Transnational migration and (in)security: challenges, threats and vulnerabilities of the African immigrants in Portugal

Universidade do Minho Instituto de Ciências Sociais Simon Okechukwu Ayogu Transnational Migration and (In)security: Challenges, Threats and Vulnerabilities of the African Immigrants in Portugal Simon Okechukwu Ayogu Transnational migration and (I n)security: Challenges, T hreats and Vulnerabilities of the African I mmigrants in Portugal UMinho | 2025 February 2025 ~ Universidade do Minho Instituto de Ciências Sociais Simon Okechukwu Ayogu Transnational Migration and (In)security: Challenges, Threats and Vulnerabilities of the African Immigrants in Portugal PhD Thesis Doctoral program in Sociology Work supervised by: Profº Doutor Luís Manuel Jesus Cunha Profª Doutora Rita Maria Gonçalves Ribeiro 23 February 2025 ii COPYRIGHT AND TERMS OF USE FOR THIRD-PARTY WORK This thesis reports on academic work that can be used by third parties as long as the intentionally accepted standards and good practices regarding copyright and related rights are respected. This work can be used under the terms established in the license below. Readers needing authorisation conditions not provided in the indicated licensing should contact the author through the RepositóriUM of the University of Minho. CC BY-NC-SA https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/4.0/ iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS How excellent, O Lord, is your loving kindness. Thank you for your many gifts, including bringing this intellectual voyage to a successful end. This work came to light thanks to God and the gift of some human and material resources He readily gave me. I give Him all glory, honour, and my unending hymn of praise. My project supervisors, Prof. Dr. Luís Manuel Jesus Cunha and Prof. Dr. Rita Maria Gonçalves Ribeiro, despite their busy schedules, were always helpful with suggestions and corrections. I cannot thank them enough for their availability, advice, encouragement, and patience, which led to the successful completion of the thesis. They generously invested their time and expertise in this modest work. While I take responsibility for any shortcomings in this work, I attribute all the credit to their dispositions. The Thesis Monitoring Committee, Comissão de Acompanhamento de Tese (CAT), and Faculty Dean also deserve my gratitude. To the Holy Ghost Congregation—my religious family, immediate community members, and other confrères—especially those who supported me during the most challenging moments of this work, thank you for your patience and encouragement. You are the wind beneath my wings. My heart also goes out in profound gratitude to the parishioners of St. John the Baptist Nogueira and St. Peter Lomar in the Archdiocese of Braga, where I serve as a parish priest. You continue to function as a bastion for my undertakings because my days begin and end with you. Many thanks to all those who kindly agreed to be interviewed for this work. They are like co-authors since they provided the raw materials and, at times, unsavoury life experiences that served as the primary data. I sincerely appreciate it. The African Catholic Community in the Patriarchate of Lisbon and my experiences with you as your chaplain have inspired me to embark on this work. Your stories and our shared lives are intertwined into the fabric of this work, and I am immensely thankful. Lastly, my heart overflows with deep gratitude to numerous others, especially the family of Ildefonso and Ekezie, my brother, whose friendship I have shared and whose support saw me through the final and iv most daunting stages of these doctoral studies. To all those who have contributed to my training, known or unknown, nobody deserves my thanks more than you do. I am forever indebted. v DECLARATION OF INTEGRITY I declare that I have conducted this academic work with integrity. I confirm that I have not used plagiarism, any form of undue information use, or falsified results during the process leading to its elaboration. I further declare that I have fully acknowledged the Code of Ethical Conduct of the University of Minho. University of Minho, Braga, February 2025 Simon Okechukwu Ayogu vi ABSTRACT Transnational Migration and (In)security: Challenges, Threats and Vulnerabilities of African Immigrants in Portugal This research conducts a sociological study on migration and transnationalism as social phenomena that persist and continue to gain significance in contemporary societies. Industrialised nations with low birth rates depend on migrants to fill gaps in the labour market. At the same time, political and economic instability in the Global South propels mass migration to the more stable and prosperous countries of the Global North. This movement has significant consequences and implications for both the countries of origin and those of destination, contributing to the widening of transnational relations. This study expands migration research beyond the borders of Lusophone African countries, as recent migration trends have seen many non-Lusophone African migrants arrive in Portugal. Our study examines the elements of African migration to Portugal in the 21st century, focusing on contemporary (in)security issues: the challenges, threats, and vulnerabilities faced by African immigrants in Portugal. Various factors, from economic aspirations to socio-political challenges, underscore the complex nature of African migration to Portugal. The study utilised semi-structured interviews with participants aged between 20 and 65 (n = 30) and thematic analysis of the collected data. The results indicated that economic prospects in Portugal were the primary factor attracting most migrants. Besides financial difficulties, deficiencies in the education and health systems, political instability, and substandard public services were also cited as motivations for migration by the African immigrants included in the sample of this study. This thesis contributes significantly to understanding the challenges surrounding migration and integration strategies and knowledge of African migration to Portugal and transnationalism. It offers relevant information for future research and policy interventions and aims to inform and enlighten the academic community, policymakers, and individuals interested in migration studies and policy initiatives. Keywords: African migrants, insecurity, migrant vulnerabilities, Portugal, transnationalism vii RESUMO Migrações Transnacionais e (In)segurança: Desafios, Ameaças e Vulnerabilidades dos Imigrantes Africanos em Portugal Esta investigação realiza um estudo sociológico sobre as migrações e o transnacionalismo enquanto fenómenos sociais que persistem e continuam a ganhar significado nas sociedades contemporâneas. As nações industrializadas com baixas taxas de natalidade dependem dos migrantes para preencher as lacunas no mercado de trabalho. Ao mesmo tempo, a instabilidade política e económica no Sul Global impulsiona a migração em massa para os países mais estáveis e prósperos do Norte Global. Este movimento tem consequências e implicações significativas tanto para os países de origem como para os de destino, contribuindo para o alargamento das relações transnacionais. Este estudo expande a investigação sobre migração para além das fronteiras dos países africanos lusófonos, uma vez que as tendências migratórias recentes têm visto muitos migrantes africanos não lusófonos chegarem a Portugal. O nosso estudo examina os elementos da migração africana para Portugal no século XXI, centrando-se nas questões contemporâneas de (in)segurança: os desafios, ameaças e vulnerabilidades enfrentados pelos imigrantes africanos em Portugal. Vários fatores, desde as aspirações económicas aos desafios sociopolíticos, sublinham a natureza complexa da migração africana para Portugal. O estudo recorreu a entrevistas semiestruturadas com participantes com idades compreendidas entre os 20 e os 65 anos (n = 30) e à análise temática dos dados recolhidos. Os resultados indicam que as perspetivas económicas em Portugal são o principal fator que atrai a maioria dos imigrantes. Para além das dificuldades financeiras, as deficiências nos sistemas de educação e de saúde, a instabilidade política e os serviços públicos de má qualidade foram também citados como motivações para a migração pelos imigrantes africanos incluídos na amostra deste estudo. Esta tese contribui significativamente para a compreensão dos desafios em torno das estratégias de migração e integração e para o conhecimento da migração africana para Portugal e do transnacionalismo. Oferece informação relevante para futuras investigações e intervenções políticas e visa informar e esclarecer a comunidade académica, os decisores políticos e os indivíduos interessados nos estudos sobre migração e iniciativas políticas. Palavras-chave: Migrantes africanos, insegurança, vulnerabilidades dos migrantes, Portugal, transnacionalismo xiv APPENDICES Appendix 1 Information leaflet for the interviews ......................................................................... 206 Appendix 2 Interviewee’s Informed Written Consent .................................................................... 208 Appendix 3 Interviewee’s Informed Verbal Consent ..................................................................... 210 Appendix 4 Guide to a semi-structured interview ......................................................................... 212 xv “The new agenda for sustainable development recognises migrants, refugees, and displaced persons as vulnerable groups and calls for full respect for their human rights. Pursuing the new goals and targets, including the one for universal health coverage, will address multiple economic, social, and environmental determinants of the well-being of people and the planet that sustains them.” - Margaret Chan, Director-General of the World Health Organisation1 “The extraordinary challenges, such as the current refugee and migration situation, require us to work together to address their root causes in countries of origin and countries of transition and destination. We need to collaborate on this new challenge and find new and sustainable response methods.” - Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka1 “Through transnational activities, immigrants become trans-migrants able to maintain, build, and reinforce multiple linkages with their countries of origin.” -Schiller et al. 2 1 On the adoption of the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development by the United Nations (25-27 September, 2015). The new Agenda. Transforming our world: The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Declraration 23, A/RES/70/1. https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/content/documents/21252030%20Agenda%20for%20Sustainable%20Development%20web.pdf?ref 2 Excerpt from Schiller et al., (1992). Cited in Dunn (2005, pp.16). Dunn, K. M. (2005). A paradigm of transnationalism for migration studies. New Zealand Population Review, 31(2), 15-31. 1 INTRODUCTION In recent decades, the movement of people across national borders has intensified, driven by a complex interplay of factors, including economic disparities, political instability, environmental changes, and the aspiration for better opportunities and improved living conditions (Heins, 2024). Amidst these global migratory flows, African migrants represent a substantial and dynamic group whose experiences and challenges provide critical insights into the broader context of transnational migration (Ciabarri & Simonsen, 2024). Transnational migration has emerged as a definitive phenomenon of the 21st century, transforming societies, reshaping economies, and altering cultures globally. Transnationalism defies the traditional binary approach to migration, which views it as a linear departure, arrival, settlement, and integration process. Instead, it emphasises the fluidity and simultaneity of cross-border interactions, acknowledging the complex and ongoing nature of migrant experiences (Heins et al., 2023; Laubenthal, 2023; Massey, 2023). Among the regional migration flows, the movement of African migrants to Europe, particularly to countries like Portugal, stands out due to its historical, socio-economic, and geopolitical dimensions (Idemudia & Boehnke, 2020). Transnationalism, as articulated and expounded upon by Schiller et al. (1992), offers a lens for understanding the continuous interactions and connections that migrants maintain across borders. Migration significantly influences the social fabric of sending and receiving countries, as migrants contribute to the host society in numerous ways, including cultural diversity, labour force participation, and economic contributions through remittances (Ratha et al., 2011). Migrants also face substantial challenges that must be addressed to foster social cohesion and prevent marginalisation. This perspective highlights the multi-sited nature of migrants' lives, where they simultaneously navigate and negotiate their identities, affiliations, and activities within multiple national contexts. For African migrants in Portugal, this entails maintaining cultural, economic, and social ties with their countries of origin while adapting to the host society (Peixoto et al., 2019). For Portugal, a country with a colonial history in Africa, understanding current migration trends and their implications is crucial for formulating inclusive social policies and promoting multicultural integration. 2 From the migrants' perspective, their lived experiences, aspirations, and the numerous obstacles they face evoke emotions and perceptions, depending on how they unfold. Moreover, there are frequent mentions in the literature of issues such as discrimination, cultural adaptation, and socioeconomic integration, which are critical areas of concern (Huff et al., 2021; Djogbenou et al., 2024; Wang & Giovanis, 2024). Understanding these aspects can inform better support systems and integration policies, ultimately enhancing the well-being and potential of African migrants in any location where the migration winds carry them. In doing this, the focus need not be solely on providing insights into the transnational connections maintained by migrants; highlighting the ongoing ties with their countries of origin and the dual influence on host and home societies also becomes relevant. My interest in this thesis, which offers profound insight into the realities faced by migrants from African Indigenous communities living in Portugal and striving to access necessary interventions, stems firstly from my own experience as a migrant, having resided in Portugal for many years, and secondly from my interactions with various groups of African migrants from diverse backgrounds living in Lisbon, where I served as the chaplain of the African Catholic Community. This research domain addresses critical issues at the forefront of sociopolitical discourse, influencing policy-making, international relations, and the everyday lives of millions of individuals worldwide. In host countries, migrants contribute to economic growth, cultural diversity, and innovation; however, they also encounter significant obstacles that impede their integration and overall well-being. By examining their insecurities and vulnerabilities, this research can inform the development of policies and practices to enhance their social inclusion, access to services, and protection of their rights. For home countries, understanding the experiences of their diaspora can guide efforts to support their citizens abroad and leverage the potential benefits of migration, such as remittances and the transfer of skills. 3 Furthermore, this study intersects numerous disciplines, including sociology, anthropology, political science, geography, public health, and more. This interdisciplinary approach enhances the understanding of migration as a complex and dynamic phenomenon influenced by various social, economic, and political factors. The scientific investigation into the drivers of migration, patterns of movement, and resultant challenges improves theoretical frameworks. It contributes to more comprehensive models of human mobility and broadens the discourse in the literature concerning the dynamism of Afro-Luso migration. By focusing on African migrants in Portugal, the findings from this study can inform evidence-based policymaking in developing targeted interventions that address the specific needs and vulnerabilities of migrant populations. This study on “Transnational Migration and (In)security: Challenges, Threats and Vulnerabilities of African Immigrants in Portugal” specifically aims to identify the insecurities, challenges, threats, and vulnerabilities confronted by transnational migrants of African origin in their host, transit, or home countries, and to ascertain how these factors influence the future of African migration to Portugal. To achieve this aim, the research has outlined the following general objectives: The first objective is to identify the participants' motives for emigration and determine whether there are differences in addressing the basic needs of locals and African migrants regarding their livelihood and living conditions. The second objective aims to identify the significant challenges, insecurities, and threats that, due to their diverse backgrounds, could increase the vulnerability of African migrants in their host country. The third objective is to analyse the relationship between these challenges, the opportunities for integration, and the decisions surrounding return migration. The fourth objective is to elaborate on the interviewees' expectations regarding resolving issues related to migrants’ well-being. 4 Furthermore, to achieve these objectives, the study aims to answer the following research questions: a) What challenges did migrants face in their home countries that influenced their decisions to migrate? b) What are the primary sources of insecurity, threat, and economic vulnerability that African migrants face in Portugal? c) How do African migrants in Portugal navigate and confront different forms of insecurity, including threats to their physical safety, acts of violence, exploitation, and discrimination? d) To what degree do transnational networks, social support systems, and community resilience mechanisms enhance the protection and resilience of migrants against insecurity? e) What policy frameworks and interventions are necessary at national and transnational levels to address the security needs and promote the protection of African migrants in Portugal? f) Do these experiences have lasting implications for the future paths of African migrants in Portugal? Within the framework of transnationalism, migration theory emphasises the ongoing cross-border connections that migrants maintain, which challenges traditional notions of migration that focus solely on one-way movement and settlement (Bilecen & Lubbers, 2021). The study identifies three main types of theories: micro-level theories, which consider migration decisions from an individual perspective, including expectations, plans, and constraints; macro-level theories that highlight migration decisions from an aggregate viewpoint, encompassing the macroeconomic structure of the economy; and meso-level theories that bridge migration decisions between micro and macro levels, incorporating family ties, social networks, peer groups, and community bonds (Wickramasinghe & Wimalaratana, 2016), forming the basis of the theoretical framework. The (in)security concept encompasses a broad spectrum of migrant issues, ranging from individual human harm to economic, ecological, and social threats, risks, and vulnerabilities (Hirsch Ballin et al., 2020). Traditional security studies focus on physical safety and protection from harm; however, 5 in African migration, security may extend beyond physical safety to include economic stability, legal protection, social acceptance, and psychological well-being (Vietti & Scribner, 2013). Investigating these dimensions provides a comprehensive view of the vulnerabilities faced by migrants and the strategies they employ to navigate their complex realities. This holistic approach could contribute to migration theory by integrating security studies with transnationalism, offering a nuanced perspective on the migrant experience. Thus, by incorporating transnationalism with the concept of (in)security, this research adopts a thorough view of (in)security, examining various dimensions and their impact on the overall well-being of migrants, mainly how African migrants in Portugal experience and respond to such challenges. This research adopts a qualitative design, employing semi-structured interviews and thematic analysis to examine the experiences of African migrants in Portugal. The qualitative approach was selected because it can capture rich, detailed accounts of migrants' lives, offering more profound insights into their challenges and coping strategies (Braun & Clarke, 2006). Using purposive sampling, participants were selected from various African countries, different age groups, and with diverse lengths of residence in Portugal. This diversity ensures a comprehensive understanding of the migration experience across different contexts and backgrounds (Braun & Clarke, 2006). Data collection involved flexible interviews, enabling participants to articulate their experiences and perspectives in their own words while steering the discussion towards key themes relevant to the research questions. This method facilitates the exploration of complex and sensitive topics, such as discrimination, economic challenges, and transnational practices. The study also employed reflexive thematic analysis to analyse the transcribed data using ATLASti 24 for Windows to identify the most prominent themes and patterns emerging from the interviews. This method is an accessible and theoretically flexible interpretative approach to qualitative data 6 analysis that aids in identifying and analysing patterns or themes within a given data set while also considering the reflexive influence of my interpretations as the researcher (Byrne, 2022). The thesis was divided into six chapters, aligning with the present study's aim and objectives. The thesis commences with a broad introduction to the primary subject of this examination. It also outlines the rationale for the research and its aims and objectives. Chapter 1 provides insights from global perspectives on African migration to Portugal and highlights African migration and driving factors. Following this introduction, Chapter 2 presents a literature review on the critical topic of migration dynamism. It focuses on transnational migration, examining the vulnerabilities faced by African migrants during their journeys and their settlement, specifically in Portugal. Chapter 3 focuses on the topic's theoretical background. This section offers an overview of relevant migration theories, enhancing understanding of the subject. Chapter 4 outlines the methodology, offering more detailed insights into the approaches utilised to conduct the research. Chapter 5 provides the findings from the interviews, highlighting the various contributions of individuals who participated in the semi-structured interviews. Chapter 6 presents a discussion that includes explanations and interpretations of the research findings within the context of the thesis question and literature review while exploring their connection to existing studies. It also offers concluding remarks, highlights the research's limitations, and suggests avenues for future work on integrated solutions for migration-related issues. 7 CHAPTER 1 MIGRATION DYNAMISM: INSIGHTS FROM GLOBAL PERSPECTIVES TO AFRO-EURO MIGRATION 1.1 Background For centuries, migration has played a crucial role in shaping individual paths, family structures, and the evolution of entire nations (de Haas et al., 2019; Niva et al., 2023). This complex phenomenon involves the movement of individuals across borders, driven by many factors, including economic opportunities, political instability, environmental challenges, and aspirations for self-betterment (Castelli, 2018). Migration transcends simple geographical relocation; it profoundly impacts the social, economic, and cultural landscapes of origin and destination regions (Ajayi, 2024). Consequently, the intricate interaction between migration and development has become a key area of interest for scholars, policymakers, and international organisations (Lanati & Venturini, 2021). Migration often represents a personal pursuit of better living conditions and broader opportunities. This movement can be motivated by the desire for improved employment prospects, access to better educational resources, or the necessity to escape challenging circumstances in one's country of origin (Bartram, 2015; UN, 2023). The consequences of migration are significant, as demonstrated by numerous individual narratives that illustrate the improvement of personal lives and the enrichment of the communities into which migrants integrate (Esses, 2018). These stories often highlight the resilience, adaptability, and ingenuity required to navigate the complexities of establishing a new life in an unfamiliar environment (Czaika & Reinprecht, 2022). In light of modernisation and recent developments in human mobility, contemporary migration has evolved to a stage where immigrants establish and maintain complex, multi-stranded social relationships that link their societies of origin with their new places of settlement (Basch et al., 1994). This phenomenon illustrates that migrants are part of two or more dynamically interlinked 8 worlds. This advanced perspective on migration encompasses not only those who physically relocate but also those who remain in their home countries yet are connected to migrants through transnational social networks. Migration thus significantly impacts families, catalysing reunification and separation (Mostoway, 2020). Common aspirations can also motivate family migration, while others may embark on individual journeys to broaden their horizons and mitigate potential risks (Ratha et al., 2011b). The complexities of transnational families navigating diverse cultural landscapes underscore the significant impact of migration on the resilience of familial bonds and the transmission of cultural values to future generations (Kofman et al., 2022). However, the geographical separation resulting from migration can introduce challenges such as identity, belonging, and the preservation of cultural heritage within diasporic communities (de Haas, 2021). Nations experience the effects of migration in various ways. On the one hand, migration can stimulate economic growth by addressing labour shortages, fostering innovation through cultural diversity, and facilitating the transfer of expertise (Contini & Carrera, 2022). On the other hand, brain drain, often linked with emigration, results in the loss of highly skilled individuals from their home countries, undermining specialised knowledge and expertise in their countries of origin (Koczan et al., 2021). The social and political implications of migration, which encompass national identity, cultural integration, and social cohesion, require policymakers' careful consideration and strategic planning. The critical link between migration and development is emphasised through remittances, which refer to the monetary contributions made by migrants to their countries of origin (Andersson & Siegel, 2020). These funds serve as a vital lifeline for families left behind, facilitating significant advancements in poverty alleviation, education, and healthcare in numerous developing nations (de Haas, 2010; Newman-Grigg, 2020). Concurrently, recipient countries experience enhanced economic stability and growth due to these remittances. Despite the potential for migration to drive economic progress, it also presents various challenges. Debates over border regulations, refugee rights, and the ethical responsibilities of the involved nations often dominate global migration 15 Figure 2. A conceptual framework for the drivers of international migration. 16 Adapted from IOM (2022), this figure illustrates how the various drivers, facilitators, and barriers to migration interact (Foresight, 2011). There are five primary macro-level drivers of migration: economic, demographic, social, political, and environmental (Figure 1.2). These create the broad context within which individuals move from one location to another. Additionally, micro-level factors, such as age, gender, and income level, influence how macro factors affect migration decisions at the personal or household (micro) level. Lastly, intervening factors can either facilitate or hinder migration (meso-level factors), including the human, financial, physical, and psychological benefits and costs of moving, as well as the emigration and immigration policies that make some forms of migration more straightforward and others more complex. The interplay among these three sets of drivers determines how many individuals will migrate from these communities of origin, to which destinations, through what modes of attempted entry, and with what type of reception. 1.3.1. Economic drivers Economic drivers, including higher wages, job availability, financial crises, trade and investment opportunities, demand for foreign labour, and the cost of living, are widely recognised as central motives for international migration, profoundly influencing individuals' decisions to relocate across borders (Soto et al., 2024). At the core of this phenomenon is the pursuit of improved economic opportunities, such as higher wages, better employment prospects, and enhanced living standards, which often serve as powerful incentives for migration (Goodwin-Hawkins & Dafydd Jones, 2022). For many individuals, especially from financially challenged or developing regions, the economic gap between their homeland and prospective destinations can be stark (King & Collyer, 2016; Dritsaki & Dritsaki, 2024). This economic imbalance encourages the movement of labour towards more prosperous regions, where the promise of financial stability, upward mobility, and the ability to support families through remittances is more pronounced. A considerable body of literature indicates that a significant disparity in average income, measured in terms of GDP per capita (GDPPC) between origin and destination countries, serves as a key determinant of international migration (Giménez-Gómez et al., 2019; Simpson, 2022). In other words, the relatively lower primary income in source countries than the per capita income in destination countries motivates potential immigrants to relocate. In this context, the actual economic deprivation and severe poverty prevalent in many African countries will likely exert a 17 substantial push effect on migrants and refugees from Africa (Czaika & Reinprecht, 2022). Conversely, economic development and relatively high personal incomes in Europe draw in immigrants. The global economy plays a crucial role in shaping migration patterns, with labour market demands in developed countries often driving the influx of migrants from less developed regions (Findlay & Stewart, 2002; Jaumotte et al., 2016; Goodwin-Hawkins & Dafydd Jones, 2022). As industries in high-income countries expand, there tends to be an increased demand for both skilled and unskilled labour that the local workforce alone cannot satisfy (Hajro et al., 2021). This creates opportunities for migrants eager to fill these gaps, particularly in the healthcare, construction, agriculture, and technology sectors. Furthermore, outsourcing jobs and global economic restructuring can displace workers in certain areas, compelling them to seek employment abroad. In this context, international migration can be viewed as a response to global economic trends, where individuals aim to align their labour with markets that offer better rewards. However, the economic drivers of migration involve more than simply the pursuit of income or employment. They also include broader economic considerations, such as the quest for financial security and the opportunity to build wealth over time (Giménez-Gómez et al., 2019). Migrants frequently relocate to countries where they can benefit from better education, healthcare, and housing, thereby contributing to long-term economic stability and the intergenerational transfer of wealth (Toyin-Thomas et al., 2023; Mazzalli et al., 2024). Furthermore, the ability to send remittances back to their home countries is crucial in sustaining households and even entire communities, thus reinforcing migration as an essential economic strategy (Mazzalli et al., 2024). In summary, economic factors remain central to the motives of international migration, highlighting the interconnectedness of global labour markets and the enduring human aspiration for economic improvement. 18 1.3.2. Social and cultural drivers Cultural attachments, social norms, and their evolution are pivotal in shaping migration patterns. Societal expectations and roles can either restrict individuals from relocating despite their aspirations or empower them to pursue opportunities elsewhere. Policies and practices that discriminate against or persecute individuals based on social and cultural norms may confine them to a particular location or force them to flee danger (Baldwin, 2017). For instance, social and cultural attitudes towards sexual orientation, female labour force participation, female genital mutilation, and domestic violence can undermine how people can migrate or act as significant drivers of migration. These attitudes impact those who are directly targeted and those who do not share the underlying values. As societies progress, migration may become a voluntary choice rather than a necessity. It is often influenced by the social remittances migrants transmit back home, shaping values and principles. For instance, as women have attained greater autonomy, the potential to migrate for employment or education could be significantly expanded. Social networks also play a pivotal role in migration (Blumenstock et al., 2023) by providing migrants with essential information and resources to facilitate border crossings, secure employment and housing, and integrate into new communities. Family formation and reunification serve as key social drivers of migration, influencing movement both within local communities and across international borders (di Belgiojoso & Terzera, 2018). In family formation, individuals migrate to marry and establish a household with a national or a foreigner resident in the destination country. Similarly, family reunification occurs when a spouse or parent migrates first and later brings other family members to join them. Education is a significant social driver of migration (Czaika & Reinprecht, 2022). Parents relocate to secure better educational opportunities for their children, while young individuals move to pursue higher education. As a result, international education programs are expanding, with institutions actively attracting students and their tuition fees while fostering cross-border collaborations (Valentine et al., 2017). While some migrants intend to stay temporarily for their studies, others find long-term opportunities, such as employment or marriage, in their host country. 1.3.3. Environmental factors 19 Environmental changes, especially climate change, significantly affect land, communities, and migration. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) Fifth Assessment Report (2014) projects that climate change will increasingly drive population displacement throughout the twentyfirst century. Environmental factors, particularly climate change, influence migration through four key pathways. Recurrent droughts threaten livelihoods, particularly in rural areas dependent on rain-fed agriculture, while desertification, land degradation, and ecosystem loss exacerbate these challenges. Rising sea levels and coastal erosion progressively render regions uninhabitable and disrupt agricultural activities. Additionally, the increasing frequency and intensity of natural disasters, some linked to climate change, such as earthquakes, floods, wildfires, tornadoes, tsunamis, and cyclones, further drive migration (Moore & Wesselbaum, 2023; Daoust & Selby, 2024). Conflicts over scarce resources, predominantly within nations, can result in political instability, communal, ethnic, and religious divisions, as well as mass displacement of people. The more detailed evidence reviewed by the IPCC indicates that “extreme weather events provide the most direct pathway from climate change to migration”; however, in the long term, “sea level rise, coastal erosion, and loss of agricultural productivity will have a significant impact on migration flows” (Adger et al., 2014, pp. 767-69). Pre-existing levels of resilience afford some households a greater capacity to cope with environmental drivers while rendering others more vulnerable. These levels of resilience can have varying impacts. On one hand, more resilient households may be better able to remain at home and adapt to environmental changes. On the other hand, resilience also provides individuals with the financial, social, and human resources necessary to migrate. The most vulnerable will be the most severely affected, yet they will also be the least equipped to migrate any significant distance from their homes. 1.3.4. Civil conflicts 20 Extensive evidence indicates that individuals are more inclined to migrate during civil conflicts than when their home countries are free of such turmoil (Ibáñez & Vélez, 2008; Schmeidl, 2001; Weiner, 1992). When safety and security are compromised, the anticipated returns on labour, development projects, and investments are considerably diminished. Given that civil conflicts directly impact individuals' security and livelihoods, people are often compelled to migrate in search of alternative survival strategies. Controlling for economic and other factors, one can generally expect to observe more migrants from countries ravaged by civil conflicts. The political landscape in Africa is generally marked by historical injustices and oppressive governance structures (Ongâayo, 2008). Since gaining independence, many states have experienced civil wars, widespread mass killings of civilians, and various forms of direct political violence for decades (Dunn, 2009). The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (2018) demonstrated that, within the African context, severe conflicts frequently lead to a significantly increased flow of internally displaced persons or refugees seeking asylum across borders, indicating that conflicts may serve as a catalyst for economic migration. 1.3.5. Demographic drivers Population growth has decelerated in many regions, with most of the global population residing in middle-income countries (Population Reference Bureau, 2021). However, the momentum from past and present fertility rates indicates that the world’s population will continue to expand even as future fertility may decline (Blue & Espenshade, 2011). World fertility rates (i.e., the number of children per woman) have decreased to 2.3, but fertility in low-income countries remains high, at 4.7 children per woman (Population Reference Bureau, 2021). Fertility in higher-income countries is below replacement levels at 1.5 (Population Reference Bureau, 2021). In high-income countries, the population is anticipated to decline as societies age: the number of individuals aged 65 and over is projected to rise from 700 million in 2020 to 1.5 billion by 2050 (UN DESA Population Division, 2020b). Without immigration, these vastly different fertility patterns imply that the population shares of the world’s countries will change over the ensuing decades. 1.3.6. Institutions 21 Poor institutional performance in the source countries may be a significant motive for emigrating in search of better-performing institutions (Baudassé et al., 2018). Often, dictatorial regimes serve as a push factor for migration. The absence of democracy, political rights, civil liberties and pervasive corruption deter migrants seeking greater freedoms (Solimano, 2010). In line with Hirschman's (1970) “exit and voice” dichotomy, individuals might choose to migrate when institutions are unsatisfactory and fundamental human rights are violated. In nations characterised by autocratic political systems and state-sponsored persecution, harassment, discrimination, and torture, individuals who disagree with the government’s policies or ideology and possess minority religious beliefs or ethnic backgrounds (Solimano, 2010) are compelled to migrate. In non-democratic countries, even if individuals do not face physical persecution, restrictions on fundamental freedoms may ultimately drive them to leave their country of origin. In summary, if the political environment is hostile, the tendency is that the economic outcome is likely to be poor. Therefore, such situations prompt migration for political and financial reasons. In this context, Solimano (2005) argues that in non-democratic cases, “individuals who are dissatisfied or disconnected from the current political and economic conditions may choose to leave their home countries." It is, therefore, not unreasonable to assume that better institutional quality reduces migration flows. In contrast, poor institutional performance motivates individuals to leave their home countries and relocate to more democratic and safer countries to pursue better freedom, protection, education, and careers. Thus, Lucas (2015), Naudé (2010), Ruyssen, and Rayp (2014), among others, illustrate that the flow of migration within Africa, particularly intra-African migration, is significantly influenced by the continent's political landscape. Furthermore, due to the excessively repressive nature of various regimes, many African countries have consistently ranked low in terms of political rights and civil liberties for decades. These underlying circumstances have left numerous Africans vulnerable to displacement, including both internal migration and emigration from the continent. 1.4. Ethnicity and cultural diversity in Africa 22 Africa, situated between the Atlantic and Indian Oceans, ranks as the second-largest continent on Earth. Its geographical extent stretches from the Mediterranean Sea in the North to the Southern Ocean in the South. This vast landmass is predominantly tropical, with nearly four-fifths of its area in the tropics, making it the most tropical continent worldwide (Bedair et al., 2023). The continent's terrain exhibits remarkable diversity, characterised by the Sahara dominating the northern third, tropical rainforests in the central regions, and the Kalahari and Namib Deserts shaping the southern landscape. These varied ecosystems are interspersed with expansive grasslands, while Mediterranean climates prevail along the northern and southern coastlines. Africa's rich cultural tapestry is a testament to its enduring human presence, spanning over 200,000 years (Campbell et al., 2014; Schlebusch & Jakobsson, 2018). The continent has functioned as a cradle of civilisation, witnessing the migration of its inhabitants to populate other regions over time (Vicente et al., 2021). This extensive history, coupled with Africa's diverse topography, has supported numerous ethnic groups, varying from hundreds to thousands, depending on definitions of ethnicity and tribe (Pattnaik & Baral, 2020). These groups share common cultural elements, including language, religion, and heritage, which form the foundation of Africa's cultural identity. Africa's multi-ethnic composition is evident in the presence of numerous ethnic groups, each possessing its distinct dialects, social customs, and traditions (Fortes-Lima et al., 2024). Several of Africa's major ethnic groups have populations surpassing tens of millions, including the Hausa (30 million) across Nigeria, Chad, Cameroon, Niger, Ghana, Côte d’Ivoire, and Sudan; the Yoruba (30 million) in Nigeria and Benin; the Oromo (30 million) in Ethiopia and Kenya; the Igbo (30 million) in Nigeria and Cameroon; the Shona (10 million) in Zimbabwe and Mozambique; and the Zulu (10 million) in South Africa, among others (Ikudayisi & Odeyale, 2019). These groups form the core of Africa's cultural landscape, shaping traditions, occupations, and settlement patterns across the continent. Understanding African settlement patterns requires profoundly examining the sociocultural and socioeconomic factors that shape movement and community dynamics. With over 3,000 distinct 23 African tribal names, the continent's ethnic map vividly illustrates its ethno-linguistic diversity (Figure 3). 24 Figure 3. Map of Africa depicting the major ethnic groups. Adapted from Saylor (2011). 31 Addressing the issue of migration flows from Africa starts with establishing a more equitable and just global order that fosters sustainable development and upholds the sovereignty and selfdetermination of African nations. This order must also include comprehensive migration policies beyond merely addressing immediate migration flows, confronting the structural inequalities that drive migration from Africa to Europe. 1.7. Forced Migration and Voluntary Migration Forced migration often refers to the movement or displacement of individuals from their homes due to natural and human-induced events, including floods, droughts, famines, violent conflicts, persecution, and human rights violations (Castles, 2006). On the other hand, migration can be viewed as voluntary when it is not driven by physical or psychological coercion; it involves a conscious decision to pursue desirable goals in people’s lives rather than merely a matter of preference. The migrant comes from a position of sufficiency and has genuine options to willfully change their immigrant status, along with access to reliable, trusted, comprehensible, relevant, and up-to-date information about the intended destination before deciding to move (Ottonelli & Torresi, 2013). The difference between forced and voluntary migration lies in the factors influencing migration (Commey, 2021). The interaction and interdependence of these factors can make it challenging to identify what drives individuals to migrate or shapes their aspirations, thereby sustaining a growing intellectual interest in issues related to international migration (Engel & Ibanez, 2007). Over the years, most migrations worldwide have been associated with voluntary movement. Nevertheless, the world is witnessing increasing numbers of displaced persons due to ongoing crises. An estimated 114 million people have recently been forcibly displaced globally, including more than 35.3 million refugees, 5.4 million asylum seekers, and approximately 5.2 million individuals requiring international protection from the 281 million international migrants worldwide in 2023 (UN, 2023). Whether voluntary or forced, this movement may expose individuals to undesirable situations, making it essential to ensure their safety and rights, as this could have significant economic implications for both sending and receiving countries (Pijnenburg & Rijken, 2021). 32 Not all individuals facing these unpleasant conditions leave their countries (Kuhnt, 2019; Williams, 2015; Zimmerman, 2011). Researchers agree that the socioeconomic characteristics of individual migrants influence the decisions of displaced persons to migrate from their home country (Adhikari, 2013; Zimmerman, 2011). It is increasingly asserted that migrants displaced by conflict and violence leave their countries primarily in search of safety (Bryne, 2016). In times of conflict and violence, individuals face threats to their security and the loss of their livelihoods as they flee their countries for safety and better economic opportunities, often transiting through nations with improved economic prospects (Zimmerman, 2009; 2011). The economic environment plays a significant role in influencing migration decisions and aspirations. De Haas (2011) observed that political repression only occasionally results in substantial movements of people across borders if economic opportunities remain available. Factors such as natural disasters, though empirically predicted as potential triggers for large migration flows (Mendelsohn et al., 2006; Tol et al., 2004), may not directly influence international migration but rather affect internal migration (Alem et al., 2016; Gray, 2009; Raleigh et al., 2010). This, in turn, leads to rapid urbanisation, which impacts economic opportunities in urban areas (Barrios et al., 2006; Henderson et al., 2017). Migration may also witness a boom in periods of communal conflicts and violence, affecting economic opportunities. One example is the herder-farmer conflict in Nigeria (Amnesty International, 2018), which triggers international migration. Regardless of the distinguishing factors between forced and voluntary migration, migrants of both types are compelled to migrate irregularly due to policies (such as tightened border controls and restrictive visa regulations) in their potential destination countries (de Haas, 2007, 2011; Mbaye, 2014). However, voluntary migrants such as international students, guest workers, or those participating in worker exchange programmes through bilateral agreements are not compelled to engage in irregular migration by these policies. The migration policies of the migrants' countries of origin, particularly in authoritarian states, also restrict migration flows (de Haas, 2011; Commey, 2021). The literature indicates that, like others, migrants of African origin make significant contributions to the holistic development of both host countries and their countries of origin. 33 1.8. Transnationalism as a prospective alternative for global integration Over the past three decades, emerging research in the social sciences has significantly redirected and expanded the scope of migration studies, emphasising the concept of transnational migration. This new understanding acknowledges that some individuals simultaneously belong to multiple societies while maintaining ties to their country of origin. Fundamentally, transnational living pertains to individuals with sustained and equally significant attachments, interactions, and presences in two or more societies separated by national borders, typically for self-improvement (Nowicka, 2020; Carling et al., 2021; Pries, 2022; Casinader, 2023). Transnationalism is deeply interconnected with return migration arising from globalisation, as transmigrants navigate choices, concerns, and identities within social networks that extend across multiple societies (Tedeschi et al., 2022). This phenomenon comprises economic activities such as business investments in home countries and financial remittances, alongside political activities like maintaining membership in political parties of their country of origin, voting in its elections, and even seeking to run for political office. Moreover, transnationalism encompasses sociocultural exchanges, where interactions facilitate sharing ideas and meanings. These exchanges often occur during increased visits by immigrants to their home countries or visits by non-migrants to friends and families in receiving countries. Such migrations can profoundly affect the lives of individuals in the sending and host societies. However, the economic, political, and socio-cultural implications of transnational migration suggest that while transnational migrants can be residents of their new community like anyone else, their daily lives depend on people, money, ideas, and other resources in a completely different environment. This further indicates that the prospects for developing certain nations are linked to the activities of their respective diasporas (Lima, 2010). This implies that every migrant can be both an agent and a subject of transnationalism, engaging in transnational activities and practices to varying extents (IOM, 2010). Consequently, there is a need for a certain degree of balance in these engagements, even as the two societies may take on differing roles in the life of the migrant. This phenomenon is often more noticeable among particular groups, including lifestyle migrants, expats, temporary labour migrants, and international students. These groups are mainly 34 categorised by their reasons for relocating and their degree of freedom in choosing where to live under the prevailing circumstances. According to Carling et al. (2021), while lifestyle migrants and expatriates are perceived as relatively affluent individuals of all ages who move either part-time or full-time to locations that, for various reasons, offer a better quality of life for them, experts are seen as a privileged class of mobile professionals and their family members, typically associated with a lifestyle of cross-border connectivity and a detachment from local society. This classification is considered discriminatory as it strips away their primary identity as immigrants (Koutonin, 2015; Tataru, 2019). Many individuals in the former category may not necessarily be migrants in the conventional sense of having changed their habitual residence. Yet, they lead transnational lives that challenge the traditional notion of migration. Temporary labour migrants often engage in ‘contract worker migration,’ driven by the pursuit of employment opportunities. These individuals are generally unable or reluctant to settle permanently in the host country. This hesitance may stem from various factors, such as an imbalance between work and leisure or between productive and reproductive responsibilities (Dauvergne & Marsden, 2014; Sarkar, 2017; Valenta, 2020; Carling et al., 2021; Piper, 2022). Conversely, those who enrol in educational programmes outside their usual country of residence while maintaining social, familial, and economic ties are classified as international students. While many transnational migrants tend to gravitate towards the United States, the United Kingdom, and Australia, intraEuropean mobility is particularly significant in transnational living. The relationship between free movement policies and European government initiatives has facilitated extensive and fluid mobility, especially among students (Carling et al., 2021). There is an argument that some migrants may be more transnational than others, with those living in two countries appearing to be the most transnational. For instance, Jews (Europeans) residing in America or Africans and other Asians living in Europe are considered to be more transnational than their South American counterparts (Bokser Liwerant, 2021; Caarls et al., 2021). What makes someone more transnational may not necessarily depend on their location or residence. Instead, it is reflected in the intensity of transnational practices such as transferring money, sending goods, and communicating with people across borders. In this sense, it is clear that transnationalism is 35 not solely driven by marginalisation but also by those who lead transnational lives, which can include both migrants and non-migrants. Moreover, technological advancements have rendered transportation and communication significantly more accessible and affordable. In addition, international migration has become vital to the demographic future of many developed nations. Decolonisation, combined with the division of communist countries and the emergence of human rights, alongside numerous other factors, can also influence the prevalence of transnationalism (Lima, 2010). 1.9. Social remittances as a potential resource Even from afar, emigrants transmit ideas, behaviour, identities, and social capital back to their home communities. These may include practices like democracy, health, gender equality, human rights, and community organisation (Tuccio & Wahba, 2020). Unlike global cultural flows, social remittances can be traced explicitly through designated channels, enabling the identification of their dissemination pathways and factors influencing impact. They can produce positive and negative effects (Lacroix et al., 2016). While some view migrants as catalysts for enhanced democratisation and accountability, others associate them with the rise of materialism and individualism. Social remittances represent a significantly underutilised development resource that, when strategically leveraged, can enhance socioeconomic indicators in sending and receiving countries. Migrants and non-migrants operate within transnational social fields, indicating that the factors influencing their socioeconomic status are also transnational (Kane, 2021). By systematically promoting the exchange of information on health and education between source and host countries, practitioners and policymakers can harness the diverse ideas, beliefs, and resources that migrants possess (Lau & Rodgers, 2021). This approach enables educators and healthcare providers in both regions to better understand the transnational influences on migrants' lives, thus accessing a wider array of tools to improve their conditions. Importantly, rather than viewing remittance flows as a financial burden on the destination country, they should be recognised as a mechanism to address historical imbalances in development (Baumeister et al., 2019). While it is unrealistic to expect migrants' private transfers to substitute for the responsibilities of home states, particularly in the 36 context of declining aid budgets, it is essential to acknowledge the substantial developmental potential that migrant remittances hold. 1.10. Promoting development through return and repatriation Without prejudice to the dual affiliation of migrants, return and repatriation are generally seen as the natural conclusion of the migration cycle and a prerequisite for the sustainable participation of migrants and refugees in local development. Ideally, migrants are expected to have accumulated capital and developed skills abroad that can be effectively invested in their home countries (Sørensen et al., 2003). Among the three "durable" solutions to refugee crises – integration in the first country of asylum, resettlement in a third country, or return to the homeland – return is often regarded as the most favourable and "natural" option. However, insufficient attention has been paid to how these various outcomes are influenced by the characteristics of returnees, the duration of their stay abroad, their level of integration into host countries, and the motivations behind different return types. Numerous studies indicate that short-term returns, particularly among low-skilled migrants who either fail to adapt to the host country or return abruptly, are less likely to contribute significantly to development. In contrast, prolonged stays abroad, where migrants accumulate savings to meet specific development objectives, demonstrate much greater potential for developmental impact (Sørensen et al., 2003). The developmental benefits of return or repatriation also depend on the skills and aptitudes of the returnees, as well as the availability of a supportive social, economic, and institutional environment in the country of origin (Ghosh, 2000). In refugee repatriation, a cooperative political climate among former adversaries is essential (Um, 2023). Nonetheless, evidence suggests that states with a recent history of violent conflict are more likely to encourage contributions from refugees abroad rather than their direct involvement in the post-conflict nationbuilding process (Janmyr, 2022; Şahin-Mencütek & Tsourapas, 2023). Repatriation or strict entry restrictions could significantly impact the migration-development nexus. If many migrants return to developing countries or conflict resolution leads to large-scale repatriation, remittances will sharply decline, raising the risk of renewed instability. Furthermore, the current trend of confining refugees and asylum seekers to their countries or regions of origin 37 limits their livelihood opportunities. Consequently, they have a reduced capacity to generate remittances compared to those in more prosperous migration destinations (Sørensen et al., 2002). 1.11. Understanding the mutual partnership in African migration to Europe Migration has played a crucial role throughout human history, facilitating the flow of cultures, ideas, and talents across borders. With the current focus on the movement of people from Africa to Europe, this phenomenon has garnered widespread interest for its diverse impacts (Caarls et al., 2021). When viewed on a larger scale, it presents an opportunity for significant growth for African migrants and European host countries, paving the way for mutually advantageous collaboration. The arrival of African migrants not only enhances the much-needed diversity in Europe but also infuses a wealth of talent and skills. Fields such as healthcare, technology, academia, and entrepreneurship benefit considerably from these individuals' expertise (Vasile et al., 2023). By harnessing this diverse pool of skilled professionals, European countries can address labour shortages, foster innovation, and stimulate economic growth; moreover, exchanging knowledge and expertise bolsters the overall development and competitiveness of European industries. Notably, the influx of African migrants presents a unique opportunity for Europe to strengthen its demographic composition. With declining birth rates and an ageing population, many European nations encounter economic challenges and mounting pressure on social welfare systems (Flahaux & De Haas, 2016). However, the arrival of African migrants, who are generally younger and have a higher fertility rate, provides a solution to these demographic disparities. They can inject energy into European communities and contribute to the sustainability of pension and healthcare programmes. Furthermore, integrating African migrants into European societies adds valuable cultural diversity, infusing vitality and dynamism into these communities. Exposure to various customs, languages, and perspectives fosters a sense of cohesion and acceptance, leading to a more inclusive and harmonious society (Lindsay, 2021). This cultural exchange also benefits European nations by broadening their understanding of global perspectives and promoting cooperation and unity. African-European migration is increasingly influenced by incidents of racism and xenophobia, which have become pervasive in many European societies (Moyo & Mpofu, 2020). In some instances, an 38 African immigrant seeking to establish themselves in Europe is likely to encounter significant hostility rooted in deep-seated racial prejudices and fear of the "other." These negative attitudes manifest in various ways, from overt acts of discrimination to more subtle, systemic biases that hinder migrants' access to employment, housing, and social services (Ball et al., 2022). The rise of far-right political movements across Europe has exacerbated these issues, as these groups often exploit public fears of immigration to advance nationalist agendas. Consequently, African migrants are not only marginalised socially but are also frequently scapegoated for broader socio-economic challenges, such as unemployment and pressure on public resources. This climate of xenophobia undermines efforts to integrate migrants into society, perpetuating cycles of exclusion and inequality. In response to these growing fears and the perceived threat of immigration, European governments are increasingly adopting more restrictive immigration policies (Schapendonk, 2012). These policies often aim to limit the influx of migrants, mainly from Africa, through stricter border controls, tightened asylum procedures, and more rigorous enforcement of deportation orders. The trend towards the securitisation of migration reflects a broader shift in policy-making, where migration is framed primarily as a security issue rather than a humanitarian or economic one. Such restrictive measures not only curtail opportunities for legal migration but also exacerbate the vulnerabilities of those who manage to enter Europe, as they are often forced into precarious and informal sectors of society, where they are more susceptible to exploitation and abuse (Ball et al., 2022). The tightening of immigration policies, coupled with the rise of xenophobia, thus presents significant challenges for African migrants, highlighting the need for comprehensive and equitable approaches to migration management that prioritise human rights and social inclusion. On the other hand, the allure of Europe for African migrants lies in the promise of substantial economic gains through remittances (Enaifoghe, 2020). These vital funds are transferred back to their countries of origin, supporting families and boosting local economies. Ultimately, these remittances play a pivotal role in enabling African communities to invest in crucial areas such as education, healthcare, and infrastructure, thereby paving the way for poverty reduction and longterm development (Awumbila, 2017). 39 Furthermore, African migrants who have journeyed to European societies gain valuable experience that can be channeled into positively impacting their homecoming. Living in a new environment allows them to gain diverse perspectives on governance structures, educational systems, and social dynamics, providing crucial insights that can be harnessed to drive progress in their home countries (Idemudia & Boehnke, 2020b). This "brain gain" phenomenon holds immense potential for fostering innovation, entrepreneurship, and enhanced governance in Africa. The advantages of African migration to Europe extend beyond mere demographic changes. They present substantial opportunities for mutually beneficial partnerships through exchanging talents, cultural diversity, and economic contributions (Geurts & Lubbers, 2023). This dynamic interaction enables African immigrants and European host nations to thrive collectively by leveraging their strengths and fostering a symbiotic relationship. Embracing migration as a collaborative venture highlights the importance of inclusive policies and international cooperation in harnessing the immense potential of this complex and evolving phenomenon. Effective migration management requires more than superficial solutions; it necessitates a profound understanding of the underlying causes and a commitment to sustainable and equitable global migration systems. Addressing the root causes of migration from developing nations is crucial for creating long-term solutions. Economic disparity, political instability, and environmental degradation are significant factors driving migration, and comprehensive strategies must include efforts to improve economic conditions, enhance political stability, and mitigate ecological damage in migrants' countries of origin. Furthermore, fostering social unity and combating prejudice in origin and destination countries is essential for creating an environment where migrants are valued and can contribute meaningfully to society. For instance, inclusive community initiatives in Europe that celebrate cultural diversity and support integration can help alleviate the challenges faced by African migrants, promoting a more cohesive society. By valuing migrants' contributions and addressing the fundamental driving forces behind migration, we can strive for a more unified and balanced global society, enhancing the well-being of individuals and communities (United Nations, 2022b). This holistic approach to migration recognises its complexity and potential, advocating for a future in which migration is a source of growth and mutual benefit. 40 CHAPTER 2 TRANSNATIONAL MIGRATION 2.1. Vulnerability, threats and insecurity Migration has been pivotal throughout human history, continuously shaping societies and cultures. Over the centuries, individuals have often migrated from their home countries in search of better living conditions, intending to settle in more developed regions, primarily Europe and North America. These areas are commonly viewed as providing enhanced safety and more lucrative opportunities for their skills and services (Hoxhaj et al., 2020). It is essential to recognise that migration is not merely driven by the need to escape dire circumstances such as violence, war, hunger, or extreme poverty (Castelli, 2018; Amnesty International, 2023). Many migrants are propelled by personal and professional growth aspirations, seeking environments that offer improved socioeconomic prospects and quality of life. However, it is undeniable that not all migrants reach their initially intended destinations (Ambrosini & Hajer, 2023). Various unforeseen factors and challenges can impede their journey, compelling them to reconsider their plans. These obstacles range from strict immigration policies and border controls to unexpected socio-political changes in transit and destination countries (Kassar & Dourgnon, 2014). The migration journey is fraught with uncertainties, and the likelihood of being diverted from one’s primary destination is a vital consideration for anyone contemplating relocation. Potential migrants, therefore, face the challenge of adapting their plans in response to these dynamic and often unpredictable circumstances. Moreover, as expected, even upon arriving at their intended destinations, the prevailing conditions, including economic downturns, social tensions, and shifts in immigration policies, can significantly influence their capacity to integrate and flourish in their new surroundings. These factors may occasionally force migrants to relocate once more in search of improved opportunities elsewhere (ICMPD, 2022; Bijwaard & Wahba, 2023). This underscores the fluid nature of migration and the necessity for migrants to remain adaptable and resilient in response to changing circumstances. 47 2.2.2. Structural vulnerability and migration dynamics Structural vulnerability is particularly significant when examining the conditions faced by migrants in their host countries. Migrant communities frequently encounter structural vulnerability due to systemic inequalities and various forms of structural violence, often racialised and entrenched within political and economic institutions. These systems foster unequal distributions of resources and power, worsening the vulnerability of specific groups (Litavec & Basom, 2023). Structural violence encompasses the exploitation and oppression experienced by migrants and ethnic minorities, which substantially affects their social hierarchy and exposure to structural vulnerability (Carruth et al., 2021). The IOM policy documents indicate a complex relationship between migration and vulnerability: Migration can cause vulnerability, result from it, or impede it (Flegar, 2018). Situational vulnerability aligns with the first scenario, where migration itself induces vulnerability. However, structural vulnerability accounts for the latter two scenarios. For instance, refugees fleeing persecution illustrate migration as a result of structural vulnerability, where the sociopolitical context of their country of origin drives their movement. Conversely, structural vulnerability can also hinder migration, as seen in poor and marginalised groups unable to relocate during natural disasters due to a lack of resources (Siller & Aydin, 2022). Consequently, structural vulnerability significantly influences migration patterns and requires comprehensive policies to tackle these systemic challenges. However, vulnerability is perceived as a consequence of the interaction between contextual factors and personal characteristics. This viewpoint indicates that proactive policies aimed at addressing and alleviating specific circumstances can assist individuals in moving out of vulnerability (Keywood, 2017). 2.3. Threat This issue concerning the safety and well-being of migrants in foreign nations encompasses numerous challenges and risks they face upon arrival and during their stay in host countries. These threats can arise from physical safety and legal, socio-economic, and interpersonal factors. 48 Instances of accidents related to transit, robbery, and detention by border police and other security agencies can cause significant distress for those leaving their countries for the first time. This experience is particularly severe for irregular migrants going to their destination via the Sahara or sea routes. Legal threats may emerge from restrictive immigration policies, a lack of legal status, or the risk of detention and deportation, leaving migrants susceptible to exploitation and abuse. Socioeconomic threats appear as obstacles to accessing essential services, discrimination in employment, and sociocultural marginalisation, intensifying migrants' vulnerability to poverty, homelessness, and social exclusion. Interpersonal threats such as xenophobia, racism, bullying, psychological torture, breaches of human rights, gender-based violence, anti-migrant sentiment, and the criminalisation of migration further compound the challenges faced by migrants, undermining their safety, dignity, and wellbeing in foreign nations (El-Khoury et al., 2021). Additionally, concerns arise over the market value of education acquired in various sending countries, the lack of country-specific skills such as language and an understanding of the receiving countries’ labour market institutions, spatial segregation, institutional factors, and various forms of discrimination (Guzi et al., 2023). As discrimination against migrants and its consequences are critical determinants of the economic, sociocultural, and civic-political future of receiving societies and individuals seeking to make these societies their new home, understanding the multifaceted threats faced by migrants in both their home and host countries is essential for developing effective policies and interventions to ensure their protection. This understanding would help promote their integration and inclusion within host communities, safeguarding their rights, dignity, and well-being throughout their migration journey and, more broadly, addressing numerous migration-related challenges (Esses, 2021). 2.4. Insecurity The incidence of insecurity—and the safety and well-being of migrants in foreign nations— encompasses numerous threats and vulnerabilities that migrants may encounter during their journey and upon arrival in the host country. This can take various forms, such as physical safety risks, economic instability, social marginalisation, and legal uncertainty (Fontana, 2022). Migrants 49 often face dire conditions during transit, including human trafficking, exploitation, violence, and hazardous travel routes, which leave them exposed to harm and further exploitation. Those who have recently arrived in the destination country may encounter systemic barriers to accessing essential services, employment, housing, and legal protection, exacerbating their vulnerability and jeopardising their safety and well-being. Discriminatory attitudes, including unfriendly policies targeting migrants, further contribute to their insecurity, fostering a climate of fear, marginalisation, and exclusion (Fontana, 2022). As mentioned previously, the absence of legal status or documentation can increase migrants’ vulnerability to detention, deportation, and arbitrary treatment by authorities, heightening their sense of insecurity and undermining their rights and dignity (Moyce & Schenker, 2018). In addition to economic insecurity, migrants frequently encounter significant barriers to accessing essential services such as healthcare, education, and housing. Limited access to affordable healthcare services due to legal restrictions, language barriers, and lack of documentation can jeopardise migrants' health outcomes and worsen existing health disparities. Similarly, in certain areas, barriers to accessing quality education for migrant children—including language obstacles, a lack of educational resources, and discrimination—hinder their academic success and long-term integration prospects. Furthermore, the shortage of affordable and suitable housing options forces many migrants into overcrowded and substandard living conditions, exacerbating their vulnerability to exploitation, homelessness, and social exclusion (Gabrielli & Impicciatore, 2022). More significantly, the language barrier poses a serious challenge during adaptation, as numerous migrants have reported difficulties in interaction despite their proficiency in English, highlighting the need for effective communication to achieve integration. The clash of cultural identities further complicates the adjustment process, with some migrants striving to preserve their heritage while adapting to a new environment. Sustaining a durable and dependable national security framework will become increasingly challenging in the context of rising global human insecurity, necessitating a robust response to all factors contributing to this insecurity. Beyond investing in development to lessen the desire to migrate, national and international authorities must implement appropriate policies to address 50 threats to human security, thereby fostering conditions for migration based on choice rather than necessity. For many years, owing to its colonial past, Portugal has been a significant destination for migrants from Portuguese-speaking countries, including Angola, Brazil, Cape Verde, Guinea-Bissau, Mozambique, and São Tomé e Príncipe, with a notable expansion of migration corridors (Carvalho, 2022; Raimundo, 2023; Wihtol de Wenden, 2023; Kalter, 2024). In the context of African-Luso migration, Portugal’s hosting of diverse communities of migrants is progressively extending beyond Portuguese-speaking nations. It now includes Anglophone and Francophone migrants seeking opportunities beyond the African continent, reflecting a broader demographic shift in its migrant population. The incidence and factors contributing to barriers such as loneliness and discrimination among certain Portuguese-speaking African migrants, specifically Angolan, Cape Verdean, Guinean, and Mozambican students and workers residing in Portugal, have been thoroughly documented over the years (Alves & King, 2021; Cairns et al., 2021; Doutor, 2024; Malet Calvo et al., 2022; Neto & Barros, 2003; Neto & Wilks, 2017; Neto, 2020; Neto, 2021a; Neto, 2021b; Neto et al., 2022; Neto & Pinto, 2022; Oliveira et al., 2017; Wihtol de Wenden, 2023; Wilks & Neto, 2016). As migration corridors expand and communities grow, studies concerning non-Portuguesespeaking migrants from Africa are becoming increasingly vital for a more comprehensive understanding of African migrants in Portugal. This should encompass a broader spectrum of social classes and regions, acknowledging that individuals who migrate may encounter various challenges in adapting to or embracing the host culture, regardless of their social standing. The scope of transnationalism concerning African migration to Portugal arises from the various forms of interconnectedness and interactions that occur between nations—individuals or communities that continue to engage with their home states after relocating abroad (Marino, 2016; Trovão, 2016; Declich & Rodet, 2018; Peixoto et al., 2019; Carling et al., 2021). Numerous activities and attitudes constitute this phenomenon, including sending remittances, maintaining social and family networks, participating in religious and cultural events, and engaging in political or civic affairs at home and abroad (Ahrens & King, 2023). 51 Transnationalism reflects the evolving nature of migration today, where immigrants are said to inhabit various social, economic, and cultural landscapes while maintaining meaningful connections that cross borders (Laubenthal, 2023; Morales et al., 2023; Karki & Moasun, 2024). 52 CHAPTER 3 THEORETICAL BACKGROUND ON MIGRATION 3.1. Overview of migration theories In this section, the theoretical framework of migration is presented with a strong focus on transnational migration, reviewing existing studies while primarily discussing theories related to migration. It explores the reasons for migration and subsequently presents theoretical arguments regarding how the decision to migrate may be influenced by the economic challenges and adverse life circumstances faced by migrants on the move. Numerous scholars have proposed models to clarify the concept of migration and its associated activities. Developed over the past 50 years, transnational migration theories draw on an interdisciplinary foundation that includes economics, sociology, geography, commerce, management, law, political science, demography, and psychology. These theories seek to elucidate the movement of various populations to specific regions at particular times and the underlying motivations for such migrations. They also address the deterrents that may dissuade individuals initially inclined to migrate from their home countries. Notably, several theories closely investigate the insecurity experienced by migrants, a vital aspect of transnational migration. The theories can be broadly categorised into three main types: micro, macro, and meso-level theories (Table 1). The micro-level theories encompass the push and pull factors theory, neoclassical micro-migration theory, and behavioural models, which examine migration decisions from an individual’s perspective, including their expectations, plans, and constraints. The macro-level theories include neoclassical macro-migration theory, migration as systems theory, dual labour market theory, world systems theory, and mobility transition theory. These theories present migration decisions from an aggregate perspective, focusing on factors such as the economy's macroeconomic structure. 53 The meso-level theories encompass social capital, institutional, network, cumulative causation, and New Economics of Labour Migration theories. These theories merge migration decisions between micro and macro levels, including family ties, social networks, peer groups, and community bonds (Wickramasinghe & Wimalaratana, 2016; Carling et al., 2020; Bastia & Skeldon, 2020; Paul & Yeoh, 2021). This connection between the micro, macro, and meso levels of this categorisation can deepen our understanding of international migration by African migrants. Table 1 offers an overview of migration theories across the level dimensions and their classification as causes or perpetrators of migration. Table 1. The analysis level and migration initiation or perpetuation define migration theories. By evaluating economic, sociocultural, and political aspects, migration theories enhance our understanding of the complex decision-making processes that drive migration. They shed light on migration's impact on migrants and host countries, aiding policymakers and researchers in addressing the various challenges and opportunities related to human mobility (Bhagat, 2020; De Haas, 2021; Kaushik, 2021). A key component of migration theories is the principal migration transition theories proposed by De Haas (2010), Skeldon (2012), and Zelinsky (1971). These theories assert that economic development and the accompanying social transformation initially Theory Features Micro level Macro level Meso level Migration cause /perpetuatio n Individual values/ desires/expectancies e.g., improving survival, wealth, etc Macro level opportunity structure e.g., economic structure (income and employment opportunities differentials) Collectives/ social networks e.g., social ties Initiation of migration Perpetuation of migration Main theories - Push and pull factors - Neoclassical micro-migration theory - Behavioural models - Theory of social systems - Neoclassical macro-migration theory - Migration as a systems theory - Dual labour market theory - World systems theory - Mobility Transition theory - Social capital theory - Institutional theory - Network theory - Cumulative causation - New Economics of Labour Migration 54 coincide with increasing levels and a broader geographical scope of emigration. They were developed to tackle the issue of individual migration decision-making. 3.2. Micro-level theories Micro-level theories primarily examine the decision-making processes and behaviours of individuals, families, and groups about the macroeconomic conditions and human security indicators of both their countries of origin and destination (Table 1). These theories clarify migration choices by focusing on individual-level determinants, including macro and meso-level factors, demographic attributes, personality traits, and risk aversion (Commey, 2021). Although they differ in their focal points, theoretical assumptions, and units of analysis, these theories converge on a fundamental aspect: they all function as micro-level models that emphasise the significance of the decisionmaking entity in migration processes. 3.2.1. Push and pull factors theory The theory posits that several factors prevalent in less economically developed countries compel individuals to migrate to more favourable regions. These factors encompass high poverty rates, rapid population growth, insufficient labour demand, low wages, shrinking agricultural land, political instability, low social status, and persistent military conflicts. Conversely, economically prosperous nations draw migrants due to greater labour demand and improved wages, which sharply contrast with the conditions in their home countries (Wadood, 2021; Bunduchi & Vasile, 2023). Scholars like Wadood (2021) and Wadood et al. (2023) suggest that factors of economic growth may eventually balance migration patterns. They argue that an influx of labour into recipient countries could decrease wages, while emigration might raise wages in source countries. Over time, this could result in wage parity between regions and potentially diminish international migration. Furthermore, global processes such as globalisation, technological advancement, and the shifting economic order are essential drivers of the accelerated pace of international migration (Vaculovschi, 2021). 55 3.2.2. Micro neoclassical model In contrast to most migration theories, neoclassical migration theory is explicitly grounded in a model of individual decision-making at the micro level (Todaro, 1969; Todaro & Maruszko, 1987). Central to this theory is the concept of the 'rational' actor, who makes migration decisions based on a cost-benefit analysis. According to this model, a migrant evaluates the costs and benefits of relocating to various countries against those remaining in their current location, ultimately choosing the most significant net advantage. The neoclassical micro migration model emphasises that an individual's decision to migrate is influenced by their human capital characteristics, including age, gender, education, skills, occupation, experience, marital status, entrepreneurial ability, and their propensity for success and risk-taking in starting afresh in an unfamiliar environment (Sjaastad, 1962; Harris & Todaro, 1970; Borjas, 1980). Additionally, it posits that anticipated lifetime benefits versus expected lifetime costs are crucial determinants in migration decision-making, particularly for individuals from developing economies. In summary, human capital theory suggests that a migration decision arises when an individual recognises the opportunity to enhance their human capital accumulation and achieve greater returns on this asset in the host country than the sending country (Lewis, 1954). This concept may lead to a significant loss of skilled professionals (such as physicians, engineers, scientists, professors, etc.) from the sending countries. However, the neoclassical theory of migration inadequately addresses why migrant workers should send remittances back home, as the considerations for the well-being of their family members have not been sufficiently recognised, making the act of sending remittances seem irrational within the neoclassical economics framework (Commey, 2021). 3.2.3. Behavioural models Behavioural models conceptualise migrants as rational actors who evaluate the costs and benefits of their decisions. In contrast, value-expectancy models move beyond the narrow focus on monetary profit maximisation to adopt a broader perspective. These models suggest that 56 individuals select actions based on the expected value of anticipated outcomes (de Jong & Fawcett, 1981). As a result, the motivation to migrate is shaped by the perceived value of desired outcomes and the belief that migration will fulfil these outcomes. While neoclassical theory emphasises monetary costs and benefits, the value-expectancy model encompasses a broader range of factors that may influence decision-making, including wealth, status, comfort, stimulation, and autonomy, among other variables (Courgeau, 1995). The value-expectancy model suggests that migrants make rational decisions ex-ante, choosing the option where their aspirations are most likely fulfilled. Unlike models that assume complete rationality, more psychologically oriented approaches acknowledge the bounded rationality of individuals (Faist, 2000), highlighting that people have limitations in their problem-solving capabilities and in accessing and processing information (Simon, 1957). This implies that individuals utilise a simplified model as the foundation for decision-making and act rationally by this model (Courgeau, 1995). The stress-threshold model developed by Wolpert (1965) views migration as an adaptive strategy in response to a person's immediate environment, encompassing economic, social, psychological, and other opportunities and costs. In this context, individuals assign varying ‘place utilities’ to different locations based on their subjective perceptions of utility, recognising that information regarding alternative actions is incomplete and subjective. In summary, according to the later model, individuals will choose to relocate if the expected place utility in a potential alternative destination exceeds that of the current location. 3.3. Macro level theories Macro-level theories suggest that migration is driven by socioeconomic disparities between countries, where push factors compel individuals to depart from their origin, while pull factors attract them to alternative destinations (Table 1). Kuhnt (2019) identifies several significant macrolevel factors that differentiate forced and voluntary African migrants, including economic opportunities, conflicts and violence, human rights abuses, weaknesses in institutions and welfare states, fragility, and environmental threats. These macro-level influences seem to be particularly crucial in shaping migrants' aspirations. Furthermore, macroeconomic indicators such as wage 63 potential migrants (Greenwood, 1969; Massey, 1988). Previous migrants can offer insights on job searches, earning potential, cost of living, marriage partners, legal formalities, and alternative movement channels. This can lead to an S-shaped diffusion process of cumulative migration stocks, akin to an inverted-U migration flow path that coincides with economic growth. Epstein (2008) develops a formal model illustrating how information asymmetries across borders can generate migrant herding and a mobility transition, even amid growth in the origin country. Besides, prior migrants can lessen the information burden for potential migrants by providing inkind insurance against risk—such as offering food and housing during periods of unemployment (Martin & Taylor, 1996). Gould (1980) and Baines (1994) address these mechanisms for the mobility transition less formally. The fundamental argument of the structural change and worker dislocation mechanism is that economic development can be linked to structural change, which alters the costs and benefits associated with emigration. During the development process, new sectors emerge while old sectors, predominantly agriculture, decline. This can foster geographic mobility as the opportunity cost of leaving declining sectors decreases, thereby changing domestic and international migration’s relative costs and benefits. “The onset of modernisation brings a significant dispersal of migrants from the countryside” (Zelinsky, 1971). The development process “displaces many individuals from traditional livelihoods and past ways of life. Most become internal migrants, but some consistently migrate internationally, seeking broader opportunities in more dynamic economies abroad” (Massey, 1988). In addition, these changes can encourage international labour mobility within the framework of liberalising trade, either by reducing policy barriers or lowering transportation costs. Venables (1999) investigates how this can manifest in established international trade theories. For example, while basic trade theory indicates that liberalising goods trade tends to equalise the price of the most heavily utilised factor between home and abroad, sector-specific factors may not equal the prices of less heavily utilised factors. A simple illustration is that trade liberalisation in agriculture between two countries (specific factor: land) can create an impetus for labour mobility from the agriculture importer to the exporter—if the exporter’s initial labour endowment is relatively low. 64 Faini and Venturini (1994) and Martin and Taylor (1996) discuss various mechanisms within this framework as theories of the mobility transition. For example, if the infrastructure in the migrantorigin country is inadequate, it diminishes their productivity at home. Should trade be liberalised between the migrant-origin and migrant-destination countries, firms in the destination country may out-compete those at the origin by employing migrants who are made more productive due to superior infrastructure. Additionally, country-specific differences in worker productivity could emerge from economies of scale in production or barriers to technology diffusion, such as intellectual property laws. These factors would also generate migration pressure, even as trade stimulates economic growth at the origin. The inequality mechanism assumes that economic development correlates with changes in income distribution that influence migration demand. Since rising incomes are rarely distributed uniformly, “development tends to be characterised by a widening gap between expectations and achievements, i.e., a growing awareness of inadequacy and a diminishing tolerance for poverty and privilege” (Heilbroner, 1963, p. 31). As average incomes increase, the reference level of satisfactory income for a group may rise more quickly than for some group members. Thus, increasing average incomes can be associated with a rise in the relatively deprived, who may seek to adopt a different reference frame by moving. Furthermore, even if potential migrants prioritise their absolute rather than relative gains, the Roy model, as detailed by Borjas (1987), can still produce a mobility transition through inequality dynamics: evolving inequality as development advances at the origin can imply that the benefits from migration received by workers at various points in the income distribution may fluctuate over time—raising and lowering migration rates. Various scholars extensively elaborate on the economic theory underpinning these forces (Stark, 1984; Stark et al., 1986; Stark & Yitzhaki, 1988; Stark et al., 1988; Stark & Taylor, 1991; Stark, 2006). A broad prediction of these models suggests that emigration is positively associated with inequality in the country of origin. There is substantial evidence of patterns in the level of inequality at different stages of development (e.g., Thornton 2001; Frazer, 2006), corroborating Kuznets’ (1955) hypothesis that early stages of growth tend to lead to rising inequality—though the evidence concerning falling inequality at later stages of development is weaker (Piketty, 2014). 65 The impact of growth trajectories on inequality remains unresolved; however, any such effect could influence the mobility transition. Feedback mechanisms may further amplify or mitigate the impact of inequality on emigration. Migration can either increase or decrease inequality in the country of origin, depending on the income bracket from which migrants come, the extent of return migration, and the earnings of migrants (Massey, 1988). This mechanism is examined as a theory of the mobility transition by Martin and Taylor (1996), with a discussion on the connections between emigration and inequality primarily initiated by Gould (1980). The mechanism of immigration barriers abroad indicates that, in addition to shifts in the demand for migration, a mobility transition can also be influenced by alterations in the availability of legal migration opportunities (Hatton & Williamson, 2005; Hatton & Williamson, 2010). Significantly, migrant destination countries offer visa categories that are more accessible to high-income workers than to low-income workers. These include ‘points’-based settler visas, skilled employment-based work visas, temporary business visas, student visas, and investor visas. Non-visa policies likewise form de facto migration barriers (Czaika & de Haas, 2013). These can similarly impose constraints on migration from poorer countries, which may diminish as these countries develop. For example, many of the poorest African nations lack internationally accredited nursing and medical schools, making it challenging for health professionals from these regions to secure licenses to work abroad, even if they can obtain a visa on other grounds. To the extent that international accreditation of training facilities tends to grow with economic development, this could also contribute to a mobility transition. 3.4. Meso-level theories The meso-level migration theories explore the networks and systems that facilitate migration, offering insights into how these structures influence migrants' decisions to achieve their migration goals (Table 1) (Commey, 2021). These theories address the shortcomings of macro-level approaches by clarifying the interaction between meso-level factors and broader macro-level forces. They underscore the significance of intermediary networks and systems in shaping migration patterns and decisions. As defined in meso-level theories, migration systems consist of individuals' exchanges between countries of origin and destination through various channels, including commercial, educational, and cultural relationships. For migrants, these meso-level factors are 66 essential in determining their migration decisions and destination choices, complementing and interacting with macro-level factors such as economic conditions or political instability. Migration networks play a crucial role in shaping migratory flows by providing essential resources such as information, contacts, and economic and social support. These networks encompass a range of actors, including family members, friends, social and religious groups, people smugglers, institutions, and technology, both within the country of origin and in the host country (Faist, 2000; Lundquist & Massey, 2005). By offering such support, these networks can lower the risks and costs associated with migration, making the process more feasible for prospective and current migrants. At the meso level, collective migration decision-making within households is vital. Families may strategically choose a member to migrate to diversify income sources for the entire household should the migrant succeed in the host country (Commey, 2021). This collective approach highlights the importance of migration networks in facilitating migration by leveraging familial and social connections to enhance economic opportunities and mitigate risks. 3.4.1. Social capital theory Loury (1977) introduced the concept of social capital to describe the intangible resources within families and communities that foster the social development of young people. Bourdieu (1986) subsequently emphasised its broader significance to human society. Social capital includes the total of actual or virtual resources that accumulate for an individual or group by possessing a durable network of more or less institutionalised relationships based on mutual acquaintance and recognition (Bourdieu & Wacquant, 1992). The defining characteristic of social capital is its convertibility, enabling it to transform into other forms of capital, mainly financial (Harker et al., 1990). Individuals access social capital through their membership in interpersonal networks and institutions, which they then convert into other forms to enhance or maintain their social standing (Bourdieu, 1986; Coleman, 1988). While social capital can yield negative and positive outcomes, it is essential to emphasise its positive role in acquiring and accumulating various forms of capital (Portes & Sensenbrenner, 1993). 67 The fundamental hypothesis of social capital theory is that connections within social networks create conditions conducive to the migration of others (decreasing costs, augmenting potential streams of future income, reducing risks, and transmitting information). Consequently, individuals related to migrants are more likely to migrate themselves, all else being equal. Subsequently, we often refer to the observable correlation of migration risks among social group members as the apparent network effect, as this correlation can also be observed without any social capital embedded in relationships within a network. Its primary prediction is that individuals socially connected to current or former migrants have access to social capital, significantly enhancing their migration likelihood. This hypothesis has been previously introduced. Indeed, it carries a respectable historical tradition and continues to be cited to explain the magnitude of migration flows and the concentration of certain types of migrants in specific locations. The logical and historical foundations of the hypothesis and a summary of several newer formulations and applications worldwide are thoroughly discussed elsewhere (Massey et al., 1998). Although the hypothesis has been supported in numerous studies across various social and geographic settings, no test has confirmed its validity compared to other theories that predict similar outcomes. The results of research that sought to systematically evaluate the credibility of social capital theory, using a less common model and statistical method, suggest that diffuse social capital, shared among community and household members, significantly affects the likelihood of out-migration. This affirms social capital theory and raises questions about competing explanations (Palloni et al., 2001). Migrant networks are sets of interpersonal ties that connect migrants, former migrants, and nonmigrants through relations of kinship, friendship, and shared community of origin. These network connections increase the likelihood of international migration by reducing the costs and risks associated with movement while enhancing the expected net returns. Individuals connected to a migrant have access to social capital to leverage to attain a vital form of financial capital: high foreign wages, which allow accumulating savings abroad and sending remittances. As early as the 1920s, sociologists recognised the significance of networks in facilitating international movements (Thomas & Znaniecki, 1920; Gamio, 1930). 68 3.4.2. Institutional theory Institutional theory, as presented in the works of Massey et al. (1993), seeks to explain why organisational structures and practices become entrenched and how and why change occurs (de Jonge, 2015). It focuses less on behavioural theories of organisations and more on environmental influences, such as the diffusion of new institutionalised practices among firms. Moreover, it examines the roles of social, political, and economic systems in which companies operate and gain legitimacy, suggesting that these factors could impact the decision-making process by indicating what may be deemed acceptable and by shaping the individual socialisation of norms and behaviours within a given society (Debroux, 2010). Similarly, three foundational versions of ‘Institutionalism’ are derived from distinct disciplinary approaches. Sociological institutionalism primarily focuses on understanding how institutions shape and reflect societal culture and norms. Rational choice institutionalists adopt the assumptions and methods of economics, applying deductive logic to studying politics and history. These scholars perceive institutions as both incentives and constraints within individual utilitymaximising behaviour. Historical institutionalists typically view institutions as intervening (or structuring) variables through which conflicts over interests, ideas, and power are contested. For these scholars, institutions provide incentives and constraints on individual choices and play a crucial role in shaping the preferences of those actors (Steinmo, 2001). With the rise of international migration, numerous institutions and organisations have been established to capitalise on the imbalance between employers in labour-receiving countries and potential migrants from labour-sending countries. A significant mismatch exists between the many individuals seeking employment opportunities in industrialised nations and the limited immigrant visas available in these countries (Massey et al., 1993). As a result, numerous profit-seeking and not-for-profit organisations have emerged to tackle the challenges encountered by migrants and employers. It has been suggested that the decisions made by the institutions responsible for labour and foreign affairs can influence migration and, consequently, the availability of expatriates in the labour market of host nations. While profit-seeking organisations often engage in illicit activities, many not-for-profit organisations offer support to 69 affected migrants through counselling, social services, legal advice, and education on immigration laws, among other services. In today's context, Institutional Theory is crucial for developing a more favourable and comprehensive policy framework for both labour-sending and receiving countries (Wickramasinghe & Wimalaratana, 2016). 3.4.3. Network Theory Taylor's social network theory (1986) represents a modern approach to theorising migration. Network theory posits that migration as a social outcome is rooted in the complex interplay of decisions made by individual actors, family and friends, migrant organisations, and other economic and political factors (Czaika & Reinprecht, 2022). Social networks now shape whether and how migration occurs and where migrants predominantly relocate (Haug, 2008). Ritchey (1976) argues that individuals with access to relevant social capital incentivise migration by offering information, financial assistance, and practical support. However, Heitmueller (2006) notes that network effects can operate in both directions; information shared through networks is not solely positive and can also deter migration. Increasing the number of migrants in a particular location fosters a positive community and family effect, drawing in further migrants to this destination. Concurrently, local labour markets may become saturated, potentially decreasing wages. Consequently, there may come a point where migrants in destination countries either withhold information or convey negative messages to discourage additional migration (Heitmueller, 2006). Network theory offers a valuable perspective for understanding the continuation of migration (Massey et al., 1993) and destination choice once migrant networks are established. However, it does not elucidate migration in the absence of these networks or how they may dissolve (de Haas, 2010). Epstein (2008) differentiates between network and herd effects. Herd behaviour involves ignoring private information in favour of following the actions of others. This behaviour is considered rational because others make decisions based on superior information (Epstein, 2002). Consequently, herd behaviour leads migrants to align with the flow rather than the stock (that is, established network) of prior migrants. While herd effects cannot account for new, pioneering 70 migration, they can elucidate the clustering of migrants in destinations, mainly when network effects are likely to be minimal. As emigration may persist over time, a “culture of migration” might develop that alters a society’s values and perceptions regarding migration (Massey et al., 1993). The culture of migration manifests at the individual level; those who have migrated in the past are more likely to migrate in the future. It also appears at the community level when migration becomes a normative behaviour— a “rite of passage"— within the community (Kandel & Massey, 2002, p. 981). When information about migration options spreads widely within the community, it can encourage further migration. In a culture of migration, this information can also reach individuals without direct access to migrant networks. Unlike network theory, the culture of migration can elucidate why individuals may migrate even without networks (Ali, 2007). While the theories discussed thus far have primarily focused on individuals or households as the decision-making unit, more structural theories conceptualise migration as an intrinsic part of historical processes and societal developments. Zelinsky (1971, pp. 219–249) argues that demographic transitions and modernisation processes explain the growth and changing patterns of human mobility in Europe over the last 200 years. Based on neo-Marxist interpretations of capitalism, historical-structural models emphasise the importance of structures and forces operating at the macro-structural level. Migration is driven by the global demand and supply of cheap and flexible workers in segmented labour markets, essential for sustaining continued economic growth and development in capitalist labour-recruiting countries (Piore, 1979; Sassen, 1991). Similarly, world systems theory posits that capitalist systems undermine traditional financial structures and livelihoods, shaping domestic and international migration patterns (Wallerstein, 1974). The world capitalist system, masked by colonialism, instigated an ‘age of migration’ during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Currently, in the postcolonial era, world systems theory posits that postcolonial systems resemble those of colonialism due to neoliberalism and corporate capitalism, which include transnational links (such as international trade and foreign investment) between former colonial powers and colonies, as well as shared history, culture, language, administrative connections, and migration 71 governance (Fawcett, 1989). Historical-structural models have primarily faced criticism for denying migrants' agency and portraying them as passive participants influenced by the overarching forces of great powers and global processes governed by the logic of capital accumulation (Arango, 2004, p. 27). Moreover, migration flows do not always align with capital flows, as evidenced by the rise in South-South migration. Social migrant networks are crucial to ongoing migration (Bueno & PrietoRosas, 2021). Migrant networks are vital interpersonal connections that link migrants or returned migrants with relatives, friends, or peers at home, facilitating information sharing, providing financial assistance, aiding in employment and accommodation, and offering various forms of support (Arango, 2000). These networks are social capital facilitating migration (Coleman, 1990). Regardless of whether they are personal or diaspora networks, they reduce the costs and risks associated with migration, thereby increasing the likelihood of further movement (de Haas, 2014). Such networks supply knowledge about the migration destination and bolster labour market participation and social integration. When migrating internationally, networks are often essential prerequisites for realising migration plans. They can provide insider knowledge on local life, employment opportunities, and the current legal situation in the destination. Networks are vital as they connect individuals to those who can assist with transportation before, during, or after crossing a border. In addition, networks serve as valuable resources in the host country. Network members can offer a place to stay for the initial days after arrival or even longer; they can provide information about the labour market and the right to reside and help find employment (Crisp, 1999). This reduces costs incurred from daily expenses for accommodation and sustenance while waiting for employment. Furthermore, networks reduce monetary costs and decrease psychosocial costs (Parnreiter, 2000). Networks, particularly those formed by fellow citizens, provide a sense of home in a foreign country. Migration is presumed to halt once the exploitation of the network reaches saturation. While researchers emphasise the benefits of migrant networks, they can also create socio-economic divisions in countries of origin, separating groups with access to international migration networks from those without. The social capital linked to a network, the advantages of successful migration, and the remittances sent back often remain confined to specific lineages. Simultaneously, other 72 families or individuals of different religious or ethnic backgrounds may be excluded (Toma, 2012). Conversely, studies have also found that when support through networks is requested excessively, migrants tend to limit network assistance and are reluctant to help potential future migrants (Böcker, 1994; Collyer, 2005). 3.4.4. Cumulative causation theory The cumulative causation of Myrdal (1957), modified further by Massey (1990), principally emphasises the perpetuation of migration. Post conception of the idea of migrating, migration tends to change the economic and social composition of the emigration country and its values and moral concepts once it is initiated. The more people have migrated from a specific place, the more robust the effects are, seen primarily in changes to the income distribution of countries of origin. Once migration has started, the cumulative causation theory assumes migration will ‘sustain itself in ways that make additional movement progressively more likely’ (Massey et al., 1999). Besides perpetuation, it also attempts to explain the increase in international migration under contemporary conditions. The concept of cumulative causation encompasses six feedback mechanisms that create migration's accumulative nature (Massey et al., 1993). In its initial phase, migration generates income inequalities in sending communities, leaving non-migrant families relatively deprived and fostering further migration aspirations. Secondly, migrants possess more significant financial resources, frequently investing in land within their country of origin. This diminishes the space available for rural production and the need for agricultural workers, intensifying the pressure to migrate. Thirdly, more significant financial resources allow migrant families to utilise modern machinery in agriculture, thereby increasing the output per labour unit. This, in turn, indirectly heightens the migration pressure on non-migrant families. Fourthly, a ‘culture of migration’ develops within countries of origin. Fifth, the international distribution of human capital shifts to favour the destination countries. Since relatively well- 79 Regional representation: The sample was diversified to ensure representation beyond Portuguese-speaking African regions, incorporating a range of social and cultural experiences. Duration of residence: Participants were required to have resided in Portugal for a substantial period, enabling them to accumulate pertinent migration and integration experiences. These criteria were considered for the study as they provided a comprehensive and representative sample of African migrants in Portugal, reflecting the diversity of experiences and contributions within this community. Informal meetings were requested from the interviewees via email, LinkedIn message, or phone call to explain the purpose of the study, obtain consent to participate, and schedule a convenient time and location for the interview. Initially, requests were sent to individuals in the researcher's contact list, predominantly those I came in contact with while I served as the chaplain for African Catholics in the Patriarchate of Lisbon. Subsequently, invitations were extended to other willing individuals from schools and various walks of life in Portugal. The requests clearly outlined the academic purpose of the interview, assured confidentiality and anonymity, protected all available information, and stipulated the non-disclosure of data without consent. Once accepted, interviews were scheduled primarily according to the interviewees' availability. Sometimes, it was necessary to travel several hundred kilometres to conduct a single interview. Before conducting the interviews, essential ethical considerations, including anonymity, confidentiality, informed consent, the researchers’ potential impact on the participants, and their judgment and analysis of the information, were taken into account for all participants (Sanjari et al., 2014; Manti & Licari, 2018). For the feasibility of the study, as outlined by the Ethics Committee for Research in Social Sciences and Humanities (CEICSH), data protection and interviewees’ rights were ensured throughout the process (CEICSH, 2018). 80 4.3. Conducting the Interview After obtaining free and informed consent from participants, the interviews were conducted using a semi-structured approach with open-ended questions to gather information about the insecurities, challenges, threats, and vulnerabilities of African migrants living in Portugal. To optimise interview time, the guides were routinely referenced (DiCicco-Bloom & Crabtree, 2006). This enabled a more systematic and comprehensive exploration of respondents, ensuring that the interview focused on the intended objectives. Each interview session was audio-recorded using mobile devices and lasted an average of 45 minutes to one hour (Adams, 2015; Adeoye-Olatunde & Olenik, 2021). The recording of the interviews assists the researcher in focusing on the content and facilitates transcription to examine the points in full detail (Jamshed, 2014). The timing of the interviews was arranged according to the availability of the interviewees and the flow of the conversation. When face-to-face interviews cannot be conducted, a virtual meeting platform (such as Zoom) maintains confidentiality and privacy (Tomás & Bidet, 2023). In these circumstances, verbal consent is obtained before the interview begins to record the participant’s consent via audio. If the interviewee prefers, they may also sign a written informed consent form before the interview, either via email or at that time. Ensuring smooth interviews requires a charged battery, a stable network connection, Wi-Fi, and minimal noise. Thirty participants aged 20 to 65 were interviewed. The interviewees were recruited through purposive sampling. The semi-structured interviews were guided by a framework that offered a flexible structure for exploring the topics of interest. The study guide informed participants that they could withdraw at any time. More specifically, the principal questions are: “What challenges did you face in your country before deciding to leave? What were your reasons for leaving your country? Were you aware of potential migration risks before departing from your country of origin, such as robbery, detention, or serious transportation issues? Did you implement any measures to mitigate these significant risks during your journeys? How do your means of livelihood or living conditions compare with those of the 81 citizens of your host country? Did you encounter any challenges in retaining your cultural identity while trying to embrace or identify with the culture of your host country? How do you manage security challenges and find opportunities to make a living amid high food prices, accommodation costs, etc.? Is there anything you believe can be done to ensure the safety of migrant residents here in Portugal?” “How can governments address the millions of people displaced by climate change? How do you believe governments can tackle the challenges posed by unauthorised migrants at borders, those attempting to enter, or those currently residing in their countries?” guided the interviews. These questions aimed to elicit clear responses from the interviewees. The interviewer encouraged participants to elaborate on relevant and engaging responses when necessary. Typically, saturation is achieved after 12–24 interviews (Guest et al., 2006; Hennink et al., 2017). Consequently, data collection ceased after 30 interviews. Shortly after all sessions had concluded, the recorded interviews were anonymised and transcribed verbatim into analysable text by the researcher, then saved on a computer that stored all data by data protection laws. This allowed the researcher to access the working data from the semistructured interviews (Azevedo et al., 2017). When the conversation occurred in other languages, the transcripts were translated into English for more straightforward analysis (McGrath et al., 2019). 4.4. Data analysis We analysed the transcripts in ATLAS.ti 8 for Windows to identify the themes and patterns that frequently emerged from the respondents who shared their views (Polese et al., 2021; Lindgren et al., 2020). The approach is flexible as it can be applied at individual, group, and institutional levels to investigate societal issues such as migration (Adams, 2015; Demuth & Mey, 2015). The thematic analysis approach was selected based on the research aims, the data's nature, and the study's theoretical assumptions underpinning. Thematic analysis is one of the most prevalent and adaptable methods for examining qualitative data collected in exploratory, data-rich, interpretive, and cross-cultural research areas. It was recommended as the primary qualitative 82 method for data research because it provides essential skills for conducting various other types of analysis. Again, it aligns with the interviewee's direction, allowing them to meander onto tangents to explore emerging themes, thus providing insights into communication trends (Braun & Clarke, 2006, p. 78; Clarke & Braun, 2013). It is also unobtrusive, which enhances its validity and raises fewer ethical concerns than other analytical methods (Williamson et al., 2018; Baxter, 2020). Conducting a thematic analysis involves six phases and typically begins with the researcher familiarising themselves with their data, generating initial codes, searching for emerging themes, reviewing the themes, defining and naming them, and producing the report (Braun & Clarke, 2006). The initial phase is among the most significant in interpretative qualitative studies, requiring active, repeated reading to become acquainted with all aspects of the entire data set before coding, facilitating an overall understanding and the formation of preliminary patterns. In the second step, the data is organised into significant groups. The initial codes are assigned to the data based on the type of analysis, whether inductive or theoretical or according to the specific question in the researcher’s mind. In the next step, similar codes are meaningfully grouped to create themes and subthemes, considering how different codes can be combined to form an overarching theme. To review the themes, a reference to the extracted codes of each theme is made to determine whether these codes form a consistent pattern. Additionally, the validity of the themes is assessed concerning the entire data set, offering insights into what distinguishes the themes, how they correspond, and the overall narrative they convey about the data. The data is defined and refined to align with the theme, indicating its focus and the aspects of the data it encompasses. It also highlights the essential elements of the data and their significance. In this process, the scope and contents of each theme are summarised in approximately two sentences. After refinement, themes are assigned clear, accurate names that convey their essence to the reader. In the final phase, having established a robust set of themes, the final analysis is conducted through thorough writing and reporting, ensuring the story of the themes is conveyed accurately, consistently, and logically, without repetition, while maintaining engagement. This ensures that the essence remains easily identifiable (Naeem et al., 2023). 83 There are different ways to approach thematic analysis: inductive (in which the recognised themes are strongly derived from the data and may have little relationship with the questions posed to the participants), theoretical (which is based on the theory or analysis preferred by the researcher and is explicitly extracted by the researcher in the form of that specific theory, presenting a description of the data with less richness and where the details are based on the initial theory (Alhojailan, 2012; Boyatzis, 1998; Javadi & Zarea, 2016). However, this variety also leads to confusion regarding the nature of thematic analysis, including how it differs from qualitative content analysis and most other qualitative analytic approaches, such as grounded theory, discourse analysis, narrative analysis, constructivist methodologies, positivist methodologies, and interpretative phenomenological analysis. These can be described as methodologies or theoretically informed frameworks for research (Vaismoradi et al., 2013). There are criticisms of thematic analysis regarding its time-consuming nature when handling large volumes of data, significant reliance on the researcher’s interpretations, and the potential for biases, preconceptions, and perspectives to influence outcomes. This can impact the reliability and validity of the findings, necessitating that researchers recognise and address any potential biases in their analysis. There is often a lack of transparency in thematic analysis, as researchers may not provide clear and detailed explanations of how themes are identified; this can lead to oversimplifying the data and result in the loss of essential nuances and complexities. Despite these concerns, this method is more straightforward than other qualitative research methods. The high flexibility, simplicity, and tangibility of the analysis phase have rendered it appealing to less experienced qualitative researchers, dispelling any hopelessness they may have felt towards this approach. The researcher read the transcripts and coded the data before developing the analytical framework and reaching a consensus on the emerging themes. Once the data were processed, the results were compiled and presented, and the key discovery issues were discussed. This encompassed data on respondents’ profiles, analysed texts with recommendations for individuals, civil societies, and states regarding improved strategies for addressing migration-related issues on a global scale, and suggestions for further research. 84 CHAPTER 5 RESULTS 5.1. Interviewees’ profile The following section presents the results of the analysis of the interview data. Table 2 displays the profiles of the individuals who participated in the interviews. The data reveals that thirty African migrants (n = 21 male, n = 9 female), aged between 20 and 65 years (M = 37.26), took part in the interviews. Notably, more (n = 24) were married, and twenty-seven had completed at least a Bachelor’s degree from a higher educational institution. Among them, thirteen were students and academic researchers, seven were professionals, six were white-collar workers, one held a managerial position, two were blue-collar workers, and one was unemployed (Table 2). Furthermore, it indicates that the interviews were conducted in the interviewees' language of choice, Portuguese and English, enabling them to express themselves more comfortably. 85 Table 2. Interviewees’ profile Code id Se x Ag e Origin Occupation Discipline Destinatio n Language of interview Wilson M 20 Nigeria Student Engineering Lisbon English George M 31 Nigeria Student Nursing Lisbon English Paulo M 45 São Tomé e Príncipe Administrator Management Lisbon Portuguese Juliana F 29 Angola Student Sociology Lisbon Portuguese John M 40 Nigeria Pharmacist Pharmacy Lisbon English Uzoamaka F 37 Nigeria Secretary Management Coimbra English Stanley M 45 Nigeria Professor/Clergy Theology Braga English Leonardo M 47 Guinea Bissau Chef Business Lisbon English Daniela F 39 Angola Student Intnl. Relations Lisbon Portuguese Cidália F 31 São Tomé e Príncipe Worker Employee Évora Portuguese Bisola F 40 Nigeria Researcher Medical Sciences Porto English Alberto M 30 Angola Professor Literatura Pt Braga Portuguese Tadeu M 35 Angola Public service Economics Braga Portuguese Xavier M 47 Cape Verde Security agent Security Lisbon Portuguese António M 41 Cape Verde Public service Employee Lisbon Portuguese Gabriela F 31 São Tomé e Príncipe Student Law Braga Portuguese Omid M 35 Morocco Public service Nursing Braga English Henry M 42 Nigeria Athlete Business Lisbon English Amir M 39 Tunisia Researcher Engineering Braga English Ana F 28 Angola Public service Economics Braga Portuguese William M 41 Ghana Professor Marketing Braga English Rafael M 36 São Tomé e Príncipe Public service Employee Lisbon Portuguese João M 44 Angola Student Literatura Pt Coimbra Portuguese Avelino M 32 Angola Student Medicine Braga Portuguese Rosa F 65 Cape Verde House wife House wife Porto Portuguese Edmundo M 37 Angola Student Literatura Pt Braga Portuguese Luís M 40 Angola Student Language Sc Braga Portuguese Vitor M 32 Angola Student Music Braga Portuguese Ottyeno M 30 Mozambique Student Engineering Braga Portuguese Amélia F 29 São Tomé e Príncipe Public service Domestic worker Lisbon Portuguese 86 Figure 4 illustrates the interviewee profiles graphically. The figure details the geographical locations of the countries of origin and indicates the destinations of African migrants in Portugal. It was also indicated that all those who participated in the interviews came from various African countries, such as Angola, Nigeria, São Tomé and Príncipe, Cape Verde, Ghana, Morocco, Tunisia, Mozambique, and Guinea-Bissau, and resided in large cities or near metropolitan areas in Portugal (Table 2; Figure 4). The data suggest that these migrants inhabit different regions, including Lisbon, Porto, Coimbra, Braga, and Évora, which are generally considered major Portuguese cities. 87 Figure 4. Graphic profiles of interviewees. The data illustrates the geographical locations of the countries of origin and destination for African migrants in Portugal who participated in the study. 88 5.2. Migration features of interviewees Table 3 presents data collected from the preliminary investigation regarding the mobility characteristics of the interviewees. It highlights the reasons for movement, details of departure and arrival, whether the migrant is leaving their home country for the first time, whether Portugal was their initial choice, and the prospects for either return migration or relocation to another destination outside their home country. Table 3. Mobility Characteristics of Interviewees Code id Motives for mobility 1st Depature from home Arrival in Portug al 1st Time migrant Portugal was 1st choice destination Prospects Another destinatio n Return migratio n Wilson Education 2017 2017 - + + + George War 2019 2022 - - Ukraine + + Paulo Education/Marriage 1979 1985 + - Other country - + Juliana Family reunification 1999 2000 + + + - John Post-graduate studies 2015 2015 + + - + Uzoamaka Job/Marriage 2007 2007 + + + - Stanley Tourism 2023 2023 - + + + Leonardo Job 2009 2018 - -USA - + Daniela Post-graduate studies 2009 2009 + + + + Cidália Education 2009 2009 + + - + Bisola Post-graduate studies 2013 2013 + -Canada + -/+ Alberto Post-graduate studies 2022 2022 + + - + Tadeu Post-graduate studies 2018 2018 - + - + Xavier Job 1971 1975 + - Angola - + António Job 2004 2004 + + - - Gabriela Post-graduate studies 2022 2022 - + - + Omid Marriage 2019 2019 + + - + Henry Job/business 1994 1994 + - Algeria + + Amir Education/job 2016 2016 - + - -/+ Ana Education/Marriage 2009 2009 + + - - William Post-graduate studies 2019 2019 - + - + Rafael Job 2013 2013 + + - + João Education/job 2016 2016 + + - + Avelino Post-graduate studies 2022 2022 + + + + Rosa Marriage 1980 1980 + + - - Edmundo Post-graduate studies 2021 2023 - + - + Luís Post-graduate studies 2017 2017 + + - + Vitor Post-graduate studies 2020 2020 + + - + Ottyeno Education 2023 2023 + + + + Amélia Quality life 1995 1995 + + - + 95 One of the challenges in my home country is the lack of support for education concerning the need for more equipment, particularly in the health sector. In Nigeria, where I come from, we have some brilliant minds, yet we have minimal equipment to study medicine or healthcare-related courses. While we possess exceptional lecturers and bright students, the need for more resources persists. Subsequently, moving from Nigeria to Ukraine and, eventually, to Portugal exposed me to equipment that I might not have been able to access back in my hometown during my studies. Thus, this challenge within our education system was a significant factor that prompted my departure from Nigeria . Similarly, Alberto (Angolan) notes that the quality of education poses a significant challenge in his country. He states: My country needs to provide the conditions for me to continue my studies to the doctorate level. For example, I desired a different area of specialisation for my PhD studies. Hence, my PhD is currently being realised here in Portugal. However, the government at home still needs to be ready to consider improving the education system as required. So, without these conditions, we are tempted to leave. Another sub-theme highlighted was the electricity crisis. This is a critical issue concerning the importance of electricity in driving production and other activities that foster a nation's economic growth. It is reasonable to assume that the economies of states with unreliable electricity face setbacks, as is evident in developing nations. In the responses, another student, Wilson (from Nigeria), associated electricity crises with improved economic prospects in both sending and receiving countries, citing this as his motivation for embarking on his European journey, as he confirmed: I left when my country faced numerous issues, such as the electricity crisis, which I observed was lacking in Portugal and other European nations. Portugal now offers significantly more economic prospects than Nigeria. 96 In other interactions, interviewees also identified low wages as a significant challenge in their home countries, leading to a substantial outflow of youth to more stable economies. When comparing the salaries of public servants in their home countries with those in Portugal and other European nations, Alberto (from Angola) connected the perceived wide gap in remuneration between his home country and Portugal to injustice in the Angolan labour market. He also states that the reason he moved to Portugal was for improved working conditions and better pay: Some of our jobs can be challenging at times. Furthermore, you may have to work late hours or even in precarious conditions, yet it takes more than a salary to compensate. Therefore, please find a way to opt-out. The quality of healthcare services was another factor prompting emigration to developed nations. In her comments, Rosa (Cape Verdean), who suffers from a debilitating illness, noted that she remains alive due to frequent hospital visits and the special care and attention she receives while in Portugal: When I was involved in an accident, I was down and admitted to hospital. I was not treated like someone from abroad. I received the exceptional care I needed to keep pushing through, but it may not have been easy or even possible for me in my country. The healthcare personnel were friendly and kind to me as well . The responses also reveal issues related to bureaucratic bottlenecks, which sometimes hinder integration and access to essential services. In certain states, practices such as staff shortages, absenteeism, laziness, or even organisational negligence can lead to qualified individuals struggling to obtain quality services or job opportunities. In sharing his thoughts, Wilson (Nigerian) also highlighted the laziness of agency staff as a reason for the delays she faced while processing her travel documents. Because the process took so long, I may not receive the visa. After being captured and collecting my biometric data, I sought feedback from the agency staff regarding the 97 application's progress, but it has yet to arrive. I only received a message when my visa was ready. Consequently, it was incredibly uncomfortable waiting all this time . In several African countries, there are reported cases of inadequacies in the state security apparatus, leading to the failure of regional authorities to address issues of increasing insecurity, such as robbery and corruption. In such instances, the populace resorts to taking the law into their own hands while seeking means of self-defence, as they appear to have lost faith in the state’s security to ensure their protection. As Amir (Tunisian) recounted his emigration journey in connection with insecurity and a lack of trust in the security agency of his home country to safeguard his family: I left my country for Portugal because I feel safer here. My family remains in Tunisia, and I visit them only when necessary. We keep in touch regularly. Life was complicated, but I understand that. I came here seeking stability, strengthening my finances, and building a better life. The people here are kind. My daughter attends nursery, and the school fees are free. I genuinely appreciate that aspect . In another interaction, João (Angolan) recounts significant challenges, including poor infrastructure, inadequate healthcare, and bureaucracy in obtaining essential services like visas. In my country, fewer structures on the ground are anticipated for a society of millions of inhabitants, and issues like hospitals, electricity, roads, and areas in the hinterland remain inaccessible. The people in those regions consistently require assistance transporting their produce to the city, where it is greatly needed. This situation is detrimental to us. We are discussing individuals being unable to access healthcare, particularly in the suburbs. I also experienced challenging moments when I planned to come here—writing to the embassy and waiting for a considerable time. It was a time of anxiety as I was uncertain whether I would receive the visa in time for the school resumption in Portugal due to the delays. Therefore, to progress as a nation, we must address these failures in public services. 98 Table 5. Sample interview responses to the question, ‘What challenges did you encounter in your country of origin before deciding to move?' Themes contributing to Challenges Example of quotes from interviews Number of responses Economic challenges ‘‘I left my country of origin because, unlike here in Portugal, there was not available my area of specialisation in medicine, prompting me to leave for the postgraduate studies abroad.’’ 24 Economic challenges ‘‘There were a lot of issues in my country particularly, electricity crisis that I had seen that is absent in Portugal and other European nations.’’ 6 Community impact ‘‘I left my home country to unite with my Portuguese family. That is because, after my marriage to a Portuguese, we decided to live here together.’’ 5 Political conflicts ‘‘In my country there were no best conditions for studying and, moreover, the political change forced us to do so. So, I would say it was socio-political and economic issues.’’ 1 Community Impact The theme of community impact encompasses other significant reasons for migration and respondents’ perceptions of its rewards, including societal benefits, personal development, marriage, social relevance, and risk mitigation. Data from the interviews revealed that most respondents left with the belief that their movement would aid in their personal growth as well as contribute to the advancement of their home and host countries. A prominent recurring aspect of migration is its potential to substantially alter the demographic composition of communities, resulting in changes to population dynamics, labour markets, and social structures. 99 In numerous destination communities, migrants can enhance workforce diversity, introduce new skills and talents, address labour market needs, and stimulate economic growth through entrepreneurship and consumption. Similarly, cultural integration and social cohesion can be both facilitated and challenged by migration, as newcomers bring diverse traditions, languages, and values that may enrich community life but also pose challenges to social harmony and identity. In many cases, interracial marriages and family reunifications present excellent opportunities for selfdevelopment and the nations involved. However, migration can also strain local resources and services, heightening competition for jobs, housing, and public amenities. This is evident in the motive for movement articulated by Juliana (Angolan): I am confident I have faced any significant challenges before leaving. Therefore, I left my home country to unite with my Portuguese family, as we decided to live here together after my marriage to a Portuguese person . In another interview, Henry (Nigerian) suggests that his motivation for moving was his job, with Portugal being his second choice of destination. Describing his experience as a sporting journey, he recalls being a talented athlete who played for his country. Yet, he wished to venture out optimistically to further his career and business elsewhere. In his own words, Henry explains: Portugal was my secondary destination because we initially went to Algeria for the athletics games, the ‘All African Games’, and then came to Portugal for the World Junior Championship. That was how my stay in Portugal began. I know I have talent but could not progress due to financial constraints. However, I am someone who always believes in God. I place my hope in Him and stay optimistic about making it. The only opportunity for me to leave was an invitation to represent my country in the World Youth Championship in athletics. It was a significant opportunity, and I needed to seize it . 100 Political conflicts The theme refers to various essential reasons why people migrate and the potential impacts of this movement on migrants' lives and society as a whole. The subthemes illustrate these, including political instability, war, youth exclusion from governance, and climate change. Like human history, both positive and negative instances have always been characterised; the narrative of migration and its effects reach beyond destination communities to include origin communities, where the loss of human capital during migration can lead to significant economic and social repercussions. One notable outcome of migration is the remittances that migrants send to their families and communities of origin. These remittances are crucial lifelines, providing financial support for education, healthcare, and infrastructure development. Furthermore, the return of migrants who bring newfound skills, experiences, and resources can foster local development and capacity building within their home communities. However, brain drain, particularly prevalent in developing countries, can exacerbate skill shortages, hinder economic growth, and impede social progress in these regions. Therefore, a comprehensive understanding of migration's human value necessitates considering its complex interplay with socio-economic factors, policy frameworks, and cultural dynamics in both destination and origin contexts. In his response, Paulo (Santomean) explicitly stated that his emigration was prompted by political and economic instability as well as war in his region at that time: In my country, my father was a political prisoner in São Tomé. After independence, my father was arrested and jailed, leaving our family with no means to survive, so we left. In my country, there were also inadequate conditions for studying, and political changes forced us to take this Step. Therefore, it was a combination of socio-political and economic issues. 101 Table 5 presents data collected from the thematic analysis, highlighting the themes discernible from the condensed example of interview responses to the question, ‘What challenges were you facing in your country of origin before you decided to move?’ It also indicates the number of participants whose opinions align with an identified response. In this regard, themes such as economic influences, community impacts, and human values are recurrent across the various interactions regarding migrants’ interpersonal challenges and their experiences with the larger society. From this data, it was deduced that while some young respondents left their country in search of a brighter future, citing their exclusion from governance and policy-making, none were compelled to move by climate-related conditions. 5.5. Individual strategies to mitigate potential risks during the journey In this section, the subthemes encompassing confidence in state security (economic challenges), delays in documentation/legal status (vulnerability), compliance with state rules, and environmental awareness (adaptation) were recurrent in the responses from many of those interviewed (Table 6). It is commonly believed that those leaving their home countries may face severe migration risks, including road or air accidents, scams, robbery, detention, issues with legal authorisation for crossing borders, or serious transportation challenges during the journey. Awareness of these potential risks could be the first step towards preparing oneself for eventual occurrences and readiness to tackle them as they arise. Economic challenges/Vulnerability/Adaptation About the measures individuals implemented to mitigate potential migration risks during their journey, Luís (Angolan) shares that carrying and travelling with a substantial amount of money made his movement less stressful. He states that: When one embarks on a journey, one is likely to encounter various security challenges, whether positive or negative. Therefore, we must always be as cautious as possible to avoid the latter. One of the things I did when I left Angola was to find out how to navigate a large 102 city like Lisbon, ascertain the streets, and discover the quickest routes from one street to another. Who are the people in Lisbon that I could rely on in an emergency? Speaking to the police whenever needed was also beneficial. Although I lost my way a few times, I managed to familiarise myself with the city a bit before heading to Braga. At that time, Lisbon was and continues to be the most significant part of Portugal. Another thing I did was come up with some moneya significant sum of money. Although I came here as an Angolan student on scholarship, I still needed to receive cash from the state before my departure. So, I had to bring some cash that sustained me here till the bureaucratic issues surrounding the activation of the scholarship and fund release (like having NIF, having a residence, and certain documents) were resolved. So, I was spending the money I brought with me. I navigated the bureaucratic challenges inherent in the scholarship activation without anxiety, and everything worked out. This contrasts with those who require more money and are in a difficult situation. This support enabled me to settle in, secure accommodation upon arrival, shop, and live the everyday life of a PhD student. During his session, George (Nigerian) acknowledged that he was aware of the potential risks associated with his movements. He explained how, by adhering to legal requirements, he had endeavoured to secure legal status as an immigrant in Ukraine and Portugal. I know the potential risks we may face if we need the necessary documents to reside in a particular country. It gives a much higher risk of being deported back to your country, and you would be sanctioned. So, I had to …... hmmm. To mitigate this risk, I try to follow the necessary legal steps, like searching for a visa, looking for an essential visa appointment, and trying to be legal in that particular country in Ukraine. Even when I went to Portugal, I tried to legally get a residency permit to avoid the possibility of deportation. In other interviews, Vitor (Angolan) shares his tips: 103 Initially, I took legal steps to obtain a visa, prioritising my physical safety by being cautious with information, avoiding going out at night and refraining from drinking alcohol. Before I embarked on my journey, I was admitted to study at the university. Regarding accommodation, I maintained contact with the Ação Social at my host university, who kept me updated on the process while I was still home. Therefore, I would say those measures helped me not feel lost here. Vulnerability/adaptation Tadeu (Angolan) acknowledged that he was aware of the risks associated with movement and shared how he managed to navigate through them, as follows: Firstly, I needed the motivation to move despite what awaited me. Motivation is essential for Africans relocating to another continent where life may differ. I recall the saying, “If one does not take risks, one may not achieve great things.” I set out to choose the proper mode of transport, opting for an airline. I also discovered information that was vital for my safe arrival. I initially analysed how life functions here and how things are done. I knew I needed to leave my home well-prepared to face whatever came my way. Moreover, I had friends who were already here. I consulted them on how to find reasonable accommodation, stores with better deals, and so on, and these friends were invaluable to me. In another discussion, Wilson (Nigerian), while sharing his personal experience, also advised other young African migrants on how he believes they can mitigate vulnerability and migration-related risks before, during, and after transit: Firstly, one of the key tasks is to secure my bags through SCM wrapping or by purchasing books for them while ensuring that I have the appropriate documents ready at the right time. Having the correct documentation is vital; always act at the right moment, know precisely what you intend to do in Portugal, and try to grasp the area's layout to avoid getting lost quickly. Additionally, endeavour to immerse yourself in Portuguese culture upon arrival while 104 maintaining your own cultural identity, and seek to understand how things are done here, as it may differ significantly from practices in my country of origin. In the same context, John (Nigerian) spoke about engaging with and maintaining contact with his host, which proved very helpful in securing a smooth landing: Before leaving Nigeria, I had already established an excellent rapport with the person supervising my PhD. We communicated constantly, and everything was arranged for me, including the taxi from the airport to my accommodation. Consequently, it felt like a student environment, more akin to a student hostel, at least for the first few months, and it was regarded as one of the best and safest places. Gabriela (Santomean) discusses her efforts to avoid problems with traffic officers and individuals in general during the trip: While still at home, I sought information about where I was to travel. I browsed the internet and contacted friends, inquiring about life in Portugal for migrants. Additionally, I received pertinent feedback that alleviated my anxiety during the wait. The security personnel were helpful at the Santomean airport, and I always consult them when I need clarification. I also ensured the safety of my luggage. Upon arriving in Portugal, I called my friend, who helped me transport my luggage to my destination. Here, the authorities had put measures in place to mitigate potential risks. Overall, it was a matter of personal security awareness. Table 6 presents data collected from the thematic analysis, illustrating the identifiable themes derived from the condensed examples of interview responses regarding individual measures to mitigate potential risks during the journey. It also displays the number of participants whose opinions align with the identified responses. Economic influence, vulnerability, and adaptation are recurrent themes from migrants’ interpersonal challenges and interactions with broader society. 111 school, it was also mentioned that the fee structure may change in any academic session. Knowing that I am not working yet, such a situation is a source of concern for me as an international student. Also sharing his experience, Leonardo (Guinea-Bissauan) reveals that discrimination in the workplace impeded his career development despite his qualifications. In his interaction: It is more than feeling helpless; it feels as though I am lost among people, and I consider that a threat to my well-being as an immigrant. I experience this in certain situations, for instance, in my current job. It is the only job I have held for five years since I arrived here. Moreover, I can tell people and show them how to work. I provided them with training in the field, yet they got promoted and became managers while I remained in the same position. Moreover, I often wish to move to a different station, for instance, not working as a chef. It represents a different kind of role where we engage in various Tasks. However, whenever I express a desire to transition to another type of station, they send me back to my current one, preventing me from exploring new opportunities. I strive to push myself, and despite learning many new things, I still cannot achieve a promotion. One day, they recognised this and admitted, ‘The way we treat this guy is Unfair.’ I never complain and continue to do what I do, as I do not doubt my desire not to do this for life. Nevertheless, I find satisfaction in it since it helps me resolve my issues. Even so, I can feel my frustration; the time I spent studying at university now seems wasted as I work in the kitchen. I do not mean to underestimate those working in kitchens. However, my experiences with the people in the kitchen show that I have more qualifications than they do, yet they have advanced and are above you. You demonstrate your skills and teach them how to perform specific tasks, but due to your different skin colour, background, and culture, as well as coming from a different country, they are promoted instead of you. In my workplace, some individuals treat you poorly without understanding why; for instance, once they learned about my background as a graduate, their attitude changed, and they began to respect me at work. Consequently, they question me, asking, ‘Why are you in the kitchen? Why are you working as a chef? Why don’t you seek employment in your field?’ I 112 used to respond, ‘I am working here. I know why I am here; I need to leave this job to pursue opportunities in my field.' I need to work briefly, write another article, and find something. During this period, when I plan to stop, it will pose a significant problem for my family and me because I already have one challenge: I support my brother, who depends on me. If I stop working for even a day or a week, it will cause significant issues. My daily challenge is not to feel a lack of anything while he relies on me as always. He is a student focused on his studies, which adds to my challenge, but I remain hopeful for better days. Similarly, Amélia (Santomean) identifies the threat as the significant challenge she faced in the neighbourhoods, linking it to racial discrimination by both the misguided authorities and residents. In her words: The challenges are numerous. The first is discrimination, which is a serious issue. Although it is often stated that racial discrimination does not exist in Portugal, African migrants here encounter daily challenges related to racial concepts. This represents a significant hurdle for migrants, mainly African migrants. I have witnessed instances where individuals of black ethnicity were denied visas to travel to Western countries, possibly because, in most cases, the decision-makers are white, and there is a limit to what can be done in such situations. This perception stems from their being viewed as a minority population. Despite being rational and industrious individuals, they are often unjustly seen as the worst based on this backdrop. Secondly, job-related discrimination is not the only issue; when one is on the bus, it becomes apparent that one can be a target for discrimination. I have not personally faced it, but I am aware of numerous cases of xenophobia that exist in various institutions. For instance, this occurs during conflicts between migrants and Portuguese individuals. Authorities, such as the police, tend to side with the Portuguese, even when both Africans and Portuguese are in the right. Ultimately, we are the ones who end up shouldering the blame. I believe this approach will not lead to positive change. 113 Avelino (Angolan) also asserts that: I believe there are numerous challenges associated with leaving one’s homeland. My primary challenge was applying for admission, securing a visa, and adjusting to a new environment. It felt almost like restarting a computer. I arrived in Portugal in the post-COVID era, and obtaining a visa was difficult then. Therefore, I consider myself fortunate to be here. The lifestyle differs significantly from what I am accustomed to—particularly concerning cultural and religious issues. In my culture, we uphold family ties that, I think, are gradually losing their significance. Regarding religion, I knew from home that the Portuguese are known as a religious people. However, comparing my country with Portugal, I notice reduced adolescents’ and children's access to spiritual activities. This came as a shock to me. I do not know if that is normal, but I have accepted it. The rent price could be more friendly, and we must make the journey, bearing all this in mind. The challenges I have are personal because I am not from here. As a clinician, I face most of the difficulties, in fact, the personal conflict of having to abandon my country, which gave me training until the master’s degree, because I feel that I owe her a lot. Insecurity Security and safety concerns are significant aspects of the migrant experience, as highlighted by the participants. They raised issues regarding racism and potential risks associated with migration, emphasising the necessity for migrants to remain cautious and aware of the challenges they may encounter, such as discrimination and exploitation. Similarly, participants discussed the difficulties surrounding legal status, access to rights, and navigating security issues within the host country. This theme, therefore, underscores the importance of addressing security concerns and ensuring the well-being and safety of migrants in their new environments. Many interviewees expressed concerns about insecurity related to cultural adaptation and integration in Portugal, highlighting the culture shock they encountered upon arrival, particularly regarding differences in social interactions and hospitality norms between their countries and 114 Portugal. This interview section illustrates their struggles to form meaningful social connections and the loneliness stemming from cultural differences. Among these challenges are issues concerning securing stable employment, enhancing their quality of life, and pursuing professional development. The insecurity surrounding the safety and well-being of migrants in foreign countries underscores the urgent need for comprehensive measures and interventions that prioritise social inclusion, access to rights-based services, and equitable opportunities for economic and social integration. As anticipated, George’s (Nigerian) insecurity predominantly stemmed from the language barrier. He associated this insecurity with his inability to communicate effectively in Portuguese, which limited his opportunities to engage with others and integrate into society: Okay. To address your question, I believe it is …, ... I faced early language barrier challenges as I arrived in a different country with a distinct language and culture. However, I had to adapt and learn the language, which is one of the challenges I typically encounter in nonEnglish-speaking countries. In this context, Uzoamaka, a Nigerian, shares her experience as follows: As a migrant, the challenges I face in Portugal primarily revolve around the lack of family and friends; one often feels isolated due to our differing cultures. I recall the culture shock I experienced upon arriving here. Being born and raised in Nigeria, we have a distinct way of life. Even when encountering a stranger, it’s common to say, “Oh, come in.” During Christmas, you welcome everyone, and it’s customary for all to gather at your home for a meal, even if you don’t know the individual. However, when I arrived here, life was markedly different. On another level, Rosa (Cape Verdean) highlighted challenges associated with maintaining connections with her family in Cape Verde, mainly due to visa restrictions, the expense of travel, and distance. Furthermore, navigating bureaucratic processes for family visits and the constraints 115 of travelling with third-world passports presented significant obstacles. She primarily attributed her inability to be with family members to her lack of financial means for travel: I have been here for almost forty years. I regret that I cannot be with my family at this time. Sometimes, I cry because I cannot see my joy-givers, especially my grandchildren, nephews, and nieces. After my retirement, this has been my present health condition. The pension needs to be higher. You also know that when you have valid passports and want to go on holiday, things can turn out quite differently at the borders. It is hard for me, but I hope for better days. In his response, Luís (Angolan) connects his challenges to labour market issues. My stay in this country will benefit my country but, to a high degree, Portugal. I study here and pay my fees, rent, and taxes. Even in the bank, there are charges to be paid monthly to maintain accounts, which is normal. However, I notice specific uncertainty in recognising certificates or skills in the institutions here, particularly from the developing world. For instance, in my country, if I were to teach or conduct research for a certain number of years, I would be promoted to full professorship, but that cannot occur for me if I continue my life here. In the same vein, Omid (Moroccan) shares that his challenges in Portugal are integration, linking it to the language barrier, high rent, and inability to socialise when at the workplace: I have encountered numerous problems here. The first challenge I faced was the language. Portuguese requires a lot of work to learn, and it isn't easy. My second language is French, so I speak a little French, but now I know the basics. I can go to the supermarkets and learn the grammar necessary for brief conversations there. Another issue is the cost of rent, which is exorbitant. Sometimes, they fail to sign the contract, which means we have nearly been penalised by the IRS due to the taxes. This can be pretty distressing. At times, the Portuguese environment is somewhat closed off. 116 It isn't easy to be social and make friends in Portugal. Phrases like ‘you can be my colleague but not my friend’ are challenging to comprehend. I’m uncertain if this is normal in the culture. Although this is concerning, I am aware of it. These are some of the challenges I face in Portugal. Nevertheless, Portugal is one of the countries I view as a tourist destination because issues such as racism and other disparities are pretty rare. When such incidents do occur, they are infrequent. We received significant support, which we needed as newly arrived migrants. Therefore, I do not perceive it as a substantial difference. Tadeu (Angolan) also conveyed that one of his most significant challenges was discrimination in the workplace. In his words: When you arrive at a Portuguese establishment, for instance, if you are employed to work alongside others, you may notice that some colleagues doubt your ability to perform the tasks outlined in your CV, believing you are not the person you claim to be. These individuals tend to view those of us from Africa or South America as affluent individuals who cannot manage what they possess and present themselves as helpless. I have also observed that rent prices are higher for migrants than natives, and some landlords inherited their properties from their parents. They may need to grasp the degree of exploitation, as they have not experienced it and may never do so. These factors highlight discrimination that should not be prevalent in this twenty-first century. In her thoughts, Gabriela (Santomean) places it in another dimension: Here in Portugal, I had difficulty finding a house to rent. When I arrived, I started looking for accommodation. It was after two months that I got one. Moreover, the rent needed to be more tenant-friendly when I got it. I did not feel so comfortable. I took it as one of the conditions a migrant could face. Another moment I got scared was when I was looking for jobs in autumn, and it was not just coming forth. In one encounter, I was told by one 117 employer that as I came to study in Portugal, I would go to school, not to work. However, generally, I felt safe here. However, what is the fate of many others who, unlike me, may not be faring either? Table 7 presents data collected from the thematic analysis, showing the themes identifiable from the condensed example of interview responses to the question, ‘What challenges are you currently facing in your host country?’ It also indicates the number of participants whose opinions align with a given response. In this regard, themes such as vulnerability, threat, insecurity, and economic influence were recognised as recurring from the various interactions concerning the migrants’ interpersonal challenges and their experiences interacting with the larger society. 118 Table 7. An example of interview responses to the question: What challenges are you facing in your host country? Themes contributing to Challenges Example of quotes from interviews Number of responses Vulnerability ‘‘Principally, I would say it is separation from family and relatives. I cannot get over the feeling of being away from my family. I got married last year, so, I cannot pass the day without concern for my wife and daughter.’’ 10 ‘‘I remember having lost many contact hours due to COVID-19, the University, just like the other establishments, was closed. You can imagine where classes were held online with no practical sessions. That was a big minus for me as a science scholar.’’ 3 Threat ‘‘I barely arrived straight away and went to school, at the time, I was being bullied. Because we have a different accent, some terminologies of more different regional ways of speaking. For example, Lisbon and Porto, it is noted. In fact, it can be seen in South and north of Portugal. So, imagine from Angola to Portugal.’’ 12 ‘‘It is just us trying to be ourselves in another country but we are being segregated. This is one of the challenges we face. I wanted to do my clinical practice in Portugal. After we applied to several hospitals, we were told directly that even their students have not been accepted so they cannot accept us, we the migrants. It is a bit strange for us.’’ 9 Insecurity ‘‘Okay, so, I had those early challenges of language barrier because when I came it was a different country with a different language and a different culture but I had to adopt and learn the language which is actually one of the challenges I usually faced in non-English-speaking countries.’’ 1 ‘‘As a migrant the challenges I face in Portugal first is lack of family and friendship, you will just be alone because we have different cultures. I remember the culture shock when I came here being a Nigerian born and raised, we have a culture. Even when you see some stranger “Oh come in”, you host everybody during Christmas and everybody comes to your 2 119 house you eat, even if you don’t know the person. But when I came here life was totally different.’’ Economic challenges “The first experience was when the food items I came with had finished. So, I have to buy and the price for food was considerably higher than the one in my country of origin, Nigeria.” 2 5.7. Migrants’ attempts to address challenges: Adaptation In this section, adaptation emerged as a recurring theme, defined by the migrants' ability to adjust to fit into a new environment (Table 8). This is likely influenced by varying ideas and behavioural changes, which make them suitable for their new circumstances. Evidence from the transcript supports the significance of their adaptation strategy for their livelihood and success in the host country. Many of the interviewees expressed their ability to make specific adjustments to improve their quality of life, primarily by becoming aware of their surroundings in the new environment, acquiring education and new skills, maintaining a growth mindset, relying on humanitarian aid, and adhering to host state regulations (Table 4). Environmental awareness is a key factor in how people adapt to a new environment (Table 4). Knowledge of the city layout, danger zones, and escape routes is crucial for reaching a new destination. In the interviews, Avelino (Angolan) attributed his safety and integration in his new home to being security conscious and having a strong understanding of any environment he finds himself in: Upon my arrival, I realised I was in a foreign country, so I sought to avoid trouble. I focused on learning and following the main routes in the area, steering clear of movement at night unless I took a taxi. 120 In another instance, George (Nigerian) connects his progress in Portugal with humanitarianism and embracing a more social lifestyle: I socialise more these days. My current job, which I obtained through my interactions with others here in Portugal, is a direct result of my efforts to make friends and adjust to their environment. Another Angolan, Daniela, attributes her successful integration in Portugal to the acquisition of education and skills in this way: Being aware of my limitations in terms of knowledge and background, I enrolled in a course at a higher education institution to improve myself and enhance my employability. I assure you it was beneficial and have relied on this ever since. Otherwise, I might have been out of work long ago. In addition, João (Angolan) says that he was able to live a safe life in Portugal by leading a modest life: When I arrived in Europe, I reminded myself that in the world, there are laws that people have to obey for their life and that of others. Portugal, as a nation being Christian, I, too, followed the Christian laws of no smoking, drunkenness, killing, stealing, drugs, etc, not doing harm to others and generally respecting the rights of others. I boldly say that, based on my family upbringing, I have followed most of these laws since childhood. Furthermore, in his response, George (Nigerian) attributes his success in Portugal to possessing a growth mindset that made him keen to embrace challenges as part of the journey: 127 You know that Portugal guarantees more accessible documentation for CPLP recipients. Portugal is performing well in this regard. It would be beneficial if such a gesture were extended to all migrants, regardless of their origin. This would secure the lives of legal migrants and minimise the issue of illegal migrants. Tadeu, an Angolan, advocates for a strong connection between state authorities and citizens residing abroad, particularly during emergencies. He asserts that: What Portugal can do to ensure the safety of people within its borders is not very different from what my country should do for its citizens. The consulates sign contracts and other agreements to promote trade and investment with different countries. Each country should pay attention to its citizens living abroad, whether foreigners or migrants in various locations. This reminds me of the warmth and friendliness of the American government towards its citizens. Whenever an emergency arises, such as war, a crisis, or a disaster, they send messages and representatives to connect with and support their citizens in whichever country it may be, followed by actions for their rescue. Unfortunately, the same cannot be said for African leaders in most cases. Looking at this situation, one can see that we lack this aspect. In his remarks, Omid (Moroccan) also suggests that: I am comfortable doing my job. For me, there is little that needs to be done. So, it is what it is. The only thing they could change is… The only issue that does not assist, even for the Portuguese, is the tax problem. For instance, most establishments do not accept card payments wherever you go. They only accept cash. Moreover, the more people can transact easily, and the more the government cooperates by being assertive with taxes, the more I believe that the country will have more significant opportunities to improve life for everyone, including an increase in salaries and many other aspects. 128 In support of this, during the interview with João (Angolan), the stigma surrounding migration as merely an escape from poverty is contested. João emphasises that many migrants, including highly qualified individuals, pursue migration for various reasons beyond economic necessity. Nevertheless, misconceptions persist, impeding the integration process, as some migrants may encounter prejudice and limited opportunities despite their qualifications and abilities. Similarly, he advocates for the moderation of salaries and the expansion of the labour market in a way that accommodates all those wishing to live and work in Portugal: I believe that migrant communities are increasingly growing on a global scale. This could be a positive development as it keeps those looking to migrate well-informed and boosts the revenues of many involved countries. However, the primary mistake nearly all those departing made is a lack of sufficient information about the process. Many Africans wish to migrate to Europe, yet only 20-25% of these individuals are well-informed beforehand about life here. Had they been, they might need to reconsider their decision or arrive better prepared. Many individuals move to this country for various reasons, such as education, employment, healthcare services, and, most importantly, a better quality of life. I recall some people who arrived here with little to nothing and ended up securing minimum-wage jobs. Most workers here receive the national minimum wage, which is relatively low. Now, as they have families and the salaries are inadequate to cover rent, transport, healthcare, electricity, water, gas, and other essential needs, they find themselves trapped in a cycle where they can only survive. Moreover, when unexpected circumstances arise, their lives may end. Therefore, I regard this as an unrealistic life or the life we initially envisioned. Moreover, Henry (Nigerian) advocates for strict controls on unauthorised entry into the country. To secure the lives of migrants and their citizens, the government of Portugal must first address the mafias and others bringing illegal migrants into the country. People should enter through the regular route. Numerous unlawful migrants working in challenging situations could harm the country's image in the international community. The government should 129 endeavour to accept the migrants and facilitate their documentation so they can obtain residency. It will require effort, and it may take time, but we will confront it. The integration subtheme (vulnerability) also appeared in Uzoamaka's submission (Nigerian), who believed that the authorities responsible for authenticating marriage and academic documents required by migrants should make this process less time-consuming to facilitate easier integration into society. Regarding documentation, the positive aspect is that before authenticating anything they are uncertain about, they always contact the embassy of the applicant's country regarding the authenticity of the documents. This uncertainty can be resolved when the embassy provides clarification on the matter. While this is commendable, at least an effort should be made to expedite the process. However, the Portuguese system could be implemented quickly in many areas. If you require something, it could take years, and I have resigned myself to that reality. I have had to don my garment of patience to get things done. Therefore, when I mention respect, they should listen more attentively. On their part, the government may need to recruit more individuals because they often tend to favour hiring those from the CPLP, possibly due to language factors. However, they should be more open to bringing in people to assist them, as frequently, when one visits a location, they might be asked, “Oh, are you Portuguese?”. Perhaps they can use that system to exclude you, but the offices staffed with older women do not think as quickly as younger individuals. Furthermore, many teenagers and young adults are migrating away due to the absence of ‘dream jobs’ in Portugal. This has an impact on the region's demographics. It is evident that older adults are often seen as unproductive and should rest at home. In a subsequent interaction, Gabriela (Santomean) offers the following suggestion: The government may now reform its policy regarding the police's proximity to immigrants. One must be near someone to observe their life or ascertain whether they have any needs. 130 Conversely, in line with the facts mentioned earlier in the theoretical section, which assert that migration is a transnational process, Amélia (Santomean) believes that policy changes by African leaders could boost human development and improve the functionality of systems at home: Each African government must implement measures to modify national policies that encourage young people to migrate less, allowing them to remain in their home countries and contribute to their growth. Many African individuals migrate to locations where they can pursue higher education, find employment, play football or engage in various sports, represent different nations, conduct business, and contribute to the development of those nations rather than their countries of origin. Thus, we must consider both local and global perspectives. Table 9 presents data collected from the thematic analysis showing the themes identifiable from the condensed example of interview responses to the question ‘‘what measures do you think governments should put in place to address the insecurities of migrants?’’ It further shows the number of participants whose opinions align with an identified response. In this regard, the subthemes relating to government and society and vulnerability, such as those of human development (community impact and adaptation), integration (vulnerability and adaptation), and the labour market (government and society)—were recognised as recurrent themes reflecting migrants’ expectations of government action to tackle these challenges. This is based on various interactions and the interpersonal challenges migrants face concerning their engagement with the broader society. 131 Table 9. Example of interview responses to the question, “What measures do you think governments should implement to address the insecurities migrants face?" Themes contributing to challenges Example of quotes from interviews Number of responses Human development “I think that governments of sending countries need to do more to protect and assist its citizens living abroad.” 19 Integration “The receiving country can provide social support and adequate conditions to support life.” 21 Labour market “In my opinion, governments needing services can call for skilled labour, with offices established to guide migrants.” 1 Integration “There need to be a general change of policies that guarantee the rights of migrants”. 26 Integration/labour market “Governments can do well if they can enforce policies of the police being close to people. And maybe moderation of taxes and increase salary of workers.” 7 5.9. Government policy on addressing the issue of climate change Government and society As in the preceding section, government, society, and adaptation were recurring themes in the interview responses (Table 10). While offering diverse opinions on government responses to climate-induced migration, the interviewees commonly advocate for more accommodating visa policies, improved border control measures, and collaboration among governments at all levels to achieve better outcomes. They also emphasize balancing humanitarian concerns with national security interests, calling for a pragmatic approach to tackling the complex challenges of climate displacement. 132 In this regard, Paulo (Santomean) believes that improved management of natural resources could help mitigate the effects of climate change, connecting the water scarcity in his country to poor government management and their failure to harness and distribute rainwater for public consumption effectively: Climate change impacts the whole world, and improved management is essential. In Africa, for instance, Angola is experiencing a drought. There are areas where people eat babo, but in São Tomé and Príncipe, it rains daily, yet the water supply does not reach the entire population. Therefore, resource management is another approach to addressing such a problem. Regulation of gas emission Furthermore, Gabriela (Santomean) connects the success in managing environmental pollution to the enactment and the degree of compliance with government policy: Governments can do much to address this issue. Measures are in place in Europe to remedy environmental concerns. However, generally speaking, each government should enact laws to reduce the number of cars and other modes of transport that burn fossil fuels and energy, as these can significantly harm the environment. It is crucial to implement laws that discourage actions that worsen the situation. Additionally, it would be beneficial if the public adhered to these laws. Collaboration and human development In a different dimension, yet in agreement with the submission as mentioned earlier, João (from Angola) has the following to say: 133 For climate change, resolving this issue primarily depends on educating people. Alternatively, providing proper orientation is the first step in addressing this menace. The problem of environmental sustainability is an urgent concern worldwide. However, this can only be achievable if individuals and those to whom this responsibility falls possess the necessary awareness of the issue's scope. Therefore, as you pointed out, people must be displaced. Nonetheless, possessing basic knowledge of natural events and their environmental impacts can enable almost everyone to become a protector of their surroundings. Consequently, our leaders in Luanda, Lisbon, and elsewhere should begin by fostering such awareness before pursuing professional solutions. Thus, while climate change is not a natural phenomenon, it provokes migration; if managed properly, it should be for those with the means. Table 10 presents data collected from the thematic analysis, illustrating the themes identified from the condensed examples of interview responses to the question, ‘What measures do you think governments should implement to address the issue of climate change displacing people?’ It also indicates the number of participants whose opinions align with each identified response. In this regard, themes such as government and society—encompassing community resilience and collaboration—as well as adaptation—covering drought and the management of scarce resources, along with community impact, which includes human development—were recognised as recurrent based on the expectations of migrants following various interactions rooted in their interpersonal challenges and those faced about the larger society. 134 Table 10. Example of interview responses to the question, ‘What measures do you believe governments should implement to tackle the issue of climate change displacing individuals?’ Themes contributing to challenges Example of quotes from interviews Number of responses Collaboration ‘‘In that regard, I think it will be great if countries affected would collaborate with EU, UN, etc to increase capacity to respond.’’ 20 Integration ‘‘The countries need to learn to manage their resources well. Maybe they should train the ones displaced by climate change and prepare them to be employable.’’ 28 Regulation of gas emission ‘‘I suggest that each government enacts laws to reduce the number of cars and other means of transport burning fuels.’’ 1 Human development ‘‘It will be good when foreign countries include other languages in their school curriculum.’’ 17 Drought/management of scarce resources ‘‘Climate change affects the entire world. Better management is needed. In Africa for example, tell me Angola has a drought, there are areas where people eat babo, but in São Tomé and Príncipe, it rains every day, yet the water supply does not reach the entire population. So, management of resource is another way to solve such problem.’’ 1 135 5.10. Government policy on addressing the issue of unauthorised migration Government and institutions policies In this part, the recurring themes were government and society, community impact, and adaptation (Table 5.10). Regarding the measures that governments could take to address the issue of unauthorised migrants at their borders or those entering their countries, Ana (Angolan) advocates re-evaluating the integration process, primarily through the lens of the skills and competencies that migrants bring. She suggests that institutions responsible for migrant legalisation, such as SEF (Serviço de Estrangeiros e Fronteiras, now AIMA - Agência para Integração, Migração e Asilo), should play a proactive role in assessing migrants' skills and qualifications upon entry. She also believes collaboration between immigration authorities, employment centres, and social services is crucial to effectively match migrants' skills with existing job vacancies and societal needs. What could be a starting point is that Portugal has to know who is coming in, who is entering, and what can be benefited. The entry point for me is legalisation because, in any part of the world, you could only do something as an immigrant with this documentation. Moreover, from there, start channelling efforts towards integrating them into the labour market and society, channelling the filling of vacancies sought after and still needs to be taken. It is also essential that the Employment and Training Centres and the Ministry of Social Security and Works must be working together with the SEF. Once this legalisation process can be efficiently linked to registration at the Job Centre, it becomes easier for individuals to secure professional integration opportunities and continue pursuing their goals. In another interview, Rafael (Santomean) expressed that the Portuguese government effectively opened its borders to foreigners. However, he hopes that the governments of the host countries will welcome and embrace the incoming migrants and, if possible, employ them to contribute positively to society. In his words: 136 First, we must remember that those leaving their countries for another are also human beings. Acknowledging this, governments, through various bodies like the CPLP (Community of Portuguese Language Countries), should embrace these individuals and facilitate their legalisation. This will provide them with a sense of belonging and may motivate them to repay their loyalty and support the growth of the country’s economy. I cannot say everything here, such as ... It is not solely about Portugal, but also concerns governments worldwide because any nation, I believe, can host migrants according to its capacity. Luís (Angolan) also remarked: It is necessary that governments, at the local level, reanalyse the causes of migration. The phenomenon occurring in any society or region provokes people to leave. Moreover, these issues sometimes need to be identified and addressed, leading many individuals to seek better living conditions or realise their dreams elsewhere. This should be a significant concern for local authorities. Consequently, the government must explore establishing at least the minimum conditions to enable these individuals to realise their dreams locally and remain in their home countries. For instance, if the Angolan government had been more attentive to improving our educational system and collaborated with foreign or local institutions to offer rare courses, such as language sciences at the doctoral level in my institution, perhaps I would not have had a reason to leave. I would not have come here at any moment. I would never have considered applying for a scholarship in other countries or studying abroad. It was due to my country lacking such arrangements; otherwise, you may not have known me, and I would not be here discussing this matter with you if the governments had implemented these conditions locally. Although it may not eliminate migration, it can appreciably reduce the migration flow in many countries worldwide. It is achievable. However, determination must be present. They possess resources, revenues, and a budget, as citizens pay taxes and insurance in every country and partake in businesses that contribute to the government treasury. Thus, it is not an impossibility. They should act positively, ensuring no harm comes to the citizens.