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Labile Verbs and Word Order in Early Middle English: an Initial Study

Abstract

This paper serves as an initial exploration of the hypothesis put forth by García García (2012) according to which morphological syncretism in the expression of valency in causative pairs may have a connection with syntactic parameters, specifi cally the overt expression of all verbal arguments and a fi xed or consistent word order. In this paper we assess the relative position of subject-verb and verb-object in early Middle English transitive and intransitive clauses containing melten, (a)quenchen, and burnen and compare them with those with a transitive- and intransitive-only verb respectively. The most outstanding result shows that labile verbs used transitively seem to anticipate the VO order that will become generalized in later stages of English.

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Labile Verbs and Word Order in Early Middle English: an Initial Study

Author: García García, Luisa; Ruiz Narbona, Esaúl
Publisher: Universidad de Oviedo
Year: 2012
DOI: 10.17811/selim.19.2012.59-79
Source: https://idus.us.es/bitstreams/5016d574-8c54-4767-9cbd-e276ad95b415/download
Luisa Ga cía Ga cía & Esaúl Ruiz Na bona, SELIM 19 (2012): 59–79ISSN: 1132–631X
LABILE VERBS AND WORD ORDER IN EARLY
MIDDLE ENGLISH: AN INITIAL STUDY 1
Abs ac : This pape se es as an ini ial explo a ion o he hypo hesis pu o h by Ga cía
Ga cía (2012) acco ding o which mo phological sync e ism in he exp ession o alency
in causa i e pai s may ha e a connec ion wi h syn ac ic pa ame e s, speci i cally he o e
exp ession o all e bal a gumen s and a i xed o consis en wo d o de . In his pape we
assess he ela i e posi ion o subjec - e b and e b-objec in ea ly Middle English ansi i e
and in ansi i e clauses con aining mel en, (a)quenchen, and bu nen and compa e hem
wi h hose wi h a ansi i e- and in ansi i e-only e b espec i ely. The mos ou s anding
esul shows ha labile e bs used ansi i ely seem o an icipa e he VO o de ha will
become gene alized in la e s ages o English. Keywo ds: Wo d o de , ea ly Middle English,
causa i es, labile e bs, mo phological loss, alency changes, English syn ax.
Abs ac : Es e a ículo es una in es igación inicial de la hipó esis expues a po Ga cía Ga cía
(2012) según la cual el sinc e ismo mo ológico en la exp esión de la alencia en las pa ejas
de causa i os puede es a elacionado con algunos pa áme os sin ác icos, más conc e amen e
la exp esión de odos los a gumen os e bales y un o den de palab as i jo o consis en e. En
es e a ículo e aluamos la posición ela i a de suje o y e bo y e bo y obje o en cláusulas
ansi i as e in ansi i as que con ienen los e bos mel en, (a)quenchen y bu nen en inglés
medio emp ano y ealizamos una compa ación con cláusulas con un e bo exclusi amen e
ansi i o o in ansi i o espec i amen e. El esul ado más ele an e mues a que los e bos
lábiles usados ansi i amen e pa ecen adelan a se al o den de palab as VO que se gene aliza á
en pos e io es pe iodos del inglés. Palab as cla e: O den de palab as, inglés medio emp ano,
causa i os, e bos lábiles, pé dida mo ológica, cambios de alencia, sin axis inglesa.
1 In oduc ion
P obably one o he aspec s o he his o y o English
ha has a ac ed mos in e es has been he p ocesses o
mo phological simpli i ca ion unde gone by his language
om i s o igins un il he p esen day. Special a en ion has been
paid o nominal mo phology, pa icula ly he loss o gende and
case du ing he Middle English pe iod. The possible ela ionship
1 This esea ch has been pa ly unded by he Spanish Minis y o Educa ion,
p ojec s FFI2011-29532 and FFI2011-2827⒉ We would like o hank he wo
anonymous e iewe s o hei use ul commen s. The au ho s emain, o cou se,
solely esponsible o any sho comings.
Luisa Ga cía Ga cía & Esaúl Ruiz Na bona
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SELIM 19 (2012)
be ween hese phenomena and a less ee wo d o de has been
ex ensi ely esea ched by schola s, such as Allen (2006), Fische
e al. (2006), Fische (1992), Hickey (2002), Lass (1997), Pin zuk
(2002b), T augo (1972), among many o he s.
Howe e , he mo phological simpli i ca ion unde gone by
English is no es ic ed o he a o emen ioned ins ances.
De i a ional mo phology has also been subjec o sync e ism. One
such p ocess aff ec s he exp ession o e bal alency, speci i cally o
he inchoa i e-causa i e al e na ion in he his o y o English, on
which we ocus in his pape .2 Loss o de i a ional mo phology has
no ecei ed as much a en ion as migh be expec ed. The s udy
ha we p esen he e cons i u es an a emp o s a i lling in he
gap ha o he s udies on mo phological loss ha e no ye co e ed.
The aim o his pape is o p esen he i s esul s o an on-
going esea ch p ojec on he eff ec o sync e ism in he exp ession
o e bal alency on wo d o de in English. Some o he heo e ical
ounda ions o he p ojec can be ound in Ga cía Ga cía (2012). We
will summa ize hem in Sec ions 2 and 3 below. A his s age o he
p ojec ou aim is o be as desc ip i e as possible, so ha ou esul s
may be use ul o schola s om diff e en heo e ical backg ounds.
The pape has i e sec ions. Fi s , we will explain he p ocess
o mo phological loss in Old English causa i e e bs ha leads o
an inc ease in he use o an in a ian e bal o m o bo h he
in ansi i e and causa i e sense o a causa i e opposi ion. This
in a ian o m is wha we call “labile e b” ( ollowing Haspelma h
1993: 90). Second, we will explain how he use o labile e bs migh
aff ec syn ac ic pa ame e s, wo d o de in pa icula . The hi d
sec ion will be de o ed o he p esen a ion o he da a and o he
me hodology ha we ollow in ou analysis. Fou h, we will show
he esul s o he analysis. In a i nal sec ion we summa ize he main
conclusions o he s udy.
2 To he inchoa i e-causa i e al e na ion in English see Le in (1993). Fo a
ypological s udy o he al e na ion see Haspelma h (1993).
Labile e bs and wo d o de in Ea ly Middle English
61SELIM 19 (2012)
2 Mo phological loss in Old English causa i es
In his sec ion o he pape we gi e a b ie o e iew o he
o ma ion o mo phological causa i es in Ge manic. Though a e
in P esen -day Eu opean languages, se e al causa i e o ma ions
ha e been econs uc ed o P o o-Indoeu opean, among hem
he Ge manic jan- o ma ion. In Ge manic, he suffi x *-(i)ja- was
gene ally a ached o he pas singula g ade o a s ong e b o
o m a de i ed causa i e, which was asc ibed o he i s class o
weak e bs. The ollowing (a e Ringe 2006: 252–253) a e some
examples om which P esen -day English d ink/ d ench, lie/ lay
and si / se s em.
(1) *d inkana s. *d ankijana
*ligjana s. *lagjana
*si jana s. *sa jana
Despi e he p oduc i i y o his o ma ion in he Ge manic
p o olanguage, i was subjec o e osion and ul ima e loss
la e on in he his o y o he language amily. Se e al aspec s,
phonological, seman ic and syn ac ic in na u e, beginning in he
p e-his o ical Old English pe iod we e in ol ed in he dissolu ion
o causa i e pai s. These a e desc ibed in Ga cía Ga cía (2012:
135–138).
In his pape we a e conce ned wi h a syn ac ic p ocess which
Ga cía Ga cía (2012: 137) calls “syn ac ic mel ing” o “ usion.”
Wi h his name she e e s o cases in which one o bo h o he
membe s o a causa i e pai ake on a u he alency alue, namely
ha o i s pa ne . This p ocess esul s in o edundancy and he
e en ual loss o one o he e bs. She explains ha his “p ocess
only aff ec s pai s in which he base is an in ansi i e e b, and i
consis s in he base adding a ansi i e-causa i e usage ( ha is,
a causing subjec ) o i s alency ame and/o he jan-de i a i e
an in ansi i e usage.” Two examples ollow (Ga cía Ga cía 2012:
137):
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SELIM 19 (2012)
(2) a) OE myl an “mel ” (caus. and in .) <Gmc
*mal ij a- “mel ” (caus.)
b) OE mel an “mel ” (in .) <Gmc *mel a- “mel ”
(in .)
(3) a) OE hwy an “go, mo e abou , e u n” (in .); “ u n,
change” (caus. and in .) <Gmc *hwa ƀij a- “ u n”
(caus.)
b) OE hweo an “go; u n, change” (mos ly in .)
<Gmc *hwe a- “ u n” (in .)
These examples show how wo Old English e bs (myl an and
hwy an), which we e o iginally used in a causa i e sense only, ha e
acqui ed an in ansi i e use; hey can be used bo h in an in ansi i e
o causa i e sense wi h no mo phological ma king, i. e. hey a e labile.
The demise o he causa i e o ma ion does no conclude in
he Old English pe iod. Causa i e e b pai s o he Ge manic
ype desc ibed abo e dec ease d ama ically in Middle English.
Whe eas in Old English 57 jan-causa i e pai s can be sa ely
aced, only 12 su i e in Middle English, when many o he
o me causa i e opposi ions ha e become labile e bs (Ga cía
Ga cía o hcoming).
3 Connec ion be ween labile e bs and syn ac ic pa ame e s
As poin ed ou in he in oduc ion, nume ous s udies ha e
connec ed he i xa ion o wo d o de in (la e) Middle English o
he loss o in l ec ions. Agains a widely held opinion, Pin zuk
(2002b) a gues ha wo d o de changes a e no ela ed o ( he loss
o ) case ma king in Old English. He conclusions a e con incing,
a leas in he scope o he co pus, which consis s o Old English
clauses wi h non- i ni e main e bs and NP objec s. As she shows in
he Table 1, V(e b)O(objec ) o de inc eases in Old English (24.3%
in ex s composed be o e 950, agains 44.8% a e 950). She shows
ha clauses wi h mo phologically ambiguous objec s do no ha e
mo e incidence o VO (389–392). She concludes ha he posi ion
o objec s is de e mined by o he ac o s, such as “hea iness and
Labile e bs and wo d o de in Ea ly Middle English
63 SELIM 19 (2012)
clause ype and s uc u e” (381). Pin zuk & Taylo (2006) endo se
Pin zuk’s iew o he change om OV o VO in Middle English as a
esul o g amma ical compe i ion be ween wo pa ame e se ings,
oge he wi h cons ain s ha aff ec cons i uen mo emen wi hin
each se ing (Pin zuk 1999, 2002a). Acco ding o hese esea che s,
bo h he changes in unde lying o de and he dec ease o possible
mo emen s ha esul in diff e en su ace posi ions a e g adual
p ocesses ha begin in Old English and esul in he loss o OV
o de in he la e Middle English pe iod.
In his s udy we aim o assess whe he he loss o o e alency
ma king migh ha e in l uenced he inc ease and i nal i xa ion o
VO o de in ea ly English. We ocus on he possible connec ions
be ween he abundance o labile e bs in English (al eady no ed by
Poppe 2009 o Haspelma h 1993) and he loss o mo phological
dis inc ions in causa i e opposi ions on he one hand, and syn ac ic
de elopmen s on he o he , mo e speci i cally he obliga o y
exp ession o all e bal a gumen s and a i xed o a leas consis en
wo d o de , in which a ce ain elemen o de is expec ed. This need
no be (S)VO, bu i is in he case o English (see Fische & an
de Wu ff 2006: 188) on he diff e ence be ween English and Du ch
in his espec .
We can illus a e ha bo h migh be connec ed i we con as
English wi h a language wi h ew labile e bs, such as Spanish. The
inchoa i e-causa i e al e na ion exp essed in English by he labile
e b mel is exp essed in Spanish by means o an an i-causa i e
opposi ion, de e i (“mel (some hing),” causa i e) and de e i se
(“mel ,” in ansi i e). In (4) and (5) we ha e included an in ansi i e
⒜ and a causa i e ⒝ clause wi h he e b “mel ” in Spanish and
English espec i ely; he subjec s ha e been unde lined and a wo d-
by-wo d ansla ion o he Spanish o iginal is gi en in i alics:
(4) a) Después del amanece , se de i ió el muñeco de
nie e.
A e dawn, mel ed he snowman.
“A e dawn, he snowman mel ed.”

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SELIM 19 (2012)
b) Después del amanece , ø de i ió el muñeco de
nie e.
A e dawn, ø mel ed he snowman.
“A e dawn, he/she/i mel ed he snowman.”
(5) a) A e dawn, he snowman mel ed.
b) A e dawn, he/she/i mel ed he snowman.
Examples (4a) and (4b) in end o make clea ha he alency
al e na ion needs o be mo phologically ma ked in Spanish (de e i
s. de e i se) so as no o ende he sen ence ambiguous. This is
so o wo easons. O e subjec s can be omi ed in Spanish as i
is a p o-d op language. Fu he , subjec s may p ecede o ollow
he e b. Hence, bo h (4a) and (4b) could be in e p e ed as ei he
“ he snowman mel ed” o “someone/some hing (jus men ioned)
mel ed he snowman,” i alency (in ansi i e s. causa i e) was no
ma ked in he e b i sel . The case o English is diff e en , hough.
Ma king he alency in he e b i sel is no indispensable because
English makes use o syn ac ic esou ces a clause le el o a oid
ambigui y be ween sen ences in (5), namely o e subjec s and a
i xed wo d o de . I is plausible hen o expec he su ge in he
eplacemen o causa i e by labile opposi ions in ea ly English o
ha e had some eff ec s in he consolida ion o he wo syn ac ic
pa ame e s jus men ioned. This connec ion may shed some ligh
on he assessmen o he i xa ion o wo d o de in English om a
pe spec i e diff e en o ha p o ided by loss o o e case ma king
men ioned a he beginning o his sec ion.
4 Me hodology o he s udy
In he p esen sec ion we will in oduce he c i e ia aken in o
accoun in he selec ion o da a, oge he wi h an explana ion o
he me hodology applied in his s udy. We ha e chosen he ea ly
Middle English pe iod as he ocus o ou s udy. E en i , as has
been poin ed ou , se e al o he changes we ha e discussed, such as
he educ ion in nominal mo phology o he sync e ism unde gone
Labile e bs and wo d o de in Ea ly Middle English
65SELIM 19 (2012)
by de i a ional mo phology in he inchoa i e-causa i e al e na ion,
begin o ake place du ing he Old English pe iod, i is du ing ea ly
Middle English when hese changes begin o su ace in he ex s
mo e consis en ly and sp ead a a as e a e. In ac , as men ioned
in he in oduc ion, no e en a i h o Old English jan-pai s su i e
in Middle English ex s.
The main sou ce o da a o ou s udy is he Linguis ic A las
o Ea ly Middle English (LAEME ) o wo easons: o da e i is
he mos comp ehensi e co pus o he pe iod we a e concen a ing
on and i aims a a diploma ic edi ion o he ex s, ollowing he
manusc ip ai h ully. The da a o ou s udy a e wo diff e en
se s o e bs, whose clausal beha iou we will compa e. Fi s , we
ha e chosen h ee diff e en labile e bs, namely bu nen, mel en
and (a)quenchen (in i ni i e o ms ollowing he Middle English
Compendium). These h ee e bs we e selec ed because o hei
equency o use in Ea ly Middle English and he high numbe
o okens ound in LAEME compa ed o o he labile e bs. This
is especially ue in he case o bu nen. Second, we ha e chosen
wo non-labile e bs, one in ansi i e-only e b, isen, and one
ansi i e-only one, (a) quellen. The main c i e ion o selec ing
hese wo e bs was he numbe o okens in ou da a sou ce.
Ou objec i e was o include e bs whose numbe o okens was
as simila as possible o he numbe o examples o labile e bs
used ansi i ely and in ansi i ely espec i ely, so ha he esul s
ob ained om ou analysis could be mo e easily compa ed.
We ha e analyzed 285 examples al oge he , di ided in he
ollowing way: 83 examples o labile e bs used in ansi i ely and
55 examples o labile e bs used ansi i ely. The sample o he
in ansi i e-only e b isen consis s o 92 i ems and he ansi i e-
only e b (a)quellen has 55 examples.
As o he p ocedu e used in ou analysis o he da a, we ha e
included he whole clause in which each o he okens is inse ed.
The ela i e posi ion o he e b and all clausal a gumen s ha e been
assessed and quan i i ed. In he case o in ansi i e cons uc ions,
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SELIM 19 (2012)
we ha e compa ed he ela i e posi ion o subjec and e b in he
examples o labile e bs unc ioning as an in ansi i e e b wi h
ha o isen. In he case o he ansi i e use o labile e bs, we
ha e quan i i ed he ela i e posi ion o subjec and objec , on he
one hand, and ha o e b and objec , on he o he , in all clauses
con aining a ansi i e labile e b, and compa ed hem wi h hose
o clauses con aining (a)quellen.
When quan i y ing he esul s, we ha e aken in o accoun
wo pa ame e s which in l uence wo d o de in ea ly English.3
The i s one is ype o subjec : we no e whe he he diff e en
subjec s in ou sample a e ull noun ph ases o p onouns (see o
ins ance an Be gen 2003, Fische e al. 2006). This is ele an
o assessing wo d o de since p onoun subjec s end o be less
p one o in e sion han ull noun ph ases (NP hence o h). The
second pa ame e is ype o clause. We ha e conside ed ou
ypes o clauses, i.e. main, coo dina ed, embedded and in i ni i al
modal clauses, wi h an in i ni i e main e b and a i ni e modal
e b.4 The la e do no show any signi i can diff e ences when
used as main o embedded clauses, and build a dis inc g oup.
The e a e no cons uc ions wi h analy ic pe ec in ou sample.
Passi e clauses ha e been excluded o ob ious easons. The case
o coo dina ed clauses poses a special diffi cul y. This ype o
clause p esen s a high numbe o examples in which he subjec
has been omi ed. In he case o in ansi i e e bs, hese examples
ha e been excluded om ou s udy, due o he impossibili y o
es ablishing he ela i e o de o e b and subjec . Wi h espec
o ansi i e clauses, howe e , hese examples ha e been included
when he ela i e posi ion o e b and objec was being assessed,
since he omission o he subjec need no aff ec he o de o
3 Discou se pa ame e s ha e been le aside. They migh be aken in o
conside a ion in a u he s udy.
4 The classi i ca ion o he diff e en ypes o clause included in ou s udy is simila
o he ones used in Fische & an de Wu ff (2006) and Pin zuk & Taylo (2006).
Labile e bs and wo d o de in Ea ly Middle English
67SELIM 19 (2012)
hese elemen s. Examples (6) o (9) illus a e each o he clause
ypes included; he ele an e bs a e w i en in bold le e s and
he clause included in he sample has been unde lined when pa
o a la ge sequence.
(6) Main clauses
a) So mal ða me e in hem o nog (LAEME ex 155)
So mel ed he mea in hem o no hing
“So he mea in hem mel ed o no hing”
b) Swilc niþ & ha e os hem on (LAEME ex 155)
Such en y & ha e ose hem in
“Such en y and ha e ose in hem”
(7) Coo dina ed clauses
a) Fo men þo sinnen unkinde deden, so o sanc and
b en e þa s eden (LAEME ex 155)
Because men he e deeds w ong ul did, such as d owned
and bu n he s eeds
“Because men he e made w ong ul deeds, such as
d owning and bu ning he s eeds”
b) Ich awelde & monie ich aquelde (LAEME ex 278)
I uled & many I killed
“I uled and I killed many”
(8) Embedded clauses
a) Alswa þe wa e acwenched þe u , swa þa
elmesse acwenched þa sunne (LAEME ex 2000)
As he wa e pu ou he i e, so he alms pu ou
he sin
“As wa e pu ou i e, so alms pu ou sin”
b) Þe king igade ed his e de and þencheþ alle acwelle
cwic þa he i ndeþ (LAEME ex 280)
The king ga he ed his a my and hinks e e yone
kill ali e ha he i nds
“The king ga he ed his a my and hough o
kill e e yone ali e ha he ound”
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SELIM 19 (2012)
o hese clauses (12 ou o 16 and 18 ou o 22, espec i ely) p esen
a OV o de , con a y o wha is he case in he labile e bs in
ou sample. Addi ionally, conce ning he OV examples (G aph 9),
e en i i is ue ha he numbe o embedded clauses is highe in
(a) quellen, he numbe o modal in i ni i al clauses is qui e simila .
All in all, clauses con aining (a)quellen show a highe numbe o
examples wi h an OV o de . This is especially ue in he case
o embedded and modal in i ni i al clauses, as expec ed. On he
o he hand, labile e bs show no clea p e e ence o ei he VO o
OV ega dless o sen ence ype. In ac (see G aphs 8 and 9) he
numbe o examples o each sen ence ype in bo h VO and OV
o de s is almos iden ical.
The ac ha labile e bs show i ually no diff e ence ega ding
VO / OV o de s seems o con adic ou hypo hesis, since i p edic s
ha labile e bs would exhibi a mo e consis en wo d o de han
a ypical ansi i e e b. Ne e heless, he ansi i e labile e bs in
ou s udy display SVO o de mo e o en han a ypical ansi i e-
only e b a his s age o he language and his can be in e p e ed
as he o me ’s s onge h us owa ds g ea e consis ency, wi h
labile e bs adop ing wha was going o become he canonical wo d
o de in la e Middle English a an ea lie s age han non-labile
e bs.
The eason o he alleged p e e ence o SVO among labile e bs
migh lie in he s onge disambigua ing o ce o his wo d o de
when hese e bs a e conce ned. Gi en ha such e bs migh be
unde s ood as bo h in ansi i e, wi h a pa ien subjec , o ansi i e,
wi h an agen subjec and a pa ien objec , a sequence like “[sin]
he hea bu ns,” i OV is a wo d o de op ion, migh be in e p e ed
as (S)OV o SV, wi h bu n as ansi i e and hea as i s objec , o
an in ansi i e bu n wi h subjec hea . Howe e , wi hin a SVO
o de , bu n can only be in e p e ed as a subjec in he example. The
o de (S)OV is hence om he poin o iew o labile e bs mo e
ambiguous han (S)VO.

Labile e bs and wo d o de in Ea ly Middle English
75 SELIM 19 (2012)
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0DLQ133
&RRUGLQDWHG133
(PEHGGHG13
0RGDO,QષQLWLYDO
133
ۤTXHOOHQ92
0DLQ133
&RRUGLQDWHG
133
(PEHGGHG
133
0RGDO,QષQLWLYDO
133
G aph 8: To al numbe o clauses wi h e b-objec o de in labile e bs unc ioning
ansi i ely and ⒜ quellen. In b acke s he numbe o noun ph ase and p onoun objec s
/DELOH7UDQVLWLYH29
0DLQ133
&RRUGLQDWHG
13
(PEHGGHG
133
0RGDO,QષQLWLYDO
133
ۤTXHOOHQ29
0DLQ133
&RRUGLQDWHG
133
(PEHGGHG
133
0RGDO,QષQLWLYDO
133
G aph 9: To al numbe o clauses wi h objec - e b o de in labile e bs unc ioning
ansi i ely and ⒜ quellen. In b acke s he numbe o noun ph ase and p onoun objec s
Luisa Ga cía Ga cía & Esaúl Ruiz Na bona
76
SELIM 19 (2012)
6 Conclusions
In his pape i has been ou in en ion o assess he possible in l uence
o sync e ism in he exp ession o alency on ea ly Middle English
syn ax. We se ou om an ini ial hypo hesis pu o h by Ga cía
Ga cía (2012), which connec s he equency o labile cons uc ions
in English o wo syn ac ic pa ame e s which ac as disambigua ing
s a egies o e bal alency. These a e he obliga o y exp ession o
he subjec and a i xed wo d o de .
In he s udy we ha e analyzed a signi i can sample o labile
cons uc ions in ea ly Middle English ex s using LAEME and
compa ed he esul s wi h non-labile e bs. We ha e quan i i ed he
ollowing ea u es in each se o e bs: o e s. co e subjec s, SV
s. VS in in ansi i e and SO s. OS and VO s. OV in ansi i e
e bs. The da a ha e e u ed pa o ou ini ial hypo hesis.
On he one hand, wi h e e ence o he obliga o y exp ession o
all a gumen s in he clause, ou da a ha e shown ha his c i e ion
does no seem o be ele an . A highe numbe o omi ed subjec s
has no connec ion wi h whe he he e b in he analyzed clause is
labile o no . The absence o subjec is ela ed o ano he ac o ,
namely he ype o clause. In ac , ou da a only show examples o
omi ed subjec s in coo dina ed, modal in i ni i al clauses and hose
in which he main e b is in he impe a i e o m, as expec ed in
p esen -day English.
On he o he hand, labile e bs used in ansi i ely and ypical
in ansi i e-only e bs also p esen an almos iden ical beha iou
in ela ion o he ela i e o de o subjec and e b. E en i he
numbe o examples displaying a VS o de is indeed sligh ly highe
in he case o he in ansi i e-only e b, he diff e ence does no
seem o be signi i can . Mo e examples need o be analyzed in o de
o check whe he hese wo ypes o e bs consis en ly beha e in
he same way conce ning he ela i e posi ion o subjec and e b.
Ano he pa o ou hypo hesis is con i med by ou da a. This
is he one ela ed o he posi ion o objec and e b, which is
a guably he mos signi i can since i is he de i ning wo d o de
Labile e bs and wo d o de in Ea ly Middle English
77 SELIM 19 (2012)
pa ame e a clause le el. The esul s ob ained om he labile e bs
used ansi i ely and hose o he ansi i e-only (a)quellen a y
conside ably. The la e shows a clea p e e ence o OV o de s
(70.9% o cases), while he labile e bs used in his s udy p esen
a e y diff e en endency, since sligh ly mo e han hal o he
examples (54.54% o be p ecise) display he VO o de ha would
become he ule by he end o he Middle English pe iod. Gi en
ha labile e bs inc eased ema kably in he Ea ly Middle English
pe iod, hey may ha e gi en impulse o he sp ead o he change
om OV o VO o de . Ou da a seem o suppo he idea ha
cons uc ions wi h labile e bs an icipa e he endency o SVO
o de . Ne e heless, he esul s ob ained om his s udy should be
ea ed wi h cau ion, and mo e da a need o be analyzed in o de o
each de i ni i e conclusions.
Luisa Ga cía Ga cía & Esaúl Ruiz Na bona
Uni e si y o Se ille
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Recei ed 30 May 2013; accep ed 10 Jul 2013