The Skill Bias Effect of Technological and Organisational Change: Evidenceand Policy Implications
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Piva, Mariacristina; Santarelli, Enrico; Vivarelli, Marco Working Paper The Skill Bias Effect of Technological and Organisational Change: Evidenceand Policy Implications Quaderni - Working Paper DSE, No. 486 Provided in Cooperation with: University of Bologna, Department of Economics Suggested Citation: Piva, Mariacristina; Santarelli, Enrico; Vivarelli, Marco (2003) : The Skill Bias Effect of Technological and Organisational Change: Evidenceand Policy Implications, Quaderni - Working Paper DSE, No. 486, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, Dipartimento di Scienze Economiche (DSE), Bologna, https://doi.org/10.6092/unibo/amsacta/4808 This Version is available at: https://hdl.handle.net/10419/159327 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. Terms of use: Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your personal and scholarly purposes. You are not to copy documents for public or commercial purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. If the documents have been made available under an Open Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/
THE SKILL BIAS EFFECT OF TECHNOLOGICAL AND ORGANISATIONAL CHANGE: EVIDENCE AND POLICY IMPLICATIONS° Mariacristina Piva*, Enrico Santarelli** and Marco Vivarelli*** ABSTRACT Previous empirical literature has shown that technological change can be considered the main cause of the skill bias (increase in the number of high skilled workers) exhibited by manufacturing employment in developed countries over the last decades. However, recent papers have also introduced the “Skill Biased Organisational Change” hypothesis. We estimate a SUR model for a sample of 400 Italian manufacturing firms, showing that the upskilling is more a function of the reorganisational strategy than a consequence of technological change alone. Moreover, some evidence of superadditive effects emerges, consistently with the theoretical hypothesis of a coevolution of technology and organisation. JEL classification: O33 Keywords: Skill Bias; Organisational Change; Manufacturing. October 2003 * Catholic University, Department of Economic and Social Sciences, Piacenza. ** University of Bologna, Department of Economics and Free University of Bozen/Bolzano, School of Economics and Management. *** Catholic University, Department of Economic and Social Sciences, Piacenza; International Labour Office (ILO, Geneva) and Institute for the Study of Labour (IZA, Bonn). Corresponding author: Marco Vivarelli, Catholic University, Department of Economic and Social Sciences, Via Emilia Parmense 84, I-29100 Piacenza, Italy. Phone: +39 0523 599 301; Fax: +39 0523 599 303; E-mail: [email protected]. ° This paper is part of the research project Patterns and determinants of skill biased technical change in a mediumtechnology country. Financial support from MIUR (Year 2001; protocol #133591_002; project leader: E. Santarelli) is gratefully acknowledged. A previous version was presented at the “Ninth Workshop on Alternative Economic Policy in Europe” (Free University of Brussels, 26-28 September, 2003).
2 1. Introduction The long-term empirical evidence for many countries shows that the number of skilled workers (in particular graduates) has grown over time. Vis-à-vis this process of “knowledge deepening” occurring in most production activities, a marked and widening wage inequality has been observed between more skilled and less skilled workers. This second item of evidence is in contrast with both the simple supply and demand view, according to which an increase in the number of skilled workers should result in less wage inequality, and the historical evidence dating back to the First Industrial Revolution, when low skilled labour and machines replaced skilled artisans. A possible explanation for this process is that, as the returns to education rise due to technology, more people respond to these pay incentives by acquiring tertiary qualifications, with a consequent increase in the supply of skilled workers. Nevertheless, there is also room for at least three other possible theoretical explanations, respectively identifying the main determinants of the observed shift from unskilled to skilled labour in technology alone, in reorganisation processes occurring within the firm, and in a combination of these two aspects. In this connection, over the past two decades the economic literature (see next section) has offered an explanation of this empirical evidence based on the so-called “Skill Biased Technological Change” (SBTC) hypothesis, according to which the reason for the upskilling of the labour force is the non-neutrality of technological change, which benefits skilled labour more than other production factors. Because technology is complementary to skills, acceleration in the rate of technological change increases the demand for skilled labour; yet it is also true that an increase in the supply of skills induces faster technological change (see, among others, Greiner et al., 2001).
3 One explanation put forward by economists to reconcile these facts hinges on the nature of technological change over the past two decades. Indeed, whilst the phenomenon of SBTC appears to be a long-term historical trend (see Nelson and Winter, 1982; Dosi, 1988; Goldin and Katz, 1998, Von Tunzelmann and Anderson, 1998), the diffusion of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) seems to have given new impetus to the substitution of unskilled workers with skilled ones. As technologies like ICT proved successful in raising the marginal productivity of skilled labour relative to unskilled labour, they also made it relatively more economical to employ skilled workers in place of unskilled ones. Accordingly, Michel and Bernstein (1966) and Wood (1995) argue that the 1980s witnessed an acceleration in SBTC which resulted in rising skill premia1 in many countries (see also Aghion and Howitt, 2002). However, since the evidence for this acceleration is mixed (see Autor et al., 1998), one might contend that, within a multi-sector framework, it is mostly the sector bias of technological change that is in operation, rather than the factor bias usually mentioned by labour economists. This explanation is consistent with empirical evidence supporting the SBTC hypothesis for high-tech countries (such as the US and the UK) but not for medium or low-tech ones (including other European countries, see Section 2.1). Given that the literature is inconclusive on whether technological change favours a certain factor of production, or is more likely to occur in certain sectors than in others (see Haskel and Slaughter, 2002), some researchers looked for other possible complementary explanations of the skill bias. Among trade economists, these alternatives are connected to globalisation2, whereas 1 Defined as the ratio between the wages earned by high-skilled workers and the wages earned by low-skilled workers. 2 This strand of literature supports the hypothesis that increased volumes of world trade and FDI cause a reallocation of the labour force, shifting activities involving unskilled workers towards the least developed countries, while activities involving the production of skill-intensive goods remain in developed countries (Wood, 1994; for an empirical test on Italian data see Manasse et al., 2003). Owing to a lack of data, testing this hypothesis empirically is
4 among industrial and managerial economists they concern the reorganisation of production. In this paper, which adopts the approach put forward by industrial and managerial economists, attention will focus on the role of organisational change and the possibility that technology and reorganization exert a joint superadditive effect in influencing the demand for skills. The paper is organized as follows. Section 2 reports some evidence on the general upskilling trend in manufacturing across developed countries and discusses the economic literature on the role of technological and organisational changes as a possible explanation for the skill bias. Section 3 sets out our empirical analysis based on a sample of 400 Italian manufacturing firms, while policy implications are discussed in Section 4. Finally, some conclusive considerations are presented in Section 5. 2. Comparative evidence and survey of the literature The OECD Secretariat collected comparative data on employment broken down by occupation (high and low-skilled white-collars and high and low-skilled blue-collars) for a few OECD countries during the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s (OECD, 1996 and 1998). Unfortunately, this database has not been updated for the years following 1993. We have reconstructed more recent figures3 relative to the manufacturing sector alone for the G-7 countries, maintaining a dichotomic division between skilled workers (white-collars, WC) and unskilled ones (blue-collars, BC). often a difficult undertaking; however, some studies on the subject have not found a strong support for this explanation of the skill bias (see Slaughter; 2000; Piva and Vivarelli, 2002 and 2004). This hypothesis will not be discussed and tested in the present paper. 3 Data are not comparable between countries due to different sources and various classifications of occupations (see the note to Figure 1); however, they provide important information on the dynamics of the demand for skilled workers within each country.
5 These data can be used to examine the changing skill composition. Figure 1 depicts the change in the structure of manufacturing employment in the G-7 countries over the 1990s. At first glance, there is a persistent upskilling trend of the workforce in all countries: the relative share of WC is increasing everywhere, even in the most recent years (see Piva and Vivarelli, 2002, for consistent previous results based on OECD data over the ‘80s). Nevertheless, over the past few decades, the demand for skilled workers seems to have grown more rapidly than the corresponding labour supply, since skilled workers are not only more easily employed but, under certain circumstances, they are also proportionally much better paid than the unskilled (see Nickell and Bell, 1995; Haskel and Slaughter, 2002). Consistently with the different national institutional contexts, skill bias has caused increasing unemployment of unskilled workers in continental European countries (Machin and Van Reenen, 1998) and has had stronger effects on the wage dispersion between the skilled and unskilled in the US and - to a lesser extent - the UK (Krueger, 1993; Autor et al., 1998). Concern over the worsening social economic position of the unskilled has induced researchers to seek better understanding of the skill bias effect. Recent theoretical and empirical research can be surveyed by starting with the early studies, which only dealt with technological change, and then analysing the recent strand of literature which examines the role of organisational change, either alone or in interaction with technology. < INSERT FIGURE 1 > 2.1 Technology alone: the SBTC hypothesis The SBTC hypothesis is based on the idea that there is a strong complementarity between new technologies and skilled workers, given that only the latter are able fully to implement those
6 technologies4. Empirical studies testing this hypothesis, either at the firm or the industry level, have been carried out with regard to the manufacturing sectors of various developed countries. Most of these studies focus on the factor bias of SBTC. As far as the US is concerned, there is substantial and consistent evidence supporting the SBTC hypothesis. Among the most recent and most representative papers, Berman et al. (1994) - at the sectoral level - and Dunne et al. (1996) - at the firm level - have found a positive and significant relationship between R&D and skilled labour in the US. Doms et al. (1997) - for firms in some US manufacturing sectors - have shown that the use of the most advanced industrial technologies leads to the greater utilisation of workers with higher qualifications. Another test of the SBTC hypothesis was conducted by Siegel (1998), who found evidence of upskilling in those Long Island manufacturing plants that had introduced new technologies. With regard to a particular sector - US chemical firms - Adams (1999) showed the skill bias nature of R&D expenditure and innovative investments. In Canada, both Betts (1997), who examined manufacturing, and Gera, Gu and Lin (1999), who focused on both the manufacturing and service sectors (1981-94), showed a connection between several different measures of technology and the growing demand for skilled workers. For the UK, Machin (1996) - using both sector-level and firm-level data in the 1990s - and Haskel and Heden (1999) - at the firm level - demonstrated respectively a positive relation between R&D intensity, number of innovations produced and used, and skilled labour (in the sector analysis), and both studies found a correlation between the use of computers and skilled labour in the case of firms. 4 For a theoretical survey, see Pianta (2003).
7 The results of studies dealing with other countries have generally confirmed the SBTC hypothesis, although less robustly than in the case of the British and North American economies. In France, Mairesse et al. (2001) obtained results similar to those of Machin (1996) for firm level data where the technological variables were ICT capital and ICT workers. However, only the negative relation between ICT and less-qualified labour was robust in the time-series estimations. This confirmed the results of Goux and Maurin (2000), who showed that an increased spread of new technology accounted for only 15% of the change in labour demand between 1970 and 1993. For Spain, Aguirregabiria and Alonso-Borrego (2001) used a panel of 1080 firms and tested the relation between new technologies and upskilling, using the GMM estimator for dynamic panels. With a dummy on the introduction of “technological capital” used as the technological variable, the SBTC hypothesis was confirmed, while no significant effect emerged with respect to R&D expenditure. In Germany, Falk (1999) showed that the joint implementation of new products and processes had the greatest effect on the employment structure, exerting the strongest positive impact on the demand for university graduates. This result was also confirmed by Falk and Koebel (2003). Their empirical analysis indicated that the accumulation of office machinery and computer capital stock - in 35 German industries over the period 1978-94 - was a relevant factor contributing to the shift in labour demand towards highly skilled workers (university graduates). Machin and Van Reenen (1998) studied the phenomenon beyond the national level. They set up a panel (at the manufacturing-sector level for 7 developed countries over the period 197389) and showed that the relative demand for skilled workers was positively linked to R&D expenditure.
8 2.2 Organisation alone: the SBOC hypothesis This second strand of literature is based on the hypothesis that the increasing diffusion of reorganisation processes within firms plays a role in the increasing demand for skilled workers. In general terms, organisational change is becoming increasingly important, and the empirical literature on the subject is growing rapidly in significance. The basic idea is that a progressive shift from rigid, Tayloristic, segmented organisations towards more flexible and “holistic” ones is taking place within firms (see Lindbeck and Snower, 1996). This phenomenon first appeared in the US and Japan and has since spread throughout Europe, although with different intensities from country to country (see Aoki, 1986; Greenan and Guellec, 1994; OECD, 1999). It is impossible here to give thorough treatment of the vast literature - whose basic intuitions can be traced back to Chandler, 1962 - on organisational change and its impact on firm’s structure and performance. Suffice it to point out that economic, management and sociological studies on the subject seem to agree on the following recent trends (see, among others, Caroli, 2001, Colombo and Delmastro, 2002): 1) Decentralization and delayering: “lean production” is associated with new firm’s functions such as just-in-time, management of breakdowns and quality controls, which in turn imply both the decentralisation of decision making and more involvement, responsibility and autonomy at the shopfloor level (see Brynjolfsson and Mendelson, 1993; Greenan, 1996a; Bresnahan, 1999). 2) Collective work: new work practices such as work teams and quality circles require collective efforts from the workforce (see Osterman, 1994).
15 in the case of our sample the shift from unskilled to skilled labour is unlikely to be driven uniquely by R&D activities. < INSERT TABLE 1 > The ORG variable is instead affecting the demands for BC and WC with the expected signs and turns out to be significant in determining redundancy of the unskilled. This is consistent with a view regarding Italy that can be traced back to Fuà (1988), who stressed the importance of the so-called organisational-entrepreneurial factor in re-shaping the profile of those Italian firms that are not relying on own R&D as the sole source of change. Finally, in columns (5) and (6) an interaction dummy representing the joint presence of ORG and R&D exhibits higher and more significant coefficients compared to ORG in previous estimates (3) and (4). This important result suggests a superadditive skill bias effect of reorganisation combined with technological change (see Section 2.3), and it is consistent with the findings summarized in Section 2.3 above. As a peculiarity of the Italian case, it should be noted that this joint effect seems to be unbalanced both in terms of statistical significance and values of the coefficients. In other words, organisational change combined with new technologies mainly implies redundancy of blue-collars and only weakly increases the demand for white-collars. 4. Policy implications The descriptive statistics on the G-7 countries presented in Section 2 show a clear upskilling trend in manufacturing industries over the 1980s and 1990s. In the case of Italy, the analysis of a sample of manufacturing firms carried out in the present paper shows that the upskilling trend of employment appears to be mainly a function of the reorganisational strategy adopted by the information relevant to innovation projects from clients and/or suppliers (see Piergiovanni and Santarelli, 1996;
16 firms, possibly combined with technological change. Moreover, workplace reorganisation appears to have weakly favoured more skilled (or qualified) workers, whereas blue-collars seem strongly vulnerable to the joint effect of reorganisation and implementation of new technologies. In terms of policy prescriptions, these findings entail that reorganisational strategies should be coupled - at the level of the firm - with interventions on HRM, especially with regard to production workers. Indeed, the lack of complementary manpower strategies increases the likelihood of redundancy of blue-collar workers, particularly exposed to labour-saving organisational and technological changes (see Freeman and Soete, 1994). Hence, policy makers should support holistic strategies at the level of the firm (on-the-job training aimed at transferring non cognitive capabilities to workers), and they should promote education and off-the-job training. In other words, only education and training can maximise the joint impact of technological and organisational change on firms’ performances and aggregate welfare16. Some of the literature on technological change suggests that workers are better off with general rather than vocational education, because thus their skills are less likely to be rendered obsolete by technological progress. Similarly, qualitative evidence arising from discussions with entrepreneurs and firm insiders points to increasing demand not only for cognitive skills such as those captured by traditional measures of scholastic achievement, but also “sociability”. These prescriptions are consistent with the empirical results discussed in the previous section: if skillupgrading is not triggered by technological change alone, but mainly by organisational change (possibly combined with the former), the need for engineers and IT technicians no longer emerges as paramount, while the increasing demand for multi-skilled and easily adaptable Piergiovanni et al., 1997). 16 Organisation, technology and skills are the three angles of the black triangle explaining economic performance in Caroli (2001).
17 workforce calls for an increase in the supply of general education and training at the high and intermediate levels. The latter seems to be particularly important, since workers’ involvement and their greater autonomy requires general knowledge even at the level of the workshop (bluecollars) and at that of routine clerical work17. This policy implication appears to be consistent with the view of ICT as pervasive “general-purpose technologies” applicable across a wide range of functions and tasks (see Bresnahan and Trajtenberg, 1995; Freeman and Louçã, 2001). Moreover - and beyond the scope of this paper - it should also be borne in mind that ICT-based general purpose technologies also massively affect the services sector (see Kleinknecht, 2000), with the processes of SBTC and SBOC occurring in a similar manner to those detected in manufacturing activities and affecting both services workers and services consumers (see Petit and Soete, 2001)18. On this view, both technological change alone and the consequent organisational change require more general and adaptable skills rather than specific competences. Indeed, when new technologies and new organisational practices require the workforce to have task, functional and sectoral flexibility, and make specific skills rapidly obsolescent, secondary and tertiary education should be targeted more on general contents, models and methodologies rather than on specific technical competences. According to Bresnahan (1999) and Bresnahan et al. (2002), general education should also embrace a number of “noncognitive” skills, ranging from interpersonal skills to the ability to work steadily and autonomously, from flexibility to an ability to influence teammates and inspire subordinates. 17 For a similar opinion, see Steedman et al. (1991) and Caroli (2001). Indirect evidence of the unfulfilled need for more general knowledge at the intermediate and bottom levels of the occupational structure is the underutilisation of graduates at the shopfloor level, see Mason (1996) and Mason and Finegold (1997). 18 Among studies which consider the skill bias in services as well in manufacturing see Autor et al. (1998); Gera et al. (1999); Mairesse et al. (2001); Falk and Koebel (2003). However, only a few studies have specifically investigated the skill bias in service sectors (see, for instance, Kaiser, 2000 and Evangelista, 2000).
18 Indeed, this suggestion concerning education policy may apply to both the micro and the macroeconomic level. For instance, in a recent paper analysing the skill bias in French manufacturing over the period 1984-1995, Maurin and Thesmar (2003) have found a clear tendency for jobs that can be programmed in advance to be replaced by ones that require constant adaptation to change. Once again, this makes the case for general rather than vocational/specific/technical education and training (see Nelson and Phelps, 1966)19. Finally and still at the aggregate level, if organisational change (possibly combined with technological change) proves to be “knowledge biased” for all the levels of the workforce, the concept of a “learning society” warrants closer attention, and should shape the evolution of education policies. Thus, the building of a learning society should not be seen solely as a necessary response to the technical challenges raised by the “new economy” and the ICT revolution; it should also be viewed as an institutional context favouring the diffusion of general knowledge, social and communication skills, and “learn how to learn” capabilities (see Lundvall, 1992; Lundvall and Johnson, 1994; Lundvall et al., 2002). 5. Conclusions The recent theoretical and empirical literature has focused on the coevolution of technological and organisational change within firms. One implication of these studies is that skill upgrading is no longer a consequence of technological change alone, but is also an effect of the overall reorganisation of the firm, which in turn may be linked to technological change. 19 On this basis, Krueger and Kumar (2003a and 2003b) have put forward a theoretical macroeconomic model where they show that European education policies favouring specialized education may have worked well in the 1960s and 1970s when technologies were more stable and European countries were involved in catching-up, but they may have had a role in increasing the European growth gap relative to the US during the 1980s and 1990s, when new ICT technologies emerged at a very rapid pace.
19 This paper has offered new evidence supporting the hypothesis of a superadditive effect of technological and organisational change on the skill composition of Italian manufacturing employment. In particular, it has shown a) that the alleged role of R&D alone in determining skill bias is not confirmed by econometric estimations, b) that significant organisational changes made by a firm to its structure and functions are major factors affecting skill composition, and c) that interacting the R&D and the Organisation (ORG) variables yields higher and more significant coefficients, also in comparison with ORG in previous estimates. If such is the nature of the skill bias, a possible implication for education and training policies is that general knowledge - including non cognitive capabilities - should be fostered at the expenses of technical/specific knowledge. The correlated hypothesis of general rather than vocational education as one of the factors positively affecting both firm’s performance and aggregate economic growth paves the way for further research.
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