ed an an i-pa y and an i-ins i u ional s ance (some-
imes alsely labelled as “an i-poli ics”). They ocused on non- ep esen a i e
and p efigu a i e p ac ices (Pleye s 2010), implemen ing he ho izon ali y
and democ a ic alues o he mo emen in he assemblies hemsel es, as well
as in he hema ic commi ees deployed in he squa es.
The ejec ion o ins i u ional poli ics and ac o s le a acuum in elec o al
poli ics. In some coun ies, i was filled by cha isma ic p og essi e leade s
whose discou ses esona ed wi h some o he demands being made and who
managed o combine elemen s o “mo emen cul u e” wi h he logic o ins i-
u ional poli ics (Della Po a e al. 2017), as was he case o Podemos in Spain,
Je emy Co byn’s Labou Pa y in he UK, and he campaigns o Be nie Sande s
and Alexand a Ocasio Co éz in he Uni ed S a es. In Egyp , he well-o ganised
Muslim B o he hood filled he space, be o e being c ushed by he El Sisi coup
in 2014. In many o he coun ies, he oid was filled by a - igh ac o s.
Au ho i a ianism g ew in A ab coun ies and he peace ul e olu ions in Sy ia
and Bah ain we e c ushed. In Tu key, he democ a ic a mosphe e o Gezi ga e
way o an au ho i a ian u n, ma ked by he assassina ions o Ku dish poli-
ical, social, and cul u al ac o s, along wi h he a es o hund eds o P esiden
E dogan’s opponen s. In B azil, he 2013 ma ches we e anima ed by p o-
g essi e demands and ac o s calling o mo e democ acy, pa icipa ion, and
equali y, be e public se ices, and less s a e iolence. Howe e , a yea la e ,
mo emen s om he a igh ook o e he leade ship o he p o es cycle
(B ingel and Pleye s 2019), p omo ing P esiden Dilma Rousseff’simpeach-
men , he Teme go e nmen ’s neolibe al policies, and, la e , Jai Bolsona o’s
success ul campaign. I we main ain ha social mo emen s con ibu e o he
p oduc ion o socie y, i is indispensable o ecognise ha i is no only p o-
g essi e mo emen s ha p oduce socie y; conse a i e mo emen s and he
“global capi alism mo emen ” do likewise (Sklai 1997).
La in Ame ica mo emen s a e adi ionally close o pa y poli ics han
hose elsewhe e. All o e he con inen , he mo emen s o he 2010s opened
The Chilean awakening in a global decade o social mo emen s 79
space o poli ical co-op a ion. They also in oduced poli ical inno a ions,
seeking o combine he logic o mo emen s and pa y poli ics. Fo example,
in B azil, “plu inominal candidacies” a local and s a e elec ions, and a se ies
o o he poli ical inno a ions, eme ged in he a e ma h o he 2013 p o es s
(Fa ia 2020), esul ing in a significan inc ease o women o colou and ac i-
is s in municipal councils wi hou losing he au onomy o ac i is
collec i es.
In his pano ama, he Chilean case s ands ou as one o he mos in e -
es ing ep esen a ions o he ansla ion o he mo emen s in o he poli ical-
ins i u ional a ena. The up ising con ibu ed o he his o ic elec ion o a 35-
yea -old o me s uden leade o he P esidency o he Republic in 2021.
Gab iel Bo ic belongs o a pa y alliance ha eme ged in he a e ma h o
he 2011 s uden p o es s, in a p ocess pa ly simila o wha happened a e
he Spanish indignados (Ma zol and Ganuza 2016). In Chile, he dynamism
o social mo emen s ound i s main poli ical ansla ion in he fi s con-
s i uen assembly. The majo i y o i s membe s we e elec ed om lis s o
candida es who we e independen o poli ical pa ies, mos o hem wi h
s ong oo s in ci il socie y and social mo emen s, which esul ed in one o
he mos p og essi e p oposals o a cons i u ion globally. This composi ion
inc eased he challenge o connec ing he e hical logic o social mo emen s
wi h he nego ia ion logic o ep esen a i e poli ics (Ga e ón 2016), pa i-
cula ly wi h a icula ing his cons i uen p ocess beyond he mos p og essi e
sec o s o he Chilean popula ion.
Thanks o he in as uc u es and connec ions buil a e he 2011 s uden
p o es , some poli ical ansla ions o he 2019 up ising ope a ed much as e
han in o he coun ies; howe e , some o he ac o s in hese mo emen s
main ained a s ong opposi ion o he p ac ices o pa y poli ics. I ans-
la ed, o example, in o a campaign in a ou o he null o e in he May
2023 elec ions o councillo s, in which he p opo ion o null and blank
o es eached 21%.
Social mo emen s, poli ics, and social change
The impac o e ol s and ci izens’ mo emen s on ins i u ional poli ics is
a ely linea and o en does no go in he di ec ion o he mo emen s. This is
no specific o he poli ical p ocesses ha un olded a e he ci izens’ up is-
ing. A ew weeks a e May 1968, wi h he la ges wo ke s’ s ike in F ance
since he Second Wo ld Wa and he s uden e ol ha became a global
symbol, he na ional elec ions o June 1968 deli e ed he mos p onounced
ic o y o igh -wing pa ies since 1945. In he mo e ecen his o y o
he Ame icas, only fi e yea s sepa a e he mass p o es s o Junho 2013 (June
2013) by ci izens demanding a ai e and mo e democ a ic B azil and he
elec o al ic o y o a - igh leade Jai Bolsona o. Fi e yea s is also he pe iod
be ween Occupy Wall S ee and he elec ion o Donald T ump o he Whi e
House.

80 Geoff ey Pleye s
In Chile, a succession o his o ic social mo emen s, including he s uden
mo emen o 2011 and he massi e p o es agains p i a e pension unds, did
no p e en he e u n o he p esidency o Sebas ián Piñe a, he businessman
who mos embodied he sys em ha hese mo emen s denounced. A e a
fi s manda e be ween 2010 and 2014, his e-elec ion in 2017 in i es us o
mode a e assump ions o he immedia e impac s o p og essi e mo emen s
on ins i u ional poli ics and no o igno e he agency and adap abili y o
ac o s who sough o main ain he “Chilean socio-poli ical ma ix” (Ga e ón
2016). Piñe a’s second elec ion demons a ed he abili y o igh -wing pa ies
and ac o s o adap o new con ex s c ea ed by social mo emen s and o limi
he dep h o he social changes d i en by he s uden mo emen (Co és 2022);
howe e , i did no in alida e he dynamics o he social mo emen s – qui e he
con a y. Mobilisa ion agains p i a e pension unds eached i s peak in 2017. A
yea la e , in 2018, he same hing happened o he eminis mo emen . In 2019,
he explosion occu ed, and a yea a e i s explosion, he Cons i uen Assembly
p ocess began.
The connec ions be ween social e ol s and ins i u ional poli ics a e ne e
s aigh o wa d. One should ecall ha he p ima y pu pose o social mo e-
men s is no o change ins i u ional poli ics bu o change socie y. Reducing
social mo emen s o hei impac on ins i u ional poli ics o he elec o al
a ena is an analy ical bias ha p e en s us om unde s anding some unda-
men al dimensions o hese ac o s and he essen ial pa in he change ha
hey d i e. Al hough June 1968 ga e he la ges elec o al ic o y o he
F ench igh in he wen ie h cen u y, he his o ical impac o hese elec ions
was less han ha o he social and cul u al mo emen ha immedia ely
p eceded hem. Nobody emembe s he elec ions o June 1968, while May o
he same yea had a p o ound impac on F ench socie y, emaining a u ning
poin and a global e e ence. Likewise, he impac o he eminis mo emen
canno be summed up in a se ies o laws ha ha e asse ed gende equali y,
g an ed he igh o o e, o p o ided legal access o abo ion. I is mo e han
ha , ans o ming women’s and men’s subjec i i ies, beha iou s, and isions
o he wo ld in e e yday li e in p o essional, educa ional, and public sphe es
(Fede ici 2018; Suá ez-K abbe 2020). A undamen al dimension o mo e-
men s and e ol s, such as May 1968 in Pa is and 15M and he indignados,is
p ecisely o ques ion he cen ali y o ins i u ional poli ics in he mechanisms
o social change (A anz Guila e 2021; Ranciè e 2015). The p og essi e
mo emen s o he 2010s emind us ha democ acy is no only abou ins i-
u ions and elec ions. I is abou li ing democ acy as an expe ience, in
e e yday p ac ices, and as a pe sonal e hic (Pleye s 2023c).
Conclusion
Analysing he Chilean ou bu s wi hin he wa e o ci izen mo emen s and
e ol s ha ha e shaken coun ies and poli ical egimes in all egions o he
wo ld since 2011 p o ides a b oade unde s anding o he con ibu ions and
The Chilean awakening in a global decade o social mo emen s 81
challenges o he Chilean mo emen in ega d o he social, cul u al, and
poli ical dynamics i os e ed and s eng hened.
The a e o he ci izens’ mo emen s and he social and poli ical dynamics
ha un olded in hese coun ies in he 2010s, eminds us ha social
change owa ds a mo e jus and democ a ic wo ld is no a linea p ocess. I
goes h ough ad ances and se backs, passing h ough he eupho ia o sha -
ing wi h housands o people in public squa es and poli ical and social ic-
o ies, and he disillusionmen when elec o al p ocesses e eal ha he ac o s
o he democ a ising mo emen a e a mino i y in he coun y’s popula ion,
o ha he s a e has managed o ep ess democ a ic aspi a ions in a iolen
bu effec i e manne .
Simila ly, he lessons o social mo emen s in diffe en coun ies in i e us o
in eg a e he ole o eac iona y ac o s and mo emen s mo e effec i ely in o
analyses o con empo a y social mo emen s. They also empe he illuso y
op imism o a apid and limbo- ee mu a ion o a mo e jus and democ a ic
socie y. Chile has al eady gone h ough his s age. Six yea s a e he his o ic
s uden mo emen o 2011, Sebas ián Piñe a was e u ned o he P esidency
o he Republic. The ailu e o he p og essi e ac o s o ins i u e a p ocess
ha would p o ide Chile wi h a new cons i u ion is a eminde ha he
people who “woke up” in he 2019 up ising only cons i u e a pa o he
Chilean popula ion. Among p og essi e in ellec uals, he e is also a endency
o look a and analyse only one side o he social and poli ical landscape.
A he same ime, i is becoming inc easingly clea ha he “Chilean awa-
kening” was no limi ed o i s poli ical impac ; a he , i eflec s he ope a ions
o social mo emen s in he s ong sense ha Alain Tou aine (1981) assigned o
he concep : ac o s who ake hei s uggles o he le el o his o ici y and seek
o ans o m a socie y’s cen al cul u al alues. The up ising has shaken many
dimensions o Chilean socie y and o he ci izens who pa icipa ed in i . I has
ins iga ed ans o ma i e p ocesses in mul iple sphe es, om poli ics o e e y-
day li e and amily ela ions, esul ing in a p o ound ans o ma ion o wha i
means o be Chilean in he wen y-fi s cen u y.
No es
1 A e e ence o he p o es agains he WTO in Decembe 1999 ha ook place in
Sea le, USA.
2 Mapu bidad e e s o he Mapuche iden i y, cul u e, cosmo ision, and way o
being in he wo ld.
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Ranciè e, J. 2015. “C’es cela la poli ique: T ou e une maniè e de ai e ce qu’on n’es
pas supposé ai e, d’ê e là où on n’es pas censé ê e.” Ballas 3: 58–73.
Ro i a, G. 2017. Ac i ismo en ed y mul i udes conec adas. Mexico Ci y: Ica ia.
Sando al, J. 2023. “Ju en ud, acción colec i a y acon ecimien o: Una lec u a al ciclo
de acción colec i a chileno.” In Ju en ud y Pandemia: In es igaciones, eflexiones y
p opues as, edi ed K. Hen íquez, 67–78. San iago: A iadna Ediciones.
90 Sa ah A. Radcliffe
Cons uc ing ci izenship
[Co acachi’s] inhabi an s a e capable o isualising wha as a collec i e
hey wan o he u u e, and in u n ake he ac ions necessa y o make
ha u u e in o eali y.
(Municipali y o dinance on he Assembly o
Can ón Uni y o Co acachi, 2016)
Colonial mode n dispossession and disdain ha e been con on ed by goals
o an in e cul u al socie y, di e se and egali a ian, deeply he e ogeneous bu
capable o espec ul dialogue. Co acachi’s ajec o y and pa icipa o y go -
e nance ha e ga ne ed a wide li e a u e ha documen s he con ibu o y
ac o s o ep esen a i e democ acy, neolibe al decen alisa ion, and s ong
Indigenous mo emen s in his and o he coun ies. This schola ship acks
how Andean and Amazonian Indigenous mo emen s ounded he mul i acial
Pachaku ik poli ical pa y, which success ully con es ed local elec ions om
he mid-1990s. As a esul , Indigenous mayo s and councillo s began o
adap municipal poli ics and policies, gene a ing significan ans o ma ions
in so-called “al e na i e municipali ies”. These dynamics we e exp essed in
Co acachi wi h he elec ion and subsequen e-elec ion o Kichwa economis
Auki Ti uaña as mayo (1996–2009; e-elec ed in 2019). Reflec ing wide
Indigenous hinking, Ti uaña ini ia ed a majo shi in ci izenship meanings
and p ac ices (Ti uaña 2000), which is examined he e h ough a ocus on
esiden s’ unde s andings and e alua ions o p ac ices and ins i u ions o
local ci izenship.
Wi h mayo Ti uaña and his eam,
4
he municipali y in oduced mo e
pa icipa o y and accoun able ela ions wi h u al, Indigenous, and emo e
loca ions in he coun y. The u al UNORCAC became a zonal ep esen a i e
o 43 Andean communi ies, A o-Ecuado ian and mes izo a me s (wi h a
powe ul women’s coo dina ing commi ee), while nine o ganisa ions o In ag
alley esiden s comp ised he Conso cio Toisan, and 21 u ban neighbou -
hoods o med he Fede a ion o Co acachi Ba ios (Fede ación de Ba ios de
Co acachi, FEBAC). UNORCAC wo ked o “digni y and esis ance o
Indigenous peoples, ood so e eign y, … and o con on any o m o dis-
c imina ion, in ole ance and acism” (UNORCAC 2007). Alongside hese
majo ci il socie y o ganisa ions we e di e se women’s g oups ( ou in o al),
ou ism, spo s, and sa ings g oups, en i onmen alis s, and wa e commi ees.
Toge he wi h zonal o ganisa ions, and Las Golond inas’ A o-Ecuado ian and
mes izo esiden s, hese ci il socie y g oups oge he o med he Assembly o
Can ón Uni y o Co acachi (AUCC). Co acachi was he second place in
Ecuado o in oduce pa icipa o y budge ing in 2002, p eda ing 2010 legis-
la ion equi ing i . An annual cycle o consul a ion and budge p io i y se -
ing in ol ed u ban neighbou hoods, communi ies, hen zones and pa ishes,
culmina ing in a wo-day annual assembly. Fu he mo e, commi ees

E e yday ci izenship and decolonising u opias in Ecuado 91
comp ising ep esen a i es om local o ganisa ions alongside elec ed
poli icians and council s aff me egula ly.
The AUCC was unique in Ecuado , ac ing as a key a ena o municipal
decision-making and o public o e sigh o go e nance. Since he fi s pa -
icipa o y discussions in 1997, he AUCC ins i u ionally embedded and
socially legi ima ed i sel , becoming “a pe manen connec ion be ween ci il
socie y and he municipali y” (Mo eno 2014, 62). A he ime o fieldwo k,
he AUCC’s ole included “o e sigh , pa icipa o y budge s, diagnos ic o
inequi ies and socio- e i o ial disequilib ium” (Municipalidad AUCC 2016).
The AUCC was in o med by Andean Indigenous hinking, he eby “ex end-
ing ances al p ac ices o communi y managemen and pa icipa ion o u al
Indigenous and peasan zones” (Municipalidad AUCC 2016). The AUCC
eflec ed plu ali y and he e ogenei y well beyond Indigenous iden i ies;
acco ding o an u ban mes iza, “ he social mo emen he e is he coun y
assembly; i ’s e y, e y di e se”. Tha plu ali y was inco po a ed a each
s age o an annual cycle o consul a ion, pa icipa o y budge ing, and plan-
ning, all subjec o ci il socie y a ifica ion, and o e sigh ia he AUCC
Assembly and i s cons i uen o ganisa ions. As a esul , he local go e nmen
was us ed o deli e a dignified s anda d o li ing ac oss Indigenous and
mes izo g oups (O iz C espo 2013). In ou esea ch, local people el he
municipali y was in o med abou hei needs and in e es s. As a middle-aged
Kichwa woman explained, equali y had isen:
I ’s imp o ed, in he budge s. We wo k wi h a pa icipa o y budge ing
sys em, ac oss he h ee zones… We s uggled o ha , he pa icipa ion
is pa icula ly s ong among Andean communi ies – he e’s mo e
pa icipa ion, ma ches, and Indigenous women pa icipa e mo e han
men.
(Luisa, 2018, in e iew)
In his con ex , local de elopmen and decision-making we e pe cei ed as
“no an ini ia i e o municipal echnoc a s [bu ] wha ci il socie y wan s”
(UNORCAC 2007, 9). Ex ending pa icipa ion, he coun y’s de elopmen
council had a ci izen majo i y, d awn om he h ee geog aphical zones and
di e se social g oups (including women’s, spo s, i iga ion, and o es y
commi ees, ag oecology g oups, ou ism, small p oduce s, and so on). In i s
mul i ace ed ac i i ies, he Assembly was widely unde s ood by local esi-
den s as a space o achie e equali y as i o ganised discussion a ound hemes
o igh s (Be a, 2018, in e iew). Recalling memo ies o p e ious ule, an
in e iewee old us:
Be o e, he e we e [Indigenous leade s’] dea hs because o conflic s [wi h
haciendas and police]. Now people a e being b ough oge he ; he
municipali y, UNORCAC, e en colleagues om he police.
(Eunice, 2018, in e iew; O iz C espo 2004, 68)
92 Sa ah A. Radcliffe
Co acachi became he only Ecuado ian coun y wi h an au onomous pa ici-
pa o y sys em (Municipalidad AUCC 2016), as AUCC gained legal s anding
o manage he cycle o pa icipa ion, o e sigh and moni o ing s eps ha
sough o ensu e he municipali y emained o ien ed owa ds widely con-
sul ed goals. Fo ins ance, communal wo k pa ies o public in as uc u e
pu sued “p inciples o plu ali y, in e cul u alism and inclusion” once a
mon h o comple e public wo ks; 64% o communi y membe s pa icipa ed.
The municipali y does good wo k – hey accep p oposals, and ecom-
menda ions. I ’s pa icipa o y wo k, always h ough assemblies, mee ings. I
c ea es a manda e o he local go e nmen .
(Au o a, 2018, in e iew)
As no ed, UNORCAC’s o iginal demands included ai ea men o Indi-
genous and u al people in public offices. Acco ding o ou in e iews, esi-
den s expec ed in e ac ions in public offices o mee a igo ous s anda d.
Be a, a Kichwa woman in he wen ies, explained: “Be o e, he e was no h-
ing; we we e asked o wai . We we en’ ea ed well. Seeing his, we said ha
i ’s necessa y o ha e espec . Fo an Indigenous pe son, any pe son – he e
mus be espec .”
While a om pe ec , local esiden s gene ally said ha public se ices
we e deli e ed in mo e accoun able and espec ul ways han p e iously.
Asked abou he p e ious wo yea s, a woman om an UNORCAC-affilia ed
communi y said, “I ’s become qui e imp o ed; yes, hey’ e efficien – hey
a end o you quickly. Al hough some imes oday like I say, hey don’ ea
you well; hey’ e no espec ul” (Eunice, 2018, in e iew).
Residen s, including u al a me s, el lis ened o in a mo e ho izon al
ela ion. Municipal employees equen ly knew membe s o he public due o
high a es o o ganisa ion membe ship. An olde Kichwa woman no ed how
in public se ice offices “as I’m in [an o ganisa ion], hey’ e ea ed me well;
he in e ac ion has been e y nice” (Luisa, 2018, in e iew).
Respec ul and consul a i e dynamics ac oss diffe ences we e oo ed in he
concep o in e cul u alism, which add essed he need o nego ia ions and
disman ling o colonial-mode n hie a chies. Co acachi coun y commi ed o
in e cul u alism in he mid-1990s o o e come in e sec ional exclusions and
build inclusi e pa icipa ion. Desc ibed locally as “ci izen pa icipa ion
wi hou acial, class, gende o ideological disc imina ion”, i was unde s ood
o be necessa y o mee all g oups’ needs (A boleda e al. 2012; Muñoz 1999,
45), and applied in heal h, human igh s, and o he sec o s (Mo eno 2014;
O iz C espo 1999).
5
In e iews sugges ed ha challenging p ejudice
emained associa ed wi h Ti uaña, whose legacy included a no able change
in spaces o public in e ac ion, a ising om his ision o an expe imen al
social p ac ice. The public o ums o he AUCC and i s cons i uen ci il
socie y o ganisa ions a ified and p ac ised he poli ical p inciple o
in e cul u alism and ans o med i in o mo e o a daily occu ence.
E e yday ci izenship and decolonising u opias in Ecuado 93
In summa y, Co acachi’s o dina y ci izenship was significan ly ans-
o med be ween he ini ial social mo emen isions o e 40 yea s ago.
Th ough a combina ion o na ional changes in de ju e poli ical and ci il
ci izenship, and bo om-up ci il and social agendas, he dis ic offe ed a
ma ked imp o emen o many. Undoub edly, he majo i y o he popula ion
con inued o ha e li es o impo e ishmen and p eca i y. Ne e heless, deci-
sion-making p ocesses and in e ac ions wi h local go e nmen we e ans-
o med ac oss he domains S aeheli e al. (2012) iden ified, namely spaces o
o mal (municipal) powe , public in e ac ions (pa icipa ion), and si es o
o dina y li es. As Luisa old us “ he e isn’ any mo e a ela ion o one pe son
o e ano he ; he e’sa diffe en ea men now, wi hou disdain o
mis ea men ”.
Di e si ying ci izenship
As no ed abo e, ci izenship eme ges in ela ion o he in e locking o ace,
gende , loca ion, and gene a ion which shape “in e ac ions o s a us and
posi ioning” and quali a i ely impac ci izen expe iences (S aeheli e al.
2012). Unde s anding Co acachi’s ci izenship u opias in ol es looking mo e
closely a measu es o include and p o ide digni y o his o ically low-s a us
social posi ions. In 2015, he coun y eaffi med i s commi men o “ he es-
i u ion, exe cise, and gua an ee o igh s … wi h an inclusi e ocus”
(Municipalidad Plan 2015). Co acachi es ablished mechanisms o add ess
di e si y ha eplica ed na ionwide ins i u ional a angemen s; howe e , i s
p ac ices and amewo ks e-embedded minimal na ional s anda ds in a
b oade igh s-based p axis in o med by Indigenous and subal e n knowl-
edge and expe iences. As a esul , he o mal sphe es o local poli ics, public
spaces, and – o some deg ee – e e yday encoun e s began o challenge
pos colonial in e sec ional hie a chies.
Co acachi’s app oach and p axis o acknowledging and add essing in e -
sec ional exclusions we e s ongly in o med by coo dina ed mul i acial
women’s ac i ism. A long his o y o women’s mo emen s ac oss u al and
u ban, mes izo, and Indigenous g oups saw impo an ini ia i es a ound
iolence agains women, and in e cul u al heal h (Mo eno 2014). Addi ion-
ally, women’s o ganisa ions p epa ed o ganic ag icul u al p oduc s and
cooked meals, and iden ified, cul i a ed, and sold medicinal plan s in o med
by a poli ics o wellbeing (Fue es, Mo án, and Hill 2013). Wi h espec o
o mal igh s, in 2007, women’s o ganisa ions iden ified he need o a local
o dinance agains iolence agains women, which was finally endo sed in
Ma ch 2018. In pa allel, women mobilised o p o ide ins i u ional suppo
o women expe iencing iolence including a e uge. Fi s de eloped by
he women’s Coo dinado a, a p oposal ga ne ed suppo in Co acachi’s
unique decision-making and esou ce-alloca ing p ocess (Mo eno 2014). A
he ime o fieldwo k, a dedica ed office p o ided legal and psychological
counselling o women affec ed by gende iolence, wi h mon hly isi s o
94 Sa ah A. Radcliffe
non-Andean a eas. A Kichwa-speaking eam membe ensu ed ha monolingual
women could access se ices (in e iews, 2018).
6
In o he dimensions, Co acachi ollowed p o isions o he 2008 Cons i u-
ion and subsequen legisla ion on decen alised go e nance. All munici-
pali ies we e equi ed o add ess he needs o defined “p io i y g oups”, and
design a local equali y agenda ha in o ms municipal decision-making and
budge alloca ion. In Co acachi, hese ini ia i es we e led by a woman, and a
man wi h disabili y a he ime o he esea ch. Local equali y agendas d ew
on amewo ks and expe ise cen ed in fi e na ional Equali y Councils o
gende , na ionali ies, and peoples (p ima ily Indigenous and A o-Ecuado ians),
in e gene a ional issues, disabili ies, and human mobili y. To a ying deg ees,
he equali y councils ope a ed wi h de-his o icised, disc e e social ca ego ies
a he han syn he ic and in e sec ional amewo ks (Radcliffe 2018). While
elemen s o na ional app oaches we e ound in Co acachi (wo kshop obse -
a ion, June 2018), he dis ic ’s dis inc i e epis emological-poli ical p axis
in used mo e c i ical meanings and p ac ice. Fi s , ci il socie y o ganisa ions
and local go e nmen employees s essed igh s-based easons o p io i ising
selec ed g oups.
7
In compa ison wi h na ional ca ego ies (Radcliffe 2018),
local in o man s highligh ed a ela ional and jus ice-o ien ed agenda
(in e iews, 2018).
Table 6.1 Cases o mo emen be ween ci il socie y and local go e nmen , Co acachi
2017–2018
Pseudonym Ci il socie y o ganisa ion Local go e nmen (elec ed
ep esen a i e ER, o
employee W)
Ped o Andean you h o ganisa ion Di ec o a e o Social
Pa icipa ion (ER)
Glo ia P esiden o AUCC-linked u ban Depa men o human
ede a ion; one- ime AUCC employee igh s and p io i y g oups
(W)
Te esa O e ca ee , ac i e in u ban you h Consul an o s eng hen
o ganisa ion, a women’s o ganisa ion, women’s o ganisa ions
p esiden o can ón ou ism g oup; (W)
AUCC p esiden
Rena a O e ca ee , UNORCAC-linked Pa ish and coun y (ER)
communi y leade , senio communi y
leade ; employed in na ional
peasan -Indigenous union
Liliana O e ca ee , communi y and Depa men o human
coun y-le el heal h olun ee and igh s and p io i y g oups
p ojec employee; UNORCAC (W)
easu e ; ep esen a i e on coun y
ances al medicine commission
Sou ce: o iginal esea ch in e iews.
E e yday ci izenship and decolonising u opias in Ecuado 95
I ’s a p inciple his idea o equali y in di e si y. Yes, i ’s in he discou se
o [Co acachi’s] local go e nmen and social o ganisa ions. I ’s ela ed o
in e cul u alism, and o he ecogni ion o Indigenous na ionali ies and
Kichwa [pa icula ly]. Also equali y in di e si y is discussed in e ms o
igh s. I seems o me ha he e is his idea when you ac ually gua an ee
igh s.
(Te esa, 2018, in e iew)
Mo eo e , Co acachi unde s ood p io i y g oups’ needs in ela ion o
expe iences o his o ic and cu en iolence, such as he abandonmen o
elde ly people, o disabled indi iduals’ social exclusion (Glo ia, Ma ch 2018,
in e iew). A Kichwa leade explained o us, “we wan o see he p oblem in
he ound in o de o c ea e policy. The coun y plan says ha i will wo k on
he heme o iolence” (Be a, 2018, in e iew).
A ending social iolence was inco po a ed in o municipal go e nance
om he 1990s, when mayo Ti uaña emphasised he u gency o disman ling
Whi e-mes izo physical, e bal, and psychological iolence agains Indigen-
ous and Black g oups. T aining p og ammes o sensi ise municipal ci il se -
an s, and local adio b oadcas s we e in oduced. Wi h a en ion o
mul i ace ed iden i ies, geog aphical, and li elihoods, he wo k o AUCC and
i s cons i uen g oups exceed de-his o icised na ional policy “siloed” equali y
agendas.
F om he 1990s a emp s we e made o employ mo e non-mes izo s aff in
he municipali y. Co acachi sough o di e si y he g oups, expe iences, and
knowledge ep esen ed in local go e nmen .
8
Despi e a slow s a , as a
communi y membe nea Co acachi own old us:
Now he e a e mo e Indigenous people [in local go e nmen ], wi h [ he
cu en mayo ]. Wi h Auki [Ti uaña], he e we e mo e mes izos in his
eam, whe eas now he e’s Indigenous p o essionals – you see mo e
Indigenous people.
(Eunice, 2018, in e iew)
The p inciple ha he coun y’s he e ogenei y should be eflec ed in municipal
offices was a widely accep ed one among ou in e locu o s.
9
A u al Kichwa
woman in he la e wen ies echoed his:
The [cu en ] mayo said ha he would wo k wi h Indigenous people, in
[coun y] offices, in leade ship. We alked so much abou in e cul u alism,
bu we had o p ac ise i . The e’s a pe cen age o us Indigenous people
who a e wo king.
In 2014–2015, Indigenous p o essionals made up o e one hi d o senio
s a e unc iona ies in he dis ic (Municipalidad Plan 2015, 156–157).
Longs anding inequali ies, howe e , esul ed in une en gains: di ec o s,

96 Sa ah A. Radcliffe
especially in fields such as finance, we e o en mes izos. Ne e heless, he
municipali y a guably become he wo kplace o mo e indi iduals in o med
by subal e n epis emologies, social expe iences, and ajec o ies ha we e
a ely ound in s a e bu eauc acies elsewhe e in Ecuado . A he human
igh s office, Liliana b ough g ass oo s o ganising and sociocul u al alues
and Kichwa fluency o public se ice: “In o ming mysel as a pe son, I
could see hese alues o manne s o gene osi y owa ds o he s. So, i made
me hink; he [cen al] go e nmen should see hese spaces and co e hese
needs” (Liliana, 2018, in e iew).
Building an in e cul u al ision and p axis o plu alise ep esen a ion,
Co acachi ep esen ed o commen a o s “a new poli ical landscape whe e i
is usual o find au ho i y embodied by Indigenous peoples, A o-Ecuado -
ians, peasan a me s, young people and women” (A boleda e al. 2012, 18).
While inclusion in Co acachi ulfilled na ional equi emen s, he dis ic ’s
long s anding an i-exclusion poli ics inflec ed ac ion wi h elemen s o an i-
colonial, in e sec ional, and in e cul u al goals, meanings, and p ac ice.
Acco ding o fieldwo k, hese a i udes and p ac ices became o dina y, and
ca ied no conno a ion o he 2008 cons i u ion o he cen al s a e’s ech-
noc a ic poli ics. Residen s unde s ood iolence and jus ice, equali y, and
di e si y ela ionally, which in u n shaped subs an i e ci izenship in he
public sphe e. Social di e si y in public se ices became a common sense,
encompassing plu al knowledge and expe iences in local go e nance.
De ending ci izenship
Whe eas Ecuado ’s cons i uen assembly ep esen ed a igo ous explosion o
na ional social mo emen agendas, he 2008 cons i u ion codified p og essi e
agendas in ways ha subsequen ly cons ained hei ma e ial impac s and
social meanings (Radcliffe 2012; Radcliffe and Radhube 2020). Fu he -
mo e, cen al go e nmen expe s p io i ised op-down echnoc a ic policy
models combined wi h populis he o ic o pu sue he apid expansion o
pe oleum and mine al expo s (De la To e 2013). Bu eauc a ic p o es-
sionals and na ional policies domina ed he na ion’s public sphe e, while
a enas o con es a ions we e inc easingly augh o social mo emen s. The
a c om social mo emen agenda o depoli icised echnical-p o essionalism
occu ed wi h he concep o buen i i (‘li ing in pleni ude’), as decades-old,
ha d-ea ned Indigenous lea ning was e-o ien ed and ins i u ionalised in
cen alising, mode nising and de elopmen al policy (Radcliffe 2012). S a e
buen i i , commen a o s concu , sidelined al e na i e p ac ices and concep ions
o inclusi e and egali a ian ci izenship.
Buen i i was no , howe e , a single, pa h-dependen , ci izenship poli ics.
“A he local le el, diffe en logics o doing go e nmen could be in oduced
in o exis ing se ings, opening spaces o he p ac ice o Buen Vi i by
ans o ming he mechanisms o he mode n colonial s a e i sel ” (Lang
2019, 176). The de ence o local agendas o in e cul u alism, c osscu ing
E e yday ci izenship and decolonising u opias in Ecuado 97
ep esen a ion and inco po a ion o g ass oo s di e si y in o go e nance
c ea ed spaces o an i-colonial logics. In Co acachi, as in o he a eas (espe-
cially in Amazonia), he dissonance be ween na ional and local agendas
pi o ed a ound ex ac i ism. Pu suing he expansion o hyd oca bon and
mine al expo s om 2006, he na ional go e nmen – unde he Alianza
País pa y – sough oil, imbe , and esou ce concessions. Co acachi ga ne ed
go e nmen in e es o he In ag zone’s Llu imagua coppe mine. This
in e en ion di ec ly coun e ed he coun y’s 1996 sel -decla a ion as an eco-
logical coun y, i s ongoing opposi ion o mining, and commi men s o bio-
di e si y conse a ion. Issues came o head in 2009 when candida es o he
go e nmen ’s Alianza País pa y won he municipal elec ions and a emp ed
o eshape decision-making by disman ling Co acachi’s decade-old ins i u-
ions o ci ic pa icipa ion (Jo ge, 2018, in e iew; Al ea 2021; Lalande
2009; O iz C espo 2013) and expanded ex ac i e ac i i ies. In one woman’s
wo ds, he pe iod 2009–2014 was cha ac e ised by a con olling, “ e y u ban,
concep ion” (in e iews, 2018). Andean communi ies ound he Alianza País
municipali y emo e and unconnec ed o hei claims, needs, and ci izenship
(Guandinango Vinueza 2013).
The h ea o ex ac i ism and he isk o Co acachi’s locally meaning ul
poli ical cul u e became he p omp s o local ac ion, bols e ed by wide-
sp ead indigna ion a he go e nmen -allied municipali y’s inep in e ac ions
wi h ci izens, who we e accus omed o consul a ion and oice. En i -
onmen alis s, small a me s, and ou ism ad oca es led local esis ance o
na ional plans o aw ma e ial ex ac ion. Disillusioned wi h he s a e’s
na ow in e p e a ions o buen i i , local u opian na a i es u ned o he
possibili ies o al e na i e economies based on ag oecology, o ganic coffee,
and eco ou ism. Inc easingly dissa isfied wi h hea y-handed a emp s o
exclude AUCC om go e nance, a coali ion o ci il socie y ne wo ks
(including UNORCAC and AUCC) con es ed and won he 2014 local elec-
ions (in e iews, 2018). Thus al hough ex ac i ism and u ban expe ise held
Co acachi coun y o fi e yea s (2009–2014), he model o in e cul u al,
pa icipa o y, and di e se ci izenship egained leade ship (albei wi hou
Ti uaña). Expe ienced ci il socie y ac i is s, o me municipal employees,
and elec ed ep esen a i es uni ed unde he banne o i i bien, a delibe a e
ewo king o cen al go e nmen ’s buen i i . This coali ion sough o lowe
public expec a ions while ecupe a ing he e ogeneous ci il socie y inpu .
Cons ain s on municipal au onomy in o med ealism abou he scope o
add ess all needs, and he pace o new in as uc u es (in e iews, 2018). I s
mission ne e heless e ained amilia ea u es: “a li ely democ acy, equi able
e i o ial planning, i i bien, and deli e y o good public se ices wi h a
ocus on igh s” (Municipalidad Visión 2014). The language o i i bien
signalled he municipal go e nmen ’s aim o achie e good (enough) li es
wi hou o e eaching (in e iews, 2018).
Howe e , he i i bien municipali y’s commi men o AUCC was i onclad:
a local o dinance confi med he la e was in eg al o local decision-making,
98 Sa ah A. Radcliffe
and consul ed public planning. Public app o al was g an ed a he annual
assembly and communica ed o he mayo ’soffice. Addi ionally, public unds
we e alloca ed o suppo ci il socie y o ganisa ions ha we e he bed ock o
AUCC (app ox. 3–5% o budge s un il 2019) (in e iews, 2018). These s eps
eaffi med ci izenship meanings and p ac ices ha gene a ed p ide in
Co acachi’s unique se -up. In in e iews wi h esiden s, he AUCC’s p ocesses
we e desc ibed as inclusi e and democ a ic. A middle-aged u al Kichwa
woman a gued ha local mo emen s defined i i bien: “some imes he e a e
la ge p oposals which can’ be comple ed in he sho e m … We know ha
he budge doesn’ co e e e y hing … We a e one wi h he municipali y –
ou people a e he e” (Au o a, 2018, in e iew).
Whe he he local ision and p ocess will emain i ex ac i is poli ical
economies change is difficul o p edic . In he mean ime, i i bien symbo-
lises he asse ion o an Indigenous-led, now mul i acial, u opian ci izenship
agains a echnoc a ic, ex ac i is and cen alis na ion-s a e.
Ci izenship u opias and p axis
Wha can we lea n abou ci izenship u opias om Co acachi? As discussed
below, he dis ic ’s combina ion o jus ice agendas wi h adically in e sec-
ional p ocesses ga e ise o a sha ed sense o social membe ship. Mo eo e ,
membe ship exp essed i sel in, and eaffi med, local go e nance p ocesses
and in e ac ions. Co acachi’s sui gene is ins i u ions and p ocesses gene a ed
syne gies ac oss ci il socie y, and be ween ci il socie y and local go e nmen .
These dynamics in u n c ea ed a well-in o med public. Toge he , hese ele-
men s p oduced an o dina y ci izenship ha – despi e majo s uc u al,
social, and poli ical cons ain s – p o ided lessons o making ci izenship
u opias in o g anula daily eali ies.
Membe ship in Co acachi’s local ci izenship did no wo k h ough s a ic
a enas o ep esen a ion, wi h ci il socie y and mo emen s sepa a ed om a
Webe ian bu eauc acy. Ra he , di e se ci il socie y g oups we e ep esen ed
di ec ly and indi ec ly in he s a u o y o ganisa ions in AUCC, and ci il
socie y ac o s emained openly c i ical o he municipali y, sugges ing co-
op a ion is no cu en ly an issue (Came on 2009). Gende al e na es in lea-
de ship mean , o ins ance, ha a male, u ban mes izo p esiden had o pass
o a emale p esiden wi h a diffe en social posi ion. O e hei li e ime,
indi iduals could mo e be ween social mo emen and municipal oles, and
swi ch he social g oups hey ep esen ed ( eflec ing mul i ace ed social
posi ionings) (see Table 6.1).
These office holde s and ac i is s desc ibed li e pa hs wea ing oge he ci il
socie y and municipali y, eflec ing sus ained close ela ions be ween local
go e nmen and local popula ions. In 2016–2018, AUCC’s di e si y was
con inuously enewed in i s cons i uen ci il socie y o ganisa ions, as ep e-
sen a i es and olun ee s we e elec ed e e y couple o yea s. AUCC had
mul iple posi ions o be filled, as did UNORCAC and 43 u al communi ies,
E e yday ci izenship and decolonising u opias in Ecuado 99
he Conso cio Toisan, he women’s Coo dinado a and so on. In UNOR-
CAC’s women’s o ganisa ions – he oldes in he AUCC – nume ous women
had been leade s in UNORCAC i sel , 29 communi y women’s g oups, and
o ganisa ions o midwi es, heal h olun ee s, ag oecology p oduce s, and
women in pa ish councils. “The pa icipa o y p ocess is beau i ul; we a e
suppo ing each o he ’s o ganisa ions, all unde equal condi ions” (Te esa,
2018, in e iew). Indigenous esiden s pe cei ed ha local go e nmen
included “people like hem”, and could desc ibe acquain ances’ ajec o ies
be ween social ac i ism and municipal oles.
Ci il socie y o ganisa ions and leade s mo eo e played a key ole in ci -
cula ing in o ma ion, encou aging discussions, and in o ming publics abou
key issues in he dis ic . Pa icipa ion in a g ass oo s o coun ywide g oup
en ailed lea ning abou igh s, go e nance, policy, planning, and some imes
expe knowledge (on wa e , en i onmen , women’s igh s, and so on). As
such, hey se ed as in o mal “schools o ci izenship” because leade s –
some imes membe s – acqui ed o ganisa ional expe ience, lea n abou laws
and al e na i es, and ga he ed in o ma ion. As no ed, he municipali y p o-
ided unds and s aff suppo o new leade ships ac oss ci il socie y g oups
o ensu e quick and powe ul ansi ions in o pa icipa o y wo kshops and
exchanges on di e se opics (in e iews, 2018; Mo eno 2014). Ye ci il socie y
o ganisa ions acqui ed skills and knowledge beyond aining sessions, as
knowledge p oduc ion was nu u ed among o dina y ci izens, some wi h
limi ed o mal educa ion. These coun e -publics made possible “opposi ional
in e p e a ions o … iden i ies, in e es s and needs” (F ase 1990, 67). Fo
ins ance, Liliana, a u al Andean woman, held a ious go e nmen , ede a ion,
and communi y oles:
I’ e gone h ough so many phases, aken so many s eps … and i chan-
ges you as a pe son. How can I explain i ? One becomes a pe son wi h
mo e solida i y … mo e pa ience, and eels o he peoples’ needs … I’ e
no gone h ough [ o mal] s udies and sa a a desk, bu had expe iences
in my amily, in communi ies.
(Liliana, 2018, in e iew)
Gi en cons uc i e in e ac ions be ween ci il socie y and he local s a e, such
knowledge p oduc ion eased indi iduals’ ansi ions be ween o ganisa ions
and local go e nmen , and p o ided a non-s a e aining ou e o s ee -le el
ci il se an s (c . Go don 2023). In compa ison o ci il socie y’s widesp ead
exclusion om planning and knowledge p oduc ion ac oss Andean coun ies
(Came on 2009), his ep esen ed a significan subs an i e igh . In Co acachi,
he egula cycle – and la ge size
10
– o mee ings, consul a ions, wo kshops,
and assemblies ac oss he e i o y b ough knowledge p oduc ions and
p axis epea edly in o he public sphe e. The combina ion o mobile ole
holde s, high le els o public knowledge, and egula public mee ings
106 A acely Rod íguez Malagón and Eija Ran a
In i s six y yea s, he Cuban socialis sys em has passed h ough many
c oss oads, including he hegemonic p essu e o he Uni ed S a es, whose
emba go on Cuba has been in o ce since 1962, and he all o he o me
communis sys em o he So ie Union and he socialis coun ies o Eas e n
Eu ope in 1991 (Val onen 2001; Whi e 2015). Today, Cuba aces majo
challenges and se e al in e ela ed dilemmas, including hose ela ed o
gende equali y and acial jus ice, which equi e u gen economic, poli ical,
and social esponses. The challenging social si ua ion has been in ensified by
he COVID-19 pandemic and he “economic ealignmen ”, which unified he
nea ly wen y-yea -old dual-cu ency sys em in 2021, aising p ices and
educing people’s pu chasing powe (Fundo a Ne o 2021). The cu en
mul iple c ises ha e se e ely affec ed he Black popula ion, who a e in a mo e
ulne able posi ion han he es o he popula ion in e ms o li elihoods,
employmen , wages, and quali y o housing; “wi h i s his o ical dispossession, i
suffe s a se ies o deficiencies now mul iplied” (Zu bano 2021, 166).
Among he pending social issues is he posi ion o he Cuban e olu ion
owa ds social ac i ism. Since he beginning o he 1990s, and again oday in
adiffe en con ex , social g oups and ac i is s ha e s a ed o eme ge beyond
socialis mass o ganisa ions, including an i- acis g oups, Black eminis
g oups, and LGBTQIA+ ac i is s. Thei hemes e ol e a ound such issues
as di e si y, inclusion, and decoloniali y. Focusing pa icula ly on eminis
an i- acis ac i ism, we define i as “a con es a o y social p ac ice, which
pays o he challenge o an icipa ing poli ical and academic con en ions by
p oducing si ua ed knowledge and a se ies o concep s and app oaches
endo sed in social p ac ice” (Zu bano 2021, 152). Howe e , as he s a e and
ci il socie y ha e ended o be one and he same en i y in socialis sys ems
(Ko nai 1992, 46) such as Cuba, e olu iona y leade s ha e gene ally been
suspicious o social ac i ism, social mo emen s, and ci il socie y. By ocusing
on he pe cep ions and iewpoin s o eminis and an i- acis ac i is s, his
chap e highligh s he impo ance o new social ac i isms ha p omo e
di e si y o sa egua d equali y and social jus ice as undamen al p inciples o
he e olu iona y p ocess. Simila ly, he chap e sugges s ha he e olu-
iona y p ocess could benefi om making an i- acis ac i ism mo e isible,
pa icula ly as enac ed by A o-Cuban women whose con ibu ions ha e no
ye been ully ecognised. Thus, he chap e joins in he calls o Cuban
in ellec uals and poli icians who ha e sugges ed ha Cuban socialism needs
o begin o p o ide spaces o he di e si y o human subjec i i ies,
capaci ies, and p e e ences (He edia Ma inez 2021).
In summa y, he chap e discusses social ac i ism in Cuba, ocusing pa i-
cula ly on Black eminism and an i- acism, in es iga ing how, why, and o
wha ex en A o-Cuban women as ac i is s ha e been p omo ing eminism
and an i- acism. Resea ch on an i- acism ac i ism in La in Ame ica has
inc eased o e he las yea s (Mo eno Figue oa and Wade 2022; Mo eno
Figue oa and Wade 2024; Ran a and Zen eno Law ence o hcoming). This
chap e also explo es he ex en o which he Cuban s a e has ecognised – o

Black eminis and an i- acis ac i ism 107
no – he con ibu ions o Black eminis s and an i- acis ac i is s o s a e
policies and p og ams. I is impo an o ocus specifically on Black women’s
ac i ism because, while he e olu ion has o en been seen as ad ancing he
posi ion o Black people, esea ch on acial jus ice in Cuba has no ed ha
A o-Cubans ne e had simila affi ma i e ac ion policies as women and
peasan s, o example (Mo ales Domínguez 2002; Zu bano 2021); addi ion-
ally, he in e sec ing inequali ies affec ing Black Cuban women ha e been he
mos in isible. Th ough academic-ac i is esea ch, his chap e d aws on
esea che Rod íguez Malagón’s expe iences as a Black Cuban eminis and
an i- acis ac i is , as well as semi-s uc u ed and quali a i e in e iews wi h
eminis and an i- acis ac i is s in wes e n Cuba and in he Cuban diaspo a
in Finland.
1
We a gue ha h ough he decons uc ion o deep colonial and
pa ia chal ies and wounds, ac i is s claim and seek he isibilisa ion o hei
agendas. Howe e , while ac i is s’ con ibu ions a e necessa y as pa o
esis ance and al e i y, s a e ins i u ions o en con inue o igno e, app op ia e,
and delegi imise hei achie emen s and p oposed ideas.
The chap e is o ganised as ollows. The fi s sec ion begins by desc ibing
he o igins o eminis and an i- acis ac i ism du ing he colonial and
epublican e a in Cuba. The second sec ion add esses eminism, an i- acism,
and he challenges hey aced du ing he fi s decades o he Cuban e olu-
ion. The hi d sec ion ocuses on ac i ism du ing he 1990s and ea ly 2000s.
Finally, he pe cep ions and ac ions o Black Cuban eminis s conce ning he
cu en ins i u ional p og ammes o gende equali y and an i- acism a e
discussed.
Black eminis ac i ism in colonial and epublican Cuba
In Cuba, an i- acis ac i ism can be aced back o he his o ic esis ance o
Black women and men o he sla e y and colonial plan a ion economy ha
we e in place om he six een h cen u y o he la e nine een h cen u y. This
opp essi e and iolen sys em, which was he backbone o Spanish colonial-
ism, denied he humani y and digni y o gene a ions o ensla ed Black
popula ions, using he no ion o ace and he ideology o acism as ools o
economic exploi a ion and cul u al denig a ion (Ma ínez-Alie 1989; Min z
1974). Sla e y engende ed s uc u al and ins i u ional acism and, he e o e,
“in Cuba being Black was a blemish, a disad an age a all le els o social
li e” (Mo ales Domínguez 2002, 60). Al hough he p opo ion o men among
hose ensla ed, as well as he es o he immig an popula ion, was sig-
nifican ly highe han ha o women (Johnson 2001, 24), and his o iog aphy
has ocused subs an ially on he ole o men in he poli ics o ebellion, Black
women also ac i ely ough agains sla e y and pa icipa ed, o ganised, and
led sla e ebellions and cima on e ol s (Finch 2015; Rubie a and He ia
2017), including, o example, wo ensla ed women, Ca lo a and Fe mina
Lucumí, who led one o he mos ex ensi e and o ganised sla e ebellions in
suga mills in Ma anzas in 1843 (House 2015). A o-Cuban belie s and
108 A acely Rod íguez Malagón and Eija Ran a
i uals played an impo an ole in A ican-descen women’s ac i ism (Finch
2015), d awing on he long his o y o o ganising Black esis ance wi hin
e hnically s uc u ed b o he hoods, socie ies, and councils (Fe nández
Robaina 1997; Oilda, 1996).
In he la e nine een h cen u y, Black ac i ism ope a ed amid he s uggle
o Cuba’s independence o which he aboli ion o sla e y was also in ima ely
connec ed. The acial ques ion can be conside ed he mos impo an and
complex issue o shape Cuban na ionalism (Fe e 2011). Al hough he wa
agains he Spanish uni ed diffe en pa s o he popula ion, he demand o
na ional uni y and he subsequen ideology o c eolisa ion – o mes izaje
(becoming mul i acial) – o en mean specifically “ he c eoliza ion o he
Black pe son” (Mo ales Domínguez 2002, 60–62). Howe e , Black women
and men sough social, cul u al, economic, and poli ical inclusion, and he
decons uc ion o mul iple colonial o ms, including he p oduc ion o sci-
ence and knowledge ha main ained and legi imised hei acialisa ion, such
as eugenics. They used li e a u e, poe y, music, and pedagogy as ools in
hei esis ance s uggles, denouncing mul iple posi ions o opp ession. In he
Republican e a (1902–1959), mos o he Black and mes izo (Mixed-Race)
popula ion was uneduca ed and impo e ished by he wa , and we e unem-
ployed o wo king in lowe -paying jobs and wi hou s a e social suppo
(Mo ales Domínguez 2002, 67). No did hey ha e poli ical oppo uni ies
(Mo ales Domínguez 2002, 67).
In Republican Cuba, he e was a wide ange o p ojec s, ins i u ions, and
ac ions o acial jus ice (Zu bano 2021, 140), including he ounding o he
Independen Pa y o Colo (Pa ido Independien e de Colo , PIC) in 1908
and i s a med up ising in 1912 ha ended wi h he massac e and dissolu ion
o he pa y in which many Black women had pa icipa ed. Howe e , despi e
he difficul ies, women “succeeded in p omo ing hei own demands h ough
in ellec ual, poli ical, and union ac i ism” (Almeida Junco and Rod íguez
Malagón 2023, 226). Un o una ely, hei ole was no ecognised by he
eminis mo emen , “which shows he lack o uni y and he unde alua ion
o he p oblems o [A o-Cuban] women” (Almeida Junco and Rod íguez
Malagón 2023, 226). E en so, Black women’s ac i ism was essen ial in he
ba les o ci il and poli ical igh s, including he 1934 uni e sal suff age
(B unson 2022). The effec o he wo k ca ied ou by Black women esul ed
in he consec a ion, o he fi s ime, o hei hi he o silenced agendas in he
Thi d Women’s Cong ess (1939). As spokespe son was he in ellec ual Ma ía
Dámasa Jo a, a Black eminis , educa o , and poe , whose cong ess speech
ma ked a miles one in his o y, challenging he powe o bou geois eminism
h ough he an i- acis and eminis discou se. Thus, she was one o he fi s
Black women ac i ely o engage in poli ics (Rod íguez Malagón 2021). She
was ollowed, o example, by Espe anza Sánchez Mas apa, a eminis ac i-
is , communis , and he fi s Black woman in he Cuban Pa liamen , who
d ew poli ical and public a en ion o he ac ha disc imina o y p ac ices
elega ed mos Black women o low-paid jobs such as domes ic, ag icul u al,
Black eminis and an i- acis ac i ism 109
and ac o y wo k, as well as he in o mal sec o , wi hou he possibili y o
p omo ion and social ascen (B unson 2022).
The 1959 e olu ion b ough i s own challenges o Black eminism. While
acism was add essed be e han be o e, eminism became a bou geois issue
in e olu iona y he o ic, hus silencing deba e abou mul iple eminisms o
decades. We now mo e on o discuss his opic in mo e de ail.
Feminism and an i- acism du ing he socialis e olu ion
The Cuban e olu ion began an ambi ious p ocess o inse ing women in o he
economy, wo k, poli ics, educa ion, and cul u al li e. Women became impo an
ac o s in he popula and mili a y de ence o he e olu ion, as well as in he
de elopmen o i s ag icul u al and indus ial p oduc ion. Impo an ly, he
e olu iona y go e nmen “sough o include women in socie y in a way ha
was p e iously – bo h quan i a i ely and quali a i ely – un hinkable” (T iple
2022, 84). The Fede a ion o Cuban Women (FMC) was ounded in 1960 in
esponse o he demand o g ea e pa icipa ion o women in he e olu iona y
p ocess, uni ing a ious collec i e s uggles o women a ound social, poli ical,
and iden i y p oblems. I became an “ins i u ional [channel] o a icula ion ha
mobilized, socialized, and poli icized women wi h he alues, a i udes, and
beha iou s o he ideal e olu iona y ci izen” (T iple 2022, 92). Howe e , wi h
he unifica ion came new challenges. The di e si y o agendas and eflec ions
wi hin he FMC ceased o be discussed, c ea ing gaps ha a e s ill p esen
oday, as exposed by ac i ism. Acco ding o Díaz Canals (2013), al hough he
FMC did no comple ely ejec he social ac i ism ha o igina ed om wi hin
he mass o ganisa ion, he e y wo d eminism became suspicious when unde -
s ood as ha ing bou geois o igin. Fu he mo e, when add essing he issue o
women, i was o en unde s ood as a singula p oblem, and di e si y issues
( ace, sexuali y, e c.) we e no conside ed, and some imes he e was e en
homophobia (Díaz Canals 2013).
Du ing he e olu iona y p ocess, many o he spaces o acial jus ice
ac i ism disappea ed. Acco ding o he e olu iona y discou se, Cuba had
managed o e adica e acism and build “a aceless socie y, one in which he
colo o he skin would ha e no influence on indi idual li e chances” (De la
Fuen e 2001, 67). This idea o a unified Cuba, wi hou ace o colou , had
al eady been p esen in he independence ideology o José Ma í (Spence
Benson 2016, 9–13), bu he demand o na ional uni y and he ea o social
agmen a ion we e also p ominen in e olu iona y Cuba, which aced he
con inuous con on a ion o he Uni ed S a es (Mo ales Domínguez 2002,
79). I was a gued ha he s uc u al condi ions o acism in Cuba had
disappea ed because he e olu ion had elimina ed social classes and c ea ed
economic equali y o all (housing, heal h, educa ion, employmen ). Conse-
quen ly, acism was associa ed only wi h ea u es o “impe ialism, capi alism,
and he whi e eli es, enemies o he e olu ion and ep esen a i es o US
in e es s” (De la Fuen e 2001, 67). Since he acial issue was seen as pa o
110 A acely Rod íguez Malagón and Eija Ran a
he capi alis pas , an i- acis awa eness and educa ion we e abandoned
(He edia Ma inez 2021). Acco ding o Clealand (2017, 2), acial diffe ence
became i ele an and acial consciousness was conside ed “incompa ible
wi h e olu ion”.
I is e iden ha acialised Cubans benefi ed conside ably om he s uc-
u al ans o ma ions o he e olu ion. By he 1980s, hei educa ional and
employmen oppo uni ies had expanded, li e expec ancy and heal h indica-
o s imp o ed, and upwa d social mobili y became possible (De la Fuen e
2001, 67–72). Despi e his, less p og ess was made in a eas such as housing
condi ions, equali y be ween neighbou hoods, iolence, and c ime. The Black
popula ion s ill suffe ed he mos om inadequa e housing condi ions,
esiding in poo and deg aded neighbou hoods, and hey we e o e -
ep esen ed in he p ison popula ion (De la Fuen e 2001, 72–74). Al hough,
hanks o he effo s o he e olu ion, hei educa ion le els we e almos
equal o ha o he Whi e popula ion, deep asymme ies con inued in access
o he mos demanding jobs and be e wages (Mo ales Domínguez 2002,
72). This asymme y can be explained, o example, by clien elism and
in o mal ne wo ks o powe (Mo ales Domínguez 2002, 83), bu also by
acis a i udes. Acco ding o esea ch conduc ed by he Cen o de An o-
pología in 1995, 58% o Whi es belie ed ha Blacks a e less in elligen and
65% belie ed ha Blacks do no ha e equal alues and decency (Mo ales
Domínguez 2002, 73).
Yoselin,
2
a 53-yea -old eache who was in e iewed o his s udy, com-
men ed on he disc epancies be ween discou ses and e e yday li e as ollows:
When [ he issue o acism] is discussed, i is always ha , “ hanks o he
Re olu ion o 1959, we ha e been able o elimina e acism. Blacks,
Whi es, we all ecei e exac ly he same educa ion. Blacks, Whi es, we all
ha e he same oppo uni ies o ad ance”…Tha was he poli ical dis-
cou se. In eali y, hen hings happened ha did no ollow his he o-
ic …The ac ha he poli ical discou se is o a ce ain ype, does no
mean ha he eali y co esponds o i .
(In e iew, Decembe 2021)
Nane , a membe o an an i- acis eminis p ojec , offe ed his iew:
E en i he e we e a emp s o e ase diffe ences be ween Whi es, Blacks,
and Mula os,
3
hey inc eased a indi idual le els. E en i we we e all
equals by law, in he exp essions o e e yday li e, i was no like ha , and
much less so wi h he new o ms o economic managemen ha ha e
been aking place since he 1990s.
(In e iew, July 2022)
Much like elsewhe e in La in Ame ica, acial equali y became he s a e dis-
cou se a he expense o he ac ions o acialised pe sons hemsel es.
Black eminis and an i- acis ac i ism 111
Howe e , since he beginning o he 1990s, a endency owa ds a coun e -
discou se can be iden ified om such spaces and ac o s ha we e no neces-
sa ily au ho ised by he e olu iona y s a e. This included a is s, in ellec-
uals, ac i is s, and, o some ex en , uni e si ies. The an i- acis agenda was
p omo ed, o example, in he Cong ess o he Na ional Union o W i e s
and A is s o Cuba (UNEAC) in 1998 and he o he cong esses ha ol-
lowed. In he nex sec ion, we in es iga e how acism began o be discussed
mo e eely as pa o g owing conce ns abou po e y and inequali y, as
Nane also men ioned in he p e ious quo e.
The impac s o he special pe iod on eminism, an i- acism, and ac i ism
The collapse o he So ie Union and he communis bloc in Eas e n Eu ope
caused a deep economic c isis and ood eme gency in Cuba, commonly
known as he special pe iod. Tou ism, o eign emi ances, and small-scale
en ep eneu ship became he main pilla s o he economy. Po e y and
inequali ies inc eased, and acis p ejudices ci cula ed mo e easily (De la
Fuen e 2001). The Black and Mixed-Race popula ion we e unde ep esen ed
in he ou ism sec o s and he new p i a e economy ( o example, only 2% o
he owne s o he new p i a e ag icul u e we e Black o Mixed-Race) and
ecei ed ew emi ances om ab oad since mo e han 80% o Cuban immi-
g an s, a he ime, we e Whi e (Mo ales Domínguez 2002, 74). In e ms o
he ole o women, acco ding o Pe ie a (2008), a p ocess o eloca ion by
gende began in which he household enewed i s meaning as a p io i y space
o women. Unde condi ions o ma e ial sca ci y and declining u ban
a chi ec u e, women’s bu den o finding and p epa ing ood, main aining
hygiene, and main aining he household inc eased eno mously (Pe ie a
2008; see also Hä könen 2016). In o he wo ds, he e was a backlash in e ms
o women’s emancipa ion.
A he same ime, howe e , a pe iod o unp eceden ed eedom o social
ac i ism and ci il socie y ini ia i es eme ged. New social and poli ical ac i -
i y boomed, led by di e se kinds o communi y leade s, eminis s, eligious
g oups (including he expansion o A o-Cuban eligions), and cul u al
o ganisa ions, who indi idually and collec i ely a icula ed p oposals o he
elimina ion o acial disc imina ion and acism. Among he an i- acis o ga-
nisa ions and pla o ms o he ea ly 1990s we e La Co adía de la Neg i ud
and P oyec o Colo Cubano, in addi ion o he impo an ole played by
such ins i u ions as he Fe nando O iz Founda ion, he Ins i u e o
An h opology, and Casa de Á ica in acili a ing he new p oli e a ion o
egional and in e na ional con ac s and ne wo ks be ween A o-Ca ibbean
and A o-La in Ame ican esea che s, ac i is s, and a is s (Zu bano 2021,
147–148).
One o he new o ms o eminis o ganisa ion was he Magín g oup,
es ablished in 1994 in he a e ma h o he o ma ion o he Ibe o-Ame ican
ne wo k o women in communica ion (Fe nandes 2020, 24). This was a g oup

112 A acely Rod íguez Malagón and Eija Ran a
o women communica ion p o essionals who came oge he wi h he aim o
changing he image o women in he media, con on ing sexism, acism, and
gende ed s e eo ypes ha ein o ced pa ia chy. I had app oxima ely 385
membe s in Ha ana, and g oups o abou 20 people in he p o inces o Pina
del Río and San iago de Cuba (Fe nandes 2020, 25, 125). Among hem we e
se e al Black women who would la e become e e en s o an i- acism
s uggle: o example, Daisy Rubie a (w i e , ac i is , his o ian, and la e one
o he ounde s o he G upo A ocubanas [2011–2019]), Geo gina He e a
(ac i is , poe , and no elis ), and No ma Guilla d Limon a (ac i is , Black
eminis , and la e ounde o one o he fi s lesbian g oups o he coun y in
2005; on G upo O emi, see Saunde s 2012). Magín capi alised on he
eme ging in e na ional gende discou se, pa ne ing wi h La in Ame ican
and ansna ional eminis ne wo ks, UN agencies, and in e na ional non-
go e nmen al o ganisa ions (NGOs) (Fe nandes 2020, 24).
Feminis ac i ism also eme ged among he esea ch communi y, including
he launch o he Women’s S udies p og amme a Casa de las Amé icas and
he Chai o Women’s S udies a he Uni e si y o Ha ana. Howe e , some
ac i is s ha e c i icised hese p og ammes o no including di e se emin-
isms, on ologies, epis emologies, and decoloniali y. The leade o an an i-
acis communi y p ojec , o example, sugges ed in ou in e iew ha Cuban
academia ends o “de alue he capaci y [o A o-descendan s] o exe cise
c i icism and awa eness o [ hei own] eali y [because] i igno es o he
knowledge han he wes e n colonising pe spec i e” (in e iew, July 2022).
No wi hs anding, academic ins i u ions we e sa e spaces o eme ging em-
inis g oups and, o example, sociologis s a he Uni e si y o Ha ana made
mo e p og ess on di e si y. The wo k o he Mi a Agui e Chai o Gende
and Media, which was ins alled a he José Ma í Ins i u e o Jou nalism,
was also p aisewo hy. I escued he he i age o Cuban eminism and
a icula ed in ensely wi h he La in Ame ican and Ca ibbean eminis mo e-
men s, which we e a g ea inspi a ion o Cuban eminis s and an oppo u-
ni y o lea n ansna ionally. This led o he ounding o new eminis g oups,
including Galfisa, a social s udies collec i e wi h an ac ion-pa icipa o y
esea ch me hodology ha con ibu ed o he c ea ion o equal condi ions
o women and men, and p omo ed deba es and exchanges ela ed o
al e na i e emancipa o y knowledge, among o he hings.
F om ano he pe spec i e, eme ging an i- acis and eminis ac i ism
coincided wi h b oade p ocesses o cul u al e o m a he dawn o he mil-
lennium. We mus highligh he impo an oices o A o-descendan women
wi hin he hip-hop and spoken wo d mo emen , including, among o he s,
Las K udas, Magia MC, La Posi i a, Unión Pe ec a, Ins in o, Ma iana,
Lucy, and A íbola. This a i ism – a combina ion o a and ac i ism –
became a dissiden space o he enuncia ion o subal e n Black eminisms.
They c ea ed hei own symbolic uni e se decons uc ing pa ia chy,
machismo, and acial disc imina ion, and he discou se o eminis hip hop
became a symbol o emancipa ion (Ma ia u 2009). In gene al, he appe
Black eminis and an i- acis ac i ism 113
mo emen o he 1990s was conside ed a angua d o an i- acis s uggles in
Cuba, al hough he au ho i ies judgemen ally used o call appe s “ adical
Blacks” (Fe nandes 2020, 123).
In he ea ly 1990s, he go e nmen ole a ed – and e en p omo ed – he
eme gence o new o ms o ac ion in ci il socie y. Fidel Cas o, pa y leade
and p esiden , began o use he p e iously despised concep o ci il socie y a
in e na ional con e ences (Reaud 2002, 240) and na ional o ums, encou a-
ging deba es on ci il socie y as pa o he eshaping o he na ion’s new
u u e in difficul imes (Geoff ay Lau e 2014, 225). The Cuban Minis y o
Jus ice was eage o demons a e in e na ionally ha i had mo e han 2,000
ci ic associa ions on i s eco ds, mos o hem a e nal, cul u al, and spo s
associa ions (Dilla and Oxho n 2002, 17). Simila ly, de elopmen coope a-
ion g ew apidly and, in 1994, newly es ablished de elopmen NGOs we e
implemen ing app oxima ely 100 p ojec s wi h Eu opean and Canadian
pa ne s (Dilla and Oxho n 2002, 20).
Howe e , be ween 1996 and 1998, ha ing eco e ed om he ini ial eco-
nomic shock ollowing he collapse o he So ie Union, official he o ic
ega ding NGOs and ci il socie y igh ened. In 1996, he Communis Pa y
issued i s own official defini ion o “a socialis ci il socie y”, which e e ed
o adi ional e olu iona y mass o ganisa ions and some au ho ised NGOs.
Se e al ci ic g oups we e shu down. This included Magín, whose applica ion
o NGO s a us had no been app o ed, and whose wo k was inc easingly
seen as a channel h ough which o eign in e es s could be implemen ed in
Cuba (Fe nandes 2020, 28–29). Thei ac i i ies ended quie ly (Fe nandes
2020, 28–29). Acco ding o Sonia Mo o, an ac i is om Magín, he Cen al
Commi ee o he Communis Pa y showed i s pa ia chal na u e and he
connec ions be ween pa ia chy and powe when i a acked he eminis
agenda o he o ganisa ion (Ál a ez 2017). The effec s o his pa y conduc
ha e been long- e m, and a e s ill isible oday, as exp essed by Sand a
Ál a ez (2021), ac i is and psychologis , ounde o he fi s Cuban A o-
eminis blog Neg a Cubana Tenía Que Se :
I don’ hink he e is a eminis mo emen in Cuba oday … Ac i ism, as
i is known in he wen ie h cen u y, is ela i ely new in he coun y … A
“mo emen ” is no a g oup, no se e al p ojec s, no a communi y, bu
cons i u es a “some hing” much mo e, no only in quan i a i e e ms,
bu abo e all in con en , s uc u es, syne gies be ween diffe en componen s,
alliances, goals.
Cuban officials con inue o moni o he o ms and limi s o poli ical, social,
and ci ic ac ions, allowing some new o ms o poli ical pa icipa ion and
ac i ism (Geoff ay Lau e 2014). New ac i isms a e ole a ed and suppo ed
i hey wo k wi hin he amewo k o Cuban socialism and do no ansla e
in o al e na i e poli ical mo emen s. The leade o an an i- acis p ojec
sha ed he opinion on an i- acis ac i ism in an in e iew in July 2022:
114 A acely Rod íguez Malagón and Eija Ran a
Any ac i ism wo k ha con on s he sys emic cons uc ion o acism is
unde suspicion, ei he because i is seen as ques ioning powe s uc u es o
because [ou ac i isms] a e seen as oppo unis ic poli ical agendas ha seek
o disc edi he achie emen s o ou social sys em. Some imes hese suspi-
cions ansla e in o uncom o able ques ioning [abou ou ac ions] ha
e eal p ejudices, as well as lack o knowledge and us in ou ac i ism …
When we wan o collabo a e and p omo e mu ual lea ning o each o he ’s
me hodologies and wo k s yles, ensions and censo ship a ise, as well as
in isibilisa ions, which inc ease ou a igue and ou his o ical wounds.
(In e iew, July 2022)
An an i- acis and LGBTQIA+ ac i is om ano he g oup pu i mo e
candidly in an in e iew. Acco ding o he :
The e is no space o dialogue be ween an i- acis ac i is s [and s a e
officials], no is i planned. The e is a misunde s anding in he poli ical
discou se, and ins ead o mo i a ing ou wo k, hey p e en he c ea ion
o NGOs. Those NGOs ha he s a e au ho ises espond in some way o
i s in e es s … I has been ha d, and i is e en ha de oday, because now
ac i is g oups a e ea ed wi h g ea e ep ession and many ac i is s
ha e been sanc ioned.
(In e iew, July 2022)
Hence, ac i is s eel ha he necessa y socio-poli ical condi ions do no exis
o A o-descendan o ganisa ions o occupy a space in he public a ena (see
also Ma ín Se illano 2014). In ac , o da e he e is no associa ion ha
specifically ep esen s Black people and in pa icula Black women (Ma ín
Se illano 2014). I is impo an o no e ha he only official o ganisa ion ha
s ill ep esen s all women is he FMC.
New go e nmen p og ammes agains acism and gende disc imina ion
In he a ea o an i- acism, p ojec s such as G upo A ocubanas, es ablished
in 2011, ha e eme ged, wi h he p esence o Inés Ma ia Ma ia u, Daisy
Rubie a, Sand a Ál a ez, Ca men Gonzáles, and Paulina Má quez. A o-
descendan women om di e se disciplines, con ex s, knowledge, and ideol-
ogies uni ed in a p ojec wi h a common goal: o eco e Black eminis
hough om i s colonial his o ical, social, poli ical, and cul u al he i age
(Rubie a 2019). G upo A o-Cubanas managed o collec he mul iplici y o
expe iences o Cuban Black women and place hem as cen al p o agonis s,
make hem isible, and demons a e he alue o collec i e memo y as a ool
in he ace o he his o iog aphical obli ion o Black expe iences, acism, and
pe sis en acial disc imina ion.
Di e se and mul idimensional eminis ac i ism has de eloped (Ab eu
2019). A new ea u e is he use o he in e ne , pa icula ly blogs, including
Black eminis and an i- acis ac i ism 115
Neg a Cubana Tenía Que Se and Di ec o io de A ocubanas, bo h by
Sand a Ál a ez, and he blog Bi áco a de Viaje, by Yasmín S. Po ales-
Machado, which denounces gende gaps and acial disc imina ion. On he
o he hand, h oughou he coun y, he e is local and communi y ac i ism,
led mos ly by women in e es ed in en ep eneu ship, cuisine, aes he ics, eli-
gion, music, li e a u e, and pain ing, among o he hings. The an i- acis and
LGBTQIA+ ac i is men ioned ea lie old us abou he expe iences in he
an i- acis g oup El Club del Espend ú as ollows:
[I was] my mos palpable expe ience o ac i ism wi h a decolonising, peda-
gogical, and educa i e app oach, whe e we decons uc ed and econs uc ed
imagina ies. I was so unique he way in which El Club del Espend ú
e o mula ed he social his o y o Black peoples in Cuba om p axis.
In e ms o collabo a ions, hese g oups ha e spon aneously o med a
common on in opposing he wo ldwide ise o an i-gende mo emen and
gende -based iolence, as well as he eligious undamen alism ha has also
begun o ake shape in Cuba. A o-Cuban eminis ac i is s ha e also man-
aged o pu p essu e on he na ion’s decision-making bodies, including in he
case o he ecen ly app o ed Family Code (2022), which, among o he
issues, legalised same-sex ma iage and adop ion igh s, an issue p omo ed
by ac i is s om he beginning.
Howe e , some ac i is s eel ha s a e ins i u ions ha e app op ia ed hei
ideas and s uggles wi hou ecognising hei wo k. This c i ique ela es
mainly o con empo a y go e nmen policies ega ding gende equali y and
an i- acism, namely, he Na ional P og amme agains Racism and Racial
Disc imina ion (P og ama Nacional con a el Racismo y la Disc iminación
Racial, PNCRD) (2019) and he Na ional Plan o he Ad ancemen o
Women (Plan Nacional pa a el A ance de las Muje es, PAM) (2020). Bo h
a e p og ammes ha a e implemen ed based on commi men o he Uni ed
Na ions’ 2030 Agenda. In addi ion, he adminis a ion is ins i u ionally
commi ed o he Uni ed Na ions In e na ional Decade o People o A ican
Descen (2015–2024).
Bo h he PNCRD and PAM p og ammes ep esen a ecogni ion o he
acial p oblem and gende equali y in Cuba and hey ha e been a legal boos ,
bu he implemen a ion o bo h s ill ep esen s a challenge. The PNCRD has
been c i icised o being an insufficien a emp o add ess he issue o acial
jus ice. One o he in e iewed an i- acis eminis s suspec ed ha ha Cuba
has commi ed i sel o an an i- acis policy p ima ily because he UN has
demanded i , as she exp essed in he in e iew:
The demands o ac i ism a e no clea on public agendas, and he e is no
official in e es in linking [ he PNCRD] o o he social demands affec ing
women and people o colou . The go e nmen only plays wi h [ he PNCRD].
(In e iew, July 2022)
122 Tony Nyundu and S. A. Hamed Hosseini
ac i is s o e wo diffe en coho s, o which 12 came om he Uni e si y o
he Wi wa e s and (commonly called as Wi s, a his o ically whi e uni e si y
and s ill conside ed o be a whi e and eli e uni e si y by s uden s) and nine
om he Tshwane Uni e si y o Technology (o TUT, conside ed o be a
Black and poo uni e si y). O he o al o 21 pa icipan s, 14 o hem we e
male and se en we e emale. 17 we e om he Black ace, h ee we e Whi e
pa icipan s om Wi s, and TUT did no ha e any Whi e pa icipan s. O he
ace g oups included one Indian om Wi s and one Asian om Wi s. Las ly,
12 o he pa icipan s epo ed being poli ically ac i e wi h na ional poli ical
pa ies in Sou h A ica. Nine pa icipan s we e no poli ically affilia ed. A
snowball sampling echnique was employed o ga he all o he pa icipan s.
In e iews we e conduc ed in English and pa icipan s who wan ed o exp ess
hemsel es using hei mo he ongue we e accommoda ed h ough he p ofi-
ciency o one o he esea che s in Sou h A ican languages. All pa icipan s
appea unde pseudonyms. The s udy employed c i ical hema ic analysis in
he sense ha i aligned he findings o he s udy wi h he c i ical social heo y.
Themes and sub- hemes we e cons uc ed om a ho ough eading and
e- eading o he ansc ip s o field no es ha make up he co pus o da a.
Neolibe al highe educa ion as a con ex o he FMF mo emen
The changing na u e o HE and go e nmen policies h ough implemen ing
economic libe a ion has become he subjec o g owing in ellec ual and
schola ly a en ion. The ou comes o he change in policy ocus can be linked
o he globalisa ion o neolibe alism ha has pe pe ua ed inequali y wi hin
and be ween socie ies while ad ancing he economic needs o he al eady ich
a he expense o he poo (Chomsky 2019; S ege and Roy 2010). Neolibe -
alism as an ideology in ol es he combina ion o he poli ical commi men o
indi idual libe y and neo-classical economics de o ed o he ee ma ke and
opposed o s a e in e en ion in ha ma ke (Ha ey 2005). The In e na-
ional Mone a y Fund (IMF) and he Wo ld Bank (WB) ha e played a p i-
ma y ole in pe suading coun ies o p omo e he p ac ices o a ee ma ke ,
ee ade, indi idualism, ax cu s o business and indus y, cu ing spending
on wel a e and sa e y ne s o he poo , and ha ing lean go e nmen s
(Ginsbu g e al., 2003; Ha ey 2005).
In Sou h A ica, and p io o i s economic libe alisa ion be ween 1950 and
1994, he apa heid go e nmen imposed a se ies o social and economic
cons ain s on he coun y’s ou main acial g oups – Blacks, Colou ed,
Asians, and Whi es (Ma io i 2012, 1100). Du ing his ime, he e was a
sys em o acial capi alism ha only a ou ed Whi e wo ke s and Whi e
businesses (Schneide 2003, 24). Acco dingly, he HE sec o was also s uc-
u ed based on acial seg ega ion h ough he Uni e si y Educa ion Ac o
1959 (Da ies 1996). I was in 1977 ha he apa heid go e nmen ag eed o
p o ide seconda y, e ia y, and echnical educa ion o A ican wo ke s in
he “Whi e a eas” o Sou h A ica (K aak 1989, 210). Howe e , a he same

Highe educa ion unde neolibe alism 123
ime, HE shi ed away om ce ain p inciples, jus o name a ew – being an
appa a us o libe a ion om an au ho i a ian and unequal sys em, a ehicle
o poli ical conscien isa ion, he p omo ion o c i ical hinking and analysis,
and a pla o m o p ese ing and p omo ing mul i-e hnic and mul i-cul u al
social cohesion in he p ocess o na ion building (K aak 1989, 210; Mo ala
and Vally 2002, 174; Vally 2007, 41–42).
The inequali y ha disad an aged he Black, Colou ed, and Asian s uden s
when en e ing HE in Sou h A ica, finally compelled he pos -apa heid go -
e nmen s since he mid-1990s o deal wi h wo impulses wi hin he educa ion
sec o : a commi men o deal wi h educa ion inequali y pe pe ua ed h ough
acial disc imina ion by he apa heid egime, and a commi men o main-
aining social o de and he educa ion sys em wi hou comp omising he edu-
ca ional no ms, s uc u es, policies and p ac ice (Bada and Sayed 2014, 129).
I was also in he yea 1994 unde he A ican Na ional Cong ess (ANC)
1
go e nmen ha he educa ion policy was amed wi hin he go e nmen ’s
wide and con es ed mac oeconomic de elopmen al s a egy unde neolibe al
e o m (Bada and Sayed 2014, 132). The s a egy unde pinned neolibe al
ideas and ailed o imp o e he equi ed equali y necessa y o an inclusi e
socio-economic de elopmen and sus ainable p og ess (Bada 2016a). This
mac oeconomic de elopmen al s a egy con inues o pe pe ua e unequal access
o HE among s uden s o diffe en acial g oups in a mo e nuanced way han
he apa heid go e nmen did (Schneide 2003, 24).
In 1995, he P esiden Nelson Mandela’s adminis a ion a emp ed o
ed ess he social, poli ical, and economic inequali ies h ough he Recon-
s uc ion and De elopmen P og amme (RDP) policies by making educa ion
accessible o all people – young and old, men and women, u ban and u al
dwelle s and so o h (Geb emedhin and Joshi 2016). Howe e , he shi om
RDP o P esiden Thabo Mbeki’s mac oeconomic policies dubbed he
G ow h, Employmen and Redis ibu ion (GEAR) in 1998 (and P esiden
Jacob Zuma’s Na ional De elopmen Plan [NDP] in 2012–2013) comp o-
mised he ed ess by ad ancing neolibe al policies (N shoe 2004, 204;
Tsheola 2002). Many Black people had high hopes ha he democ a ically
elec ed go e nmen was going o help ed ess he poli ics o seg ega ion and
disen anchisemen pe pe ua ed by he apa heid egime. The ANC go e n-
men made p omises o be e se ice deli e y including he “offe ing o ee
educa ion”
2
o he p e iously disad an aged. Thei ailu e o s ep up o he
p omise was also a majo cause o he eme gence o he FMF mo emen in
2015. The FMF mo emen also sough o add ess he “b oken p omises”
made by he pos -1994 go e nmen on issues ha a e impossible o deli e
apa om he sake o winning elec ions (Kga le 2018).
On he p eceding de elopmen s and social basis o he FMF mo emen
The FMF mo emen , acco ding o Bond (2016), encompassed he p ima y
demand o ha e a ee- ee e ia y educa ion and he seconda y demand o a
124 Tony Nyundu and S. A. Hamed Hosseini
ze o pe cen ee inc ease in 2016. Acco ding o Mpo u-Walsh (2016, 79)
“‘ ee educa ion’ can mean diffe en hings such as ee ui ion, o i could
mean ee ui ion wi h accommoda ion, meals, books, s udy ma e ials, a s i-
pend o li ing expenses”, and addi ionally o some s uden s, a s ipend o
a elling be ween hei home and uni e si y. In essence, he FMF mo emen
was abou he “mani es a ion o he deep-sea ed disaffec ion wi h s uc u al,
acial inequali ies and he lack o unding o HE o poo Black s uden s a
uni e si ies” (Ma ingi a and Guku ume 2017, quo ed in Langa 2017, 37).
The FMF p o es s we e he mos ecen and powe ul up isings ha ack-
led uni e si y and socie al issues. Acco ding o Cloe e (2015), i was he la -
ges and mos effec i e s uden campaign pos -1994, wi h suppo om
Whi e s uden s, Black and Whi e academics, academic suppo s aff, and
ex e nal s akeholde s. I “challenged he poli ical sys em, and wi hin days,
h ea ened o sub e uni e si y au ho i ies and o ced he na ional go e n-
men in o significan policy concessions” (Booysen 2016, 46). The FMF
mo emen ollowed he oo s eps o a s uden o ganisa ion known as he
Sou h A ican S uden O ganisa ion (SASO) o med in he la e 1960s by an
an i-apa heid ac i is , S e e Biko. The agenda o SASO included he
ollowing:
p omo ing Black Consciousness; ad oca ing o eedom and he igh s
o Black s uden s who we e neglec ed by he apa heid go e nmen and
exis ing s uden o ganisa ions such as he Uni e si y Ch is ian Mo e-
men (UCM); e i ing and o ganising opposi ion o apa heid; educa ing
s uden s abou acial opp ession, mobilising, and o ganising s uden s in
seconda y schools.
(Bada 2016b, 100; Mangcu 2012, 158)
Va ious schola s con es he o igins o he FMF mo emen . Some say i
eme ged and gained confidence om he #RhodesMus Fall (RMF) mo e-
men ha s a ed a he Uni e si y o Cape Town in Ma ch 2014 (Hodes
2016; Na ass 2015). The RMF mo emen spoke unequi ocally agains
symbols o colonialism, such as he s a ue o John Cecil Rhodes a he Uni-
e si y o Cape Town, and called o decolonisa ion o he educa ion sys em
(Taneja 2017). Looking a he FMF mo emen , Bond (2016, 197) a gues ha
“i was he uni e si y o he Wi wa e s and’s 10.5% inc ease in ui ion ee
ha on he 4 h o Ma ch 2015 spu ed he o iginal na ional awa eness o he
c isis”. Mpo u-Walsh (2016, 78) claims ha Wi s’s managemen alleged ha
he alling exchange a e o ced a ee inc ease in 2015 because o dolla -
pegged lib a y expendi u es, bu in he p e ious yea s, Wi s doubled i s p i-
a e dona ions and in 2014 made 40 million ands (app oxima ely 2.5 million
USD) in e es om i s ne o eign exchange.
3
In o he uni e si ies like he
Uni e si y o S ellenbosch and he Uni e si y o P e o ia, mo i a ions o he
FMF p o es included a sho age o s uden accommoda ion (Hodes 2016).
A TUT, he eme gence o FMF did no gain popula i y in 2015 in he same
Highe educa ion unde neolibe alism 125
way i did a Wi s and o he his o ically Whi e uni e si ies. This is because
p o es mo emen s agains he financial exclusion o poo Black s uden s
aking place in poo uni e si ies p io o he FMF we e o e looked mainly
by he go e nmen and he media (Langa 2017; Vilakazi 2017). Fo ins ance,
TUT’s sou h campus alone ( he campus whe e s uden p o es s fi s eme ged)
which is in Soshangu e, P e o ia,
4
had app oxima ely 28 sepa a e s uden
p o es s o e access o basic se ices, high uni e si y ees, insufficien unding,
and academic exclusion be ween 2005 and 2010 (Vilakazi 2017).
Though ancho ed in he economic needs o s uden s ( he need o financial
assis ance), FMF should be unde s ood as a mul i ace ed mo emen ; cul u-
ally, socially, and poli ically. I is buil on he connec edness o my iad ea-
soning – o name jus a ew, i speaks o he class s uggle o a ain economic
libe a ion, o challenges o access o he spaces o HE, abou ace diffe ences,
and in some uni e si ies, he poo o lacking s uden accommoda ion and also
language ba ie s (Bond 2016; Con aband Cape Town 2015; Hodes 2016;
Langa 2017; Vilakazi 2017). Fo ins ance, he spinoff p o es mo emen s –
using social media hash ags #OpenS ellenbosch and #A ikaansMus Fall –
eme ged om he FMF mo emen in 2016 and spoke agains he exclusion o
Black and non-A ikaans speaking s uden s om he Uni e si y o S ellen-
bosch on he basis o language (Con aband Cape Town 2015). A ikaans is a
language o Sou he n A ica de i ed om Du ch by he se le s in he se en-
een h cen u y. In a documen a y i led “Luis e ”, s uden s epo ha lec u e
sessions mean o be deli e ed in English we e deli e ed in A ikaans – hus
excluding and unde mining he p esence o Black and o he non-A ikaans
speaking s uden s in he class oom (Con aband Cape Town 2015).
5
While mos schola s s ipula e ha he FMF mo emen s a ed and was
championed by s uden s in eli e and his o ically Whi e uni e si ies, Bond
(2016) sugges s ha his is no he case, as p o es s had al eady begun a he
Uni e si y o KwaZulu Na al a ew weeks p io o he eme gence o FMF a
Wi s. One should, howe e , acknowledge ha he amous ph ase #Fees-
Mus Fall was fi s coined by s uden s a Wi s and was he ea e adop ed by
s uden s who had al eady been p o es ing agains uni e si y ee inc emen s in
poo and Black uni e si ies p io o he p o es ac ions a Wi s. Also, i
should be kep in mind ha conflic s su ounding ees be ween s uden s wi h
uni e si y managemen in his o ically poo and Black uni e si ies can be
aced ea lie han he yea 2014 (see Vilakazi 2017). S uden s ha e been
p o es ing agains financial exclusion a TUT since 2005, al hough no pe a
amous name #FeesMus Fall, bu hei p o es s ha e ecei ed a less a en ion
om he media and o he social esea che s.
Bada (2016a) a gues ha he FMF mo emen was s a ed and mainly d i en
by s uden s om he middle class, ailing o acknowledge he p o es s ha ook
place in poo and his o ically Black uni e si ies a ew weeks p io o FMF a
Wi s in Oc obe 2015. I is no clea how he concep ualises “middle class” in
his con ex , o example, whe he he p ofiled he class s a us o s uden s om
hei pe sonal accoun s o whe he he elied on he s a us o he uni e si ies o
126 Tony Nyundu and S. A. Hamed Hosseini
in o m his conclusion on he class s a us o FMF p o es ing s uden s. Pa ici-
pan s in his s udy, pa icula ly hose om TUT, challenge he claims by Bada
(2016a) in wo ways. Fi s , some we e in ol ed in he p o es s agains uni e si y
ee inc emen s p io o he FMF o Oc obe 2015 a Wi s uni e si y. Second,
mos s uden s in his s udy claim o be om he poo wo king class. In wha
ollows in he nex sec ion is a discussion o a no ion coined “Black Tax” as
e idence o he class s a us o s uden s in he FMF p o es mo emen .
Explo ing he ole o ace, class, and gende in FMF
In he con ex o ace, class, and gende , he li e a u e on FMF is clea ha
he FMF mo emen was ancho ed on ace and class. Howe e , esea che s
p esen con as ing iews on he aspec o social class. One o he a enues
explo ed in his s udy is a ound he no ion o Black Tax, which is a me a-
pho ical e m publicly used o e e o he money ha Black p o essionals o
s uden s in con empo a y Sou h A ica con ibu e o looking a e hei
amilies who we e ne e able o c ea e weal h o financial s abili y because o
he colonial and apa heid egime ha disen anchised he Black popula ion
(Mkhize 2019, 64). Black Tax was in o ma i e, and e en challenged some o
he cu en esea ch on he FMF mo emen including he ole o ace and
class. Fo ins ance, Bada (2016a) a gues ha he FMF mo emen was la -
gely d i en by s uden s om he middle class a Wi s and he Uni e si y o
Cape Town. Godsell and Chikane (2016) and Vilakazi (2017) a gue con a y
o Bada (2016a). Bada ’s (2016a) a gumen ocuses on eli e and his o ically
Whi e uni e si ies while Godsell and Chikane (2016) and Vilakazi (2017)
a gue om he con ex o poo and his o ically Black uni e si ies. They
a gue ha i is no only in he FMF mo emen ha Black and poo s uden s
championed s uden p o es s o e he financial exclusion om uni e si ies,
bu builds on ea lie ins ances o s uden p o es ing since 2005.
Wi h ega ds o social class, findings in his s udy poin ou ha mos
s uden s in he FMF a Wi s and TUT came om poo wo king-class back-
g ounds as hey pe o med some esponsibili ies ha all wi hin he ames
o Black Tax. Pa icipan s in his s udy p esen ed Black Tax as a bu den ha
delays hei economic eedom. Mos pa icipan s explained how Black Tax
affec s hei day- o-day li es, and easoned ha i u he mo i a ed hem
in o emba king on he FMF p o es mo emen . All pa icipan s who com-
men ed ha Black Tax nega i ely affec ed hem we e om he Black ace
coho . See a ew o hei commen s below:
I was o una e enough o ge a job in my 2nd yea . I pay o my ees,
and hey a e like R104,000 [6596 USD] pe yea … A huge po ion o
my sala y goes o my ees in hopes o a be e u u e. My mo he li es in
a shack, I need o build he a house and I would like he o qui he job
[as a domes ic wo ke ].
(Tee, a Black male om Wi s)
Highe educa ion unde neolibe alism 127
Now I mus build a house o my pa en s. I mus make su e ha I shi
hem om hei cu en s anda d o li ing. The e a e hings o my own
ha I ha e o sac ifice bu fi s , I ha e o mend hei own mis akes, hen
a e I can s a my own li e… As we speak, my sala y anges be ween 5k
and 10k [317–634 USD a mon h], so imagine i you a e ea ning ha ,
you’ e go fi e people ha a e dependen on you, i ’s no enough.
(Danny, a Black male om TUT)
Rega ding he ca ego y o ace, we encoun e ed challenges in accessing ai
ep esen a ion o each o he diffe en ace g oups in Sou h A ica (Black,
Whi e, Colou ed, Indian, Asian, and hose iden i ying as “o he ”). Howe e ,
he h ee Whi e s uden s con ibu ed o he FMF mo emen no only
h ough empa he ic p esence bu also h ough s a egies du ing he clash
be ween s uden s and he membe s o he Sou h A ican Police Se ices
(SAPS). Fo ins ance, see Radowi zky’s commen s below:
I emembe one ime we we e in on o he g ea hall and p i a e
secu i ies we e ying o kick us ou . I ook abou fi e o six blows ying
o p o ec my com ades. I saw ha was one o he ways I could con-
ibu e in hose small spaces. One day, one leade ealised ha we needed
o ba icade a space, she came o find me specifically and she said I
should o ganise some people o make a wall. The e was a ecogni ion o
my in ol emen and ha I could be us ed wi h doing some hing like
ha . So, I o med a wall.
(Radowi zky, a Whi e male om Wi s)
The p esence and con ibu ion o Whi e s uden s and academic s aff in he
FMF mo emen a e affi med by Cloe e (2015) who a gues ha he FMF
mo emen was he la ges and mos effec i e s uden campaign pos -1994,
wi h suppo om Whi e s uden s, Black and Whi e academics, academic
suppo s aff, and ex e nal s akeholde s. The in ol emen o Whi e ac i is s
wi hin he FMF mo emen was c ucial o he mo emen ’s solida i y and
g ow h, as i demons a ed ha e en wi hin he cu en democ a ic dis-
pensa ion, he e we e Whi e indi iduals who empa hised wi h he s uggles
aced by Black s uden s in uni e si ies.
Conce ning he gende ca ego y, he findings in his s udy indica ed ha
ac i is s ha we e bo h male and emale we e as equally passiona e and
ambi ious abou leade ship in he FMF mo emen and expe ienced he same
ep ession om he s a e du ing he p o es s. Howe e , emale ac i is s in
bo h uni e si ies (Wi s and TUT) had ad e se expe iences om bo h he
s a e and hei male coun e pa s. While he s a e was ough on hem, hey
expe ienced sexis esponses om he male ac i is s, which included unde -
mining emale ac i is s who assumed leade ship oles. Howe e , hey
emained in solida i y wi h he FMF mo emen despi e he p esence o
pa ia chy, and oxic masculini y ha condoned sexism. This is con a y o

128 Tony Nyundu and S. A. Hamed Hosseini
asse ions by Mama and Te esa (2007) who a gue ha he p esen a ion o
emale ac i is s as weak compa ed o hei male coun e pa s is likely o
encou age poli ical apa hy owa d emale ac i is s. See below commen s on
gende ela ions du ing he FMF p o es s:
I you speak o people who we e p oblema ic in FMF i was us [men]
because we ha e ne e been exposed o such spaces whe e a emale ac i-
is would wan us o engage in issues o gende imbalance and in e -
sec ionali ies. We we e ne e in e es ed in hose hings. He e a TUT, we
used o hink ha women had no in e es in aking up leade ship posi-
ions bu we ealised ha hey a e ha ing in e es , he p oblem was wi h
us [men].
(Sampha, a Black male om TUT)
The e is a ime emale ac i is s came and old me ha … [one o he
emale leade s] was ying o add ess he mo emen , male leade s [and
some o he emale ac i is s] we e speaking o e he wi hou hea ing
he iews. So, we ied o challenge ha as he eminis mo emen in
FMF …
(Zoe, a Black emale om Wi s)
Wha FMF p esen s in he con ex o gende is he complexi ies and he need
o social ac o s o unde s and he in e sec ing iden i ies ha con ibu e o
he nega i e expe iences o women in spaces ha a e mos ly domina ed by
men. The in e sec ion o hei gende ( emale), ace (Black), and social class
(poo ) (C enshaw 1991), con inues o ende hem ulne able wi hin uni-
e si y spaces and social mo emen s. O e all, he e we e emendous con-
ibu ions made by s uden s om diffe en ace, class, and gende g oups
owa ds he solida i y and achie emen s o he FMF mo emen despi e he
p esence o in e nal conflic s.
New pedagogical spaces h ough ac ion
In ou esea ch, we explo ed he p ocesses by which s uden ac i is s gained
a c i ical unde s anding o he HE sys em in Sou h A ica. Al hough his
pedagogical aspec o FMF ac i ism seems e iden , i has no been add essed
by cu en li e a u e. Roughly, hal o ou pa icipan s gained knowledge o
he neolibe al HE e o ms (o sec o al changes) only a e pa icipa ing in
he FMF mo emen . Hal o he pa icipan s who we e no awa e o he
sec o al changes we e poli ically ac i e s uden s a hei uni e si ies. How-
e e , hey all s ood in solida i y agains he socio-poli ical and s uc u al
changes, easoning ha such changes pe pe ua e socio-economic inequali y.
As Onka, a Black emale ac i is a Wi s obse ed:
Highe educa ion unde neolibe alism 129
I wasn’ awa e o he sec o al changes. Bu I hink hey a e e y p oble-
ma ic because now you a e commodi ying educa ion, some hing ha in
ou cons i u ion is defined as a basic igh … I also pe pe ua es his
unequal socie y ha we li e in and people who can’ make i o public
ins i u ions, who can’ affo d p i a e ins i u ions end up aking loans.
Ob iously, i you a e aking a loan, you a e indeb ing you sel hen now
how do you b eak his cycle o po e y?
(Onka, a Black emale om Wi s)
Abou hal o he pa icipan s in his s udy said hey we e awa e o he sec-
o al changes be o e joining he mo emen . Mos o hem we e Black s u-
den s om Wi s uni e si y. Howe e , pa icipan s (including hose who
became awa e h ough hei in ol emen in he p o es s) exp essed nega i e
iews on he commodifica ion o HE. As hey a es ed:
I ha e always known [abou sec o al changes in Sou h A ica]. I always
ead he newspape s. When I was g owing up in Sowe o [a ownship in
Sou h A ica] he e was he p i a isa ion o wa e and elec ici y. I
became awa e o hese h ough o ganisa ions like “Ope a ion Khanyisa”
[a mo emen ad oca ing o he p o ision o affo dable elec ici y in
ownships] app oxima ely a ound 2001.
(Zo o, a Black male om Wi s)
I was awa e because I g ew up in a poli ical amily, my dad is in poli-
ics … And I joined COSAS [Cong ess o Sou h A ican S uden s]
a ound 2011 … So, i ’s eally un ai o p i a ise educa ion when i ’s
some hing you need, i ’s no a wan , i ’s a need you mus necessa ily ha e
in o de o su i e.
(Noe, a Black emale om TUT)
Pa icipan s who we e awa e o sec o al changes p io o he mo emen epo ed
a numbe o ways h ough which hey became in o med, such as eading his o -
ical ex s and policies like he Recons uc ion and De elopmen P og amme,
G ow h, Employmen , and Redis ibu ion, and he Na ional De elopmen Plan,
ollowing he demands made by o he social mo emen s in he ownships whe e
hey esided, and amily discussions. Those who we e no awa e, ini ially became
awa e du ing he FMF p o es mo emen , hus s eng hening he a gumen ha
FMF, like o he social mo emen s, was also educa ional.
S a e’s esponse o he FMF mo emen
In wha ollows below is an accoun o he esponse by he s a e o he FMF
mo emen d awn om he pe spec i es and expe iences o FMF s uden ac i-
is s. The employmen o neolibe al p ac ices has inc easingly p o en ha he
s a e is o en unable o ga ne he consen , o e en he eluc an acquiescence,
130 Tony Nyundu and S. A. Hamed Hosseini
necessa y o ension- ee and non-au ho i a ian poli ical go e nance (B uff
2012, 114; Hosseini, Saha, and Adamczyk 2022). Go e nmen s a e equen ly
compelled by neolibe al policies o employ coe ci e s a e appa a us o he p o-
ec ion o capi al accumula ion (Tansel 2017). This new phenomenon, known as
au ho i a ian neolibe alism, equi es na ion-s a es ha adop and p o ec neo-
libe al e hos o do so by inc easing “social con ol, es ic ions, penalisa ion,
and exclusion o ce ain social g oups” (E aydınand Tas¸an-Kok 2014, 111).
O he s a e esponses may include inc eased social su eillance in public
spaces and puni i e ins i u ions and buildings o main ain law and o de (Della
Po a 2017, 18). Akçalı (2021, 97) poin s ou ha high secu i y and su eillance
unde neolibe alism sus ain au ho i a ianism. Findings in his s udy indica e
ha au ho i a ian neolibe alism was appa en and unc ional du ing he FMF
p o es s. Pa icipan s highligh ed he mili a isa ion o he police o ce ha exa-
ce ba ed physical iolence, c iminalisa ion o s uden ac i is s, inc eased social
su eillance, and he use o b ibes o hijack he agenda o he mo emen . See
s uden s’ commen s on iolence and c iminalisa ion below:
The iolence was ins iga ed by he p esence o secu i y [and police] on
campus … When eedom o mo emen is es ic ed by he p esence o
hea y secu i y i ’s kind o us a ing. This led o he occu ence o io-
lence. I emembe a some poin I was walking ou side he dining hall
and he e was a ubbe bulle passing on my ace. Like, I did no do
any hing, jus being seen mo ing mean I was a a ge o be sho a .
(BK, a Black male om Wi s)
I emembe he fi s day we p o es ed in Pa k own ou side med school.
I was a peace ul p o es , being gen le and e e yone was si ing nex o
he oad. Nex hing we we e old [by he police] we a e blocking he
oad. So, we mo ed and he nex hing we know he e we e s un g e-
nades and ea gasses flying e e ywhe e. F om my memo y, I don’
emembe police being p o oked.
(Que, a Black emale om Wi s)
The s uden s’ commen s echo Xaba’s (2017, 99) findings in ha iolen ac s
we e fi s ins iga ed by he s a e and uni e si ies agains peace ully p o es ing
s uden s who subsequen ly e alia ed agains s a e iolence wi h iolence.
Ou s udy confi ms Xaba’s (2017) obse a ions, and is u he affi med by
Fai h om TUT who a gues ha FMF ac i is s we e p o oked o espond o
a iolen s a e using iolence.
A TUT we a e e y peace ul. Wha managemen does is ha when we
a e peace ul, hey come wi h a ogance. They will send police o shoo
ubbe bulle s and o dispe se you, e en when we a e peace ul. Tha is
when s uden s s a o ge c azy now hen e alia e as well.
(Fai h, a Black male om TUT)
Highe educa ion unde neolibe alism 131
None heless, he high p esence o p i a e secu i y and he mili a isa ion o
he police o ce – he use o ubbe bulle s, s un g enades, and peppe sp ays,
we e ac ics epo ed by he s uden ac i is s o b ing he mo emen o i s
demise. In he con ex o p o es mo emen s, mili a isa ion is “ he p ocess o
a ming [ he police o ce], o ganising, planning, aining o , h ea ening, and
some imes implemen ing iolen conflic ” (K aska 2007, 3).
Wi h espec o he c iminalisa ion o s uden ac i is s, mos pa icipan s
confi med ha hey wi nessed s uden a es s and some o hem we e a es ed
hemsel es. Following a e commen s om he pa icipan s who we e a es ed:
I was a es ed in 2015 and police would make you sleep o an hou and
hen come back wi h so much noise o coun us in he holding cell and
con inuously do i a e each hou in e al. So basically, you could no
sleep. I is a ligh le el o o u e. I jus could no unde s and why we
would be coun ed epea edly while locked up. I was no like some could
walk ou o he ba h oom o some hing. Jus li le ges u es o i i a ion
o make su e we would no be a es ed again.
(Tee, a Black male om Wi s)
I was a es ed in No embe 2016. I don’ wan o lie o you, I don’
know how and why I was a es ed. When I go o he police s a ion,
he e was no police office who ecalled a es ing me, and hey said hey
don’ know how I go he e. Bu s ill, I was no eleased. We wen o
cou , and we we e fined R500 [app oxima ely 32 USD] o bail. We kep
a ending he case in cou , bu hey [ he s a e] kep on pos poning
saying hey a e s ill busy wi h he in es iga ion. I wen o cou las yea
in June [2018] and he magis a e dismissed he case.
(Amina, a Black emale om TUT)
Some o he expe iences o hese s uden s while in p ison – such as sleep dep i-
a ion and being de ained wi hou eason – a e indica i e o a s a e de e mined
o punish he dissiden and weaken he FMF mo emen h ough c iminalisa ion
o ac i is s wi h he in en o weaken p o es mo emen s (see also Duncan
2014). S uden ac i is s did no link he iolence du ing FMF p o es s o neoli-
be alism in he HE con ex . Howe e , some ela ed he iolence o he his o ical
con ex o colonisa ion and apa heid. See Onka’s commen below.
Ou s uggle [du ing apa heid] has always been iolen … E en now
du ing FMF he e was iolence, and i didn’ make sense o p o es non-
iolen ly o a go e nmen ha was esponding o us wi h iolence.
(Onka, a Black emale om Wi s)
The employmen o iolence h ough mili a isa ion o he police and secu i y
o ces and he c iminalisa ion o ac i is s a e simila o expe iences o ac i-
is s in o he p o es mo emen s in he wo ld – his includes he iolence in
234 Index
pandemic); social ac i ism in 200; Xaba, W. 130
s a e-socie y ela ions in 190 xenophobia 148–149, 150
Vie namese Communis Pa y (VCP) 189
Vie nam Gene al Con ede a ion o you h: disillusionmen among 25;
Labou (VGCL) 198 engagemen o 45–46; made passi e
Vie nam Heal h app 194 by he s a e 161; poli ical ac i ism in
Voices o Black Tunisian Women 142, Alge ia 40–42; poli icisa ion o 182;
146 s a e co up ion among 13;
olun ee ism 45–46 unde s andings o poli ics 43–44;
olun ee ism 46
Wha sApp: in he COWG 59–64; o you h bulge 223
in e nal communica ions 55; o social
mo emen s 57–58 Zayani, Mohamed 158
wi ed ci izenship 9 Zoom: ad hoc solu ions o 63–64; as
women: misogynis ic a i udes owa d backs age ac i ism 57–58; in he
141; sexual objec ifica ion o 141 COWG 60–61; elec ici y supply 62;
women’s ac i ism 93–94, 107–108, 142, inclusi i y and 64; o in e nal
146 communica ions 55; in e ne con-
Wo ke s Cen al Union o Cuba (CTC) nec i i y 61–62; language issues 63; as
105 sel -exp ession pla o m 63; o social
W igh , E. O. 4 mo emen s 57–58; successes o 64;
W igh , G. W. 28 weaknesses o 61–64