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Circulating Spirits and Dead Bodies - Funerary Transnationalism among Immigrants from Guinea Bissau in Portugal

Saraiva, Clara

Abstract

Death is the ultimate rite of passage, one that no one can avoid, with multiple implications for the life of the individuals and of the groups within which they move. Throughout this article, I intend to show how death is a good metaphor to think about the production of places and spaces of belonging in transnational contexts, and how circulation is the key term to understand how such transnational trends are produced. I argue that in a transnational setting – in this case of Guinean migrants in Portugal – death functions as a true regeneration source as it shapes the continuity of the relationship between the migrant and the place of origin. The circulation of dead bodies, symbolic universes, spiritual healers and spirits re-shape the ties between the world of the living and the world of the dead across continents and oceans.

Full text

© koninklijke b ill n , leiden, 2017 | doi: 10.1163/18725465-00901003 A ican Diaspo a 9 (2016) 61–76 b ill.com/a di Ci cula ing Spi i s and Dead Bodies Fune a y T ansna ionalism among Immig an s om Guinea Bissau in Po ugal Cla a Sa ai a cec – Lisbon Uni e si y and c ia – No a Uni e si y o Lisbon cla asa ai [email p o ec ed] Abs ac Dea h is he ul ima e i e o passage, one ha no one can a oid, wi h mul iple implica- ions o heli e o heindi iduals ando he g oupswi hinwhich heymo e.Th ough- ou his a icle, I in end o show how dea h is a good me apho o hink abou he p oduc ion o places and spaces o belonging in ansna ional con ex s, and how ci - cula ion is he key e m o unde s and how such ansna ional ends a e p oduced. I a gue ha in a ansna ional se ing – in his case o Guinean mig an s in Po ugal – dea h unc ions as a ue egene a ion sou ce as i shapes he con inui y o he ela- ionship be ween he mig an and he place o o igin. The ci cula ion o dead bodies, symbolic uni e ses, spi i ual heale s and spi i s e-shape he ies be ween he wo ld o he li ing and he wo ld o he dead ac oss con inen s and oceans. Keywo ds ansna ionalism – ci cula ion – place – good dea h – Guinea-Bissau Résumé Lamo es le i edepassageul ime,quepe sonnene peu é i e ,a ecdes implica ions mul iples pou la ie des indi idus e des g oupes dans lesquels ils se déplacen . Tou au long de ce a icle, j’ai l’in en ion de mon e commen la mo es une bonne mé apho e pou pense à la p oduc ion de la place e d’espaces d’appa enance dans des con ex es ansna ionaux e commen la ci cula ion es le e me clé pou comp end e commen ces endances ansna ionales son p odui es. Je p é ends que dans un con ex e ansna ional – dans ce cas des mig an s guinéens au Po ugal – 62 sa ai a A ican Diaspo a 9 (2016) 61–76 la mo onc ionne comme une é i able sou ce de égéné a ion ca elle o me la con inui édela ela ionen elemig an e lelieud’o igine.Laci cula iondescada es, des uni e s symboliques, des gué isseu s spi i uels e des esp i s, e açonnen les liens en e le monde des i an s e le monde des mo s à a e s les con inen s e les océans. Mo s-clés ansna ionalisme – ci cula ion – place – bonne mo – Guinea-Bissau In oduc ion: Dea h in T ansna ional Se ings Dea h is he u mos i e o passage, one ha no one can a oid, wi h mul iple implica ions o he li e o he indi iduals and o he g oups wi hin which hey mo e. Th oughou his a icle, I in end o show how dea h is a good me apho o hink abou he p oduc ion o places and spaces o belonging in ansna- ional con ex s. In he s udy o mig a ions (Gable 2006; Ho 2006; Les age 2008), dea h and dying a e good examples o he ci cula ion o symbolic uni e ses in which he no ion o p ocess is ex emely impo an . Such a gumen s will be explo ed h ough he case s udy o Guinean mig an s in Po ugal.1 In social an h opology, he concep ions o dea h and dying ha e dese ed a en ion om se e al au ho s, such as he classics by F aze (1934), He z (1960),E ans-P i cha d(1948),Vo elle(1983),A iés(1989),andVincen -Thomas (1975, 1982) and con empo a y au ho s such as Bloch (1971, 1982), Gable (2006) and de Boeck (2008). As João de Pina Cab al (1984) has a gued, hese au ho s’ app oaches o he opic include many elemen s, om he symbolism o se - e al ce emonial elemen s o he liminali y o une a y i uals. In he p esen a icle, I wan o explo e he ela ion be ween une a y ce emonies and he ( e)p oduc ionandsymboliza ion o places o belonging,placeswhich include amongmanyo he s,alocal“communi y”,2a spaceo diaspo a, hebelonging o 1 Fieldwo k was done in Po ugal and Guinea Bissau and i included pa icipan obse a ion, in-dep h in e iews, li e s o ies, and a chi al and bibliog aphic esea ch. 2 Besides he as li e a u e on ceme e ies as spaces o building collec i e memo ies (A iés 1989; Vo elle 1983; Vincen -Thomas 1975; 1982) he e a e also se e al ex s ha deal wi h he ole o une a y i uals and g a es in he cons uc ion o local communi ies and he ela ion be ween he li ing and he dead, such as he classic Dea h in Mu elaga by Douglass (1969). ci cula ing spi i s and dead bodies 63 A ican Diaspo a 9 (2016) 61–76 a na ion-s a e and he ci cula ionbe ween hese uni e ses. Addi ionally, a en- ion will be d awn o he ela ion be ween he no ions o belonging o a place and he idea o a “good dea h”. Fo many mig an s (and ce ainly o he i s -gene a ion mig an s) he ela ion wi h he o iginal g ounds accompanies he indi idual h oughou his o he li e (see below). When dea h occu s, his ela ion becomes mo e i id and pa o he social cons uc o wha a “good dea h” is all abou . One o he objec i es is o en o ha e he body sen home, enabling i o go h ough he ull adi ional dea h ce emonies. Only someone who goes h ough all he app op ia e ce emonies will ha e a es ul dea h. The second objec i e is o ha e he inal disposal o he body (bu ying, c ema ing o some o he o m o inal disposal) on home g ound. Bo h hese objec i es a e pa o he complex no ion o wha i means o ha e a “good dea h”, implying ha bo h co pse and spi i a e well aken ca e o by he ela i es who ha e he du y o ake ca e o he une a y i uals o he deceased. By doing so, hey also assu e ha he accomplishmen o a “good dea h” will be he wa an y o a good ela ionship be ween he wo ld o he dead and he wo ld o he li ing. This ela ion be ween une a y ce emonies, bu ial place and he no ion o a “good dea h” is, as we shall see, o he u mos ele ance in he p esen case s udy o he mig a ion o people om Guinea-Bissau o Po ugal. Ha ing he body sen home and disposed o he e, wi h ull une a y ce emonies, is he ideal si ua ion, which is in ac ha dly e e accomplished – i is complica ed, expensi e and di icul o achie e. Thus, amilies ha e o ind solu ions o pe - pe ua e he links be ween he home g ound and he diaspo a communi y. These solu ions deal wi h he links be ween une a y i es, places o belong- ing and he ci cula ion ha mig a ion o ces upon bo h he li ing and dead alike. Such ela ions we e discussed by Mau ice Bloch in one o he mos impo - an books on dea h, Dea h and he Regene a ion o Li e (Bloch and Pa y 1982). In he las ex o his collec i e wo k, Bloch esumes an a gumen p e iously explo edinhismaine hnog aphicwo k–Placing heDead (1971)–inwhich he au ho expands on he ela ion be ween une a y i uals and he iden i ica ion wi h a place, a land. Based on he Me ina o Madagasca , Bloch a gues ha he une a y i uals imply wo bu ials.The i s one, in he icini ies o he place o dying, aims a cleansing he body o all impu e subs ances.Two yea s la e , he body is mo ed and bu ied again bu his ime in he g a e o one’s ances o s. The e is a co espondence be ween he g a e and he g oup o kin and hus o be bu ied in his land means he eunion be ween p esen , pas and u u e kin. This bu ial in he ances al land is he celeb a ion o he union o amily ne - wo ks and he ic o y o e he di ision and sepa a ion ha he quo idian li e 64 sa ai a A ican Diaspo a 9 (2016) 61–76 implies. This second bu ial eposi ions he Me ina who died a away om he ances al land, in he socie y o hei ances o s. The ellu ic dimensions o dea h and hei impo ance and ole in es ab- lishing he connec ion be ween he diaspo a con ex s and he home g ound o he mig an s ha e been u he de eloped in he wo k o se e al social scien- is s.3 One o hem is F ançoise Les age’s (2008) on Mexican mig a ion in he us and he p ocesses o epa ia ion o bodies. The au ho analyzes he c e- a ion o an indus y o epa ia ion whe e se e al une a y agencies and s a e ins i u ions a e he main ac o s. Such p ocesses e eal, once again, he ela ion be ween mig a ions and place making bu his ime in ela ion o na ionalism. Fo he Mexican s a e he mig an s ha e assumed a ole o p incipal agen s o economicde elopmen and hus hey ha eaccess ounp eceden ed igh sand p i ileges: dual na ionali y and he igh o es close o hei ances o s. Wha happens wi h he people om Guinea-Bissau in he diaspo a in ela- ion o dea h and hei connec ion wi h he home g ound – hei “places o belonging” – is connec ed o hese wop e iousexamples,and in ol esaspec s o “ci cula ion” ha , al hough ouched upon in he wo men ioned cases, allow o u he explana ion and analysis. In o de o analyze he Guinean case, I will i s ly con ex ualize he mig a- ion lows ha link Guinea-Bissau o Po ugal. Then, I will ocus on he dis- cou ses and p ac ices ega ding dea h and une a y ce emonies in a ansna- ional se ing. This will lead o he analysis o he ci cula ion o he en i- ies in ol ed in he p ocess – he dead bodies, he amilies, he spi i s o he deceased – and how hey all ela e in a dual scena io, whe e ce emonies o en ake place wice, and bodies o hei a a a s ci cula e be ween Po ugal and A ica. Mig an s om Guinea-Bissau In he pas decades, he ansna ional dimensions o he mig a o y phenom- enaassumed an inc easing heo e icalande hnog aphicimpo ance,implying he mul iple and pe manen ies sus ained be ween he sending coun y and he coun y o ecep ion, in i s economic, poli ical and cul u al ace s (Glick 3 See, amongs many, Gable (2006) o he Guinean case on how he youngs e s use une als o ma k hei social posi ion in he home communi ies; De Boeck’s piece (2008) conce ning ceme e ies in Kinshasa and he ole o young people in he une als; and Ho (2006) o he impo ance o he Had ami g a es in he case o he Yemeni diaspo a in he Indian Ocean. ci cula ing spi i s and dead bodies 65 A ican Diaspo a 9 (2016) 61–76 Schille e al. 1992; Basch e al. 1997). Such ies and mobili ies – eal o imag- ined – a e equen ly accompanied by he social and symbolic cons uc ion o places o belonging. As Ka en Fog Olwig (2007) and Cli o d Gee z (1996) called o ou a en ion, global mobili ies and lows a e accompanied by quo- idian p ocesses o place making. In ansna ional mig a ion con ex s, hese p ocesses a e p oduced h ough he sending and use o emi ances (in capi al and goods) and in he pe o mance o ce ain i uals and ce emonies, o men- ion a ew examples. The case o he dea h o immig an s p o es o be a good example o analyze how such p ocesses occu as well as hei mul iple social and symbolic implica ions (Sa ai a and Map il 2012; Sa ai a and Map il 2015; Sa ai a 2015). People om Guinea-Bissau ha e a long adi ion o mig a ion, and he e a e Guineanssca e ed h oughou Senegal,F anceand heNe he lands(Machado 2002), bu Po ugal soon became a p e e en ial des ina ion, due o he ies con- nec ing he wo coun ies. The immig a ion o Po ugal s a ed a e he 25 h Ap il1974 e olu ionand heindependenceo Guinea-Bissau,bu i wasmainly a e 1984, wi h he opening o he coun y o mo e wes e nized economic and social models (Machado 2002; Sa ai a 2008; Quin ino 2004) ha i inc eased. Po ugal is seen as a pa adise, whe e one can ha e a job and send emi ances o amilies back home (Sa ai a 2008: 256). Guinea Bissau is a small coun y, wi h ca. 1.2 million inhabi an s, bu wi h a la ge e hnic di e si y, coun ing mo e han wen y- h ee e hnic g oups (Eina s- do i 2000). Mos g oups in he in e io a e Islamized, and he coas al ones a e animis ic,bu eligiousa ilia iondoesno always ollowane hnicdi ision(Jao 1995), and he e a e mul iple combina ions o animis ic and Ch is ian eligious op ions. In Po ugal, almos all he g oups a e ep esen ed, and he e is a ce ain union and e indica ion o a common na ional o igin ha su passes e hnic di e si y (Bo dona o and Pusse i 2006:133; Sa ai a 2008:257). Na ional iden i y is ec ea ed in he diaspo a hough a e-elabo a ion o e e ences and codes ha connec indi iduals o hei amilies in he o iginal g ounds. One o such e e encesis ela ed odea hand he une a y i uals,which a ein u n di ec ly connec ed o issues o place and belonging, ab ica ed h ough a cons an ela ion wi h he i ual and ce imónias di uso o adi ions om home. Almos all amilies in Guineaha eoneo mo e ela i es esidingin Po ugal, and he cons an low o people and goods back and o h is an impo an eal- i y, isible in he mo emen o people a Lisbon ai po on days o ligh s o and omBissau.The ai po becomes a placewhe epeople ga he omee ela i es o iends and o ecei e goods di e a ( om home), o o send hings back, and say goodbye o he ones who lea e, aking o he Wes e n and mode n p oduc s 66 sa ai a A ican Diaspo a 9 (2016) 61–76 wi h hem (Sa ai a 2008; see also Ab anches 2013). Guineans in Po ugal ec e- a e hei iden i y h ough he e-elabo a ion o he e e ences and codes om home and by ela ing hem o he ones om he hos coun y; hey c ea e new ne wo ks and o ms o in e ac ion, ins i u ions, symbols and cul u al p ac ices which allow o a ec ea ion o he pas and a cons uc ion o he p esen , in a pe manen nego ia ing p ocess, wi hin hei own communi y and wi hin he encompassing Po uguese socie y (Quin ino 2004; Sa ai a 2007, 2008). Cu ing ac oss no only he di e en social and economic g oups, bu also e hnic appu enance, Quin ino (2004:263) explains how he chon (o iginal g ounds)isanimpo an e i o ialande hnic e e ence;i ssymboliccons uc- ion is based on language, and a common pas , oo ed in he social o ganiza- ion o he abanka ( illage), and he du ies one has owa ds he lineage and membe s o he mo ansa (ex ended amily li ing oge he in a compound). An ‘e hnici y package’ is hus cons uc ed, comp ising se e al elemen s ha a e manipula ed in he highly symbolic p ocess o ela ing o hei o igins. These elemen s ( e i o y, language, skin colou , d ess codes, commensali y, music, dance, eligion and healing p ac ices) a e manipula ed in o de o cons uc one’s iden i y in ela ion o o he Guineans and o he Po uguese. In he mids o all hese, eligious p ac ices and une a y ce emonies a e o u mos impo - ance. In he sac aliza ion o he new dwelling, he ela ion wi h he ances o s ( o e a he s who ha e died and li e in he o he wo ld) mus be acknowledged h ough he placemen o he es os (al a s) dedica ed o hem and he p o ec- i e i ãs (spi i s),4 as well as all he magical- eligious ce emonies ha go along wi h such emplacemen s, o which he da ma ( o pou be e ages and ood o he ances o s) is he mos signi ican , due o i s di ec symbolism o he con- nec ion wi h he ances o s in he o he wo ld (Sa ai a 2007). The Mala o he Deceased: The Case o Guinean Dea h All his b ings us o a no ion o ans/iden i y Quin ino (2004:35), cons uc ed a ound hecons an ela ionbe ween heimmig an sand hehos communi y, heo iginalg oundsand hedesi e oonedaybeable o e u nhome.Dea hisa si ua ion ha allows one o e u n home and s eng hen he eal and symbolic ies ha connec he indi idual o he o igins ( chon), which unc ions as a e i o ial and symbolic e e ence. How does his happen? 4I ãs a e spi i s ha li e in na u e and a e known as icks e spi i s; one should wo ship and espec hem in o de o ha e hem as p o ec i e (and no punishe ) en i ies. ci cula ing spi i s and dead bodies 67 A ican Diaspo a 9 (2016) 61–76 People om Guinea Bissau s ongly in es in ansna ional associa ions and he e a e o e i y Guinean ngos ope a ing in Po ugal. Mos o hem ac as mu uali ies, and gi e suppo o he immig an s in ma e s o adminis a ion and legaliza ion o hei s a us, bu hey also p omo e solida i y ac ions, as col- lec ing unds o public acili ies and imp o emen s back home, coope a ion p og ammes, e c. Beyond hese, hey a e also in cha ge o he o ganiza ion o all he aspec s conce ning i es o passage and cyclic eligious o p o ane eas s, in which his o ical eligious adi ions, and Ca holic and Muslim p ac- icescome oge he ,and which a emomen s o in ensein a-e hnic sociabili y. In his spi i , one o he p imo dial unc ions o hese associa ions is he sup- po o he ealiza ion o he shipmen o he deceased, o , a leas , o allow o he amilies o he aluable goods o be sen back home o he amilies who li e in Guinee Bissau. The impo an idea behind hese mo emen s o people and goods is he main enance o he ela ion wi h he places o o igin, which is a c ucial condi ion o allow o he conc e iza ion o he ideal o a good dea h. This Guinean case o o ming associa ions is no a single one; on he con- a y, i is a phenomenon widely p esen in A ica, bo h in ea lie imes as well as nowadays. In hei book Fune als in A ica, Michael Jind a and Joel No e (2011) expand on he his o ical impac o he de elopmen o associa ions in se e al pa s o colonial A ica, especially om he middle hi d o he wen- ie h cen u y onwa ds. They s ess how, amongs such associa ions, une a y ones became e y impo an , p o iding mu ual help o he o ganiza ion o une als as an essen ial p ac ice wi hin such solida i ies. As hey s a e: In con empo a y A ica, membe ship in associa ions is s ill o en igh ly associa ed wi h une als and suppo o membe s acing dea h- ela ed expenses.Inu bancon ex s, he oles ha associa ionso people om he same egionplay, no ablyin b ingingco pses back “home” o bu ial,ha e been documen ed in a ious egions, including Wes , Eas and sou he n A ica.5 jind a and no e 2011:21 Le us see how his wo ks in p ac ice. Mos o he associa ions equi e he pay- men o a ee ha e e s o he common und. I is wi h his und ha hey 5 Jind a and No e (2011: 21–24) p o ide a wide ange o cases in which he ole o such associa ions is explained, om ea ly colonial imes o con empo a y socie ies, such as ade associa ions in Ghana, Malawaian “home illage s” associa ions, Came oonian mu uelles in Yaoundé,aswellas une a yassocia ions inE hiopia,Tanzania,andsou he n A ica,amongs o he s. 68 sa ai a A ican Diaspo a 9 (2016) 61–76 help he amilies o send back he co pses, in case his is he wish o he am- ily. Ne e heless, in mos cases his is s ill no possible, due o he high cos s o ansna ional une als, and a symbolic shipmen is o ganized o eplace he sending o a eal body. Sending he mala (sui case), and he oka chu ( he sec- onda y une a y i uals) a e he womos signi ican elemen s o his complex. To cla i y his p ocess I will use he example o one o he associa ions ha helps in such ma e s and my own ield wo k in Guinea Bissau. This associa ion was ounded in 1992 and is pa icula ly ac i e in main aining he ela ionship wi h he place o o igin. I is a Manjako-based o ganiza ion, one o he e hnic g oups ha has a longe immig a ion adi ion, wi h la ge numbe s o immig an s in F ance, whe e a sis e o ganiza ion exis s. One o i s majo ac i i ies is he suppo o i s membe s in case o illness o dea h. Acco ding o he es ablished ules, in he e en o a dea h in he amily he membe s a e en i led o economic suppo o pe o m he une a y i uals. Mos indi iduals (90%) a e bu ied in he Lisbon ceme e ies, and he associa ion pays he cos s o he une al. I he body is sen back o Guinea Bissau he associa ion gi es he same amoun o money and he es o he expense has obe shoulde ed by he amily. In eali y, due o he high cos s o his p ocess (a ound 5,000 eu os), mos amilies do no ha e he economic means o send he body back home. Facing such impossibili y, conside able e o is being pu in o he i ualiza ion o he bonds wi h he place o o igin and wi h he amily back in Guinea, in o de o a ain he ideal o a “good dea h”. This ela ionship is consolida ed h ough a ious ac ions and i ual pe o mances which, h ough a ange o a ious o ms,es ablish aphysicalandsymbolic b idgewi h he place o o igin. One o such o ms, which su passes e hnic o eligious di e si y, since i is used by Ca holics, Muslims and hose in ol ed in his o ical eligious adi ions alike,is hemala.A e he une al, heclose amilyo ganizes hesui caseo he deceased. This sui case is illed wi h he pe son’s mos impo an belongings, mainly clo hing, jewelle y and clo hs,6 especially panos pen i, he hand-wo en clo hs highly alued in Guinea and all o e Wes A ica (Sa ai a 2008). Beyond he une al cos s, he associa ion gi es 250 eu os which may be inc eased wi h amily dona ions.This money is placed inside he sui case and sen back home by a amily membe . This ac con i ms wo undamen al ideals. Fi s ly, he con inui y o he am- ily beyond na ional bo de s and su passing i s membe s’ mobili y. Such obli- 6 By clo hing I mean he pe son’s clo hing, d esses, shi s, ouse s, e c.; by clo hs I mean eal clo h, pieces o issue, which a e commonly used in many pa s o Wes A ica o w ap he dead bodies du ing he une a y ce emonies. Such clo hs a e highly alued and conside ed a symbol o he pe son’s weal h. ci cula ing spi i s and dead bodies 69 A ican Diaspo a 9 (2016) 61–76 ga ions a e du ies o he di ec amily, who a e also he ones ha may bene i om he p o ec ion o a dead pe son who becomes a p o ec i e ances o , bu can also su e he e enge o an ances o who did no ha e his i uals o ally ul illed. Secondly, i is exac ly when one’s physical mobili y ends, due o dea h ha he belongings symbolizing he pe son mus e u n home and close he cycle o he connec ion o he home g ound, he chon. The goods placed in he sui case ei he belonged o he indi idual o we e gi s o e ed du ing he une al. No one comes o a une al wi hou goods o o e . I is belie ed ha he deceased needs such hings in his o he wo ld li e. Bu all ha he li ing o e o he dead will ul ima ely e e in hei a ou , as hey a e goods ha en ich he o he wo ld, o which each will become pa . Al hough hey may seem con adic o y, hese wo assump ions complemen each o he . Wha belonged o he deceased goes o he eal amily, bo h in he diaspo a and in he place o o igin, and all ha is o e ed by he people coming o he i ual is symbolically gi en o he spi i o he deceased and o he wo ld o he spi i s in gene al. This means ha he gene osi y o he ones ha pay hei las homage o he dead e e s o hei p o i , since when hey o e he ecen ly dead a ull mala hey a e also pleasing hei own ances o s, who li e in he o he wo ld and can hus ecei e he goods b ough o e by he spi i o he newly dead. He/she akes hem o he o he wo ld and edis ibu es his su plus, as i was explained by he head o he associa ion: “One mus o e as much as possible; i he spi i a i es in he o he wo ld wi h a lo o clo hes he edis ibu es hem o he o he …” The o ganiza ion o he sui case akes place igh a e dea h, in he house o he deceased o o a amily membe . Songs a e sung and d inks a e pou ed (da ma ) on he g ound o he spi i , and, in he case o Muslims, i includes he sac i ice o an animal. Da ma has he ul ima e meaning o communion be ween humans and ances o s: he idea is ha ances o s su ound us, and we need o also sha e wi h hem wha is going o be d unk o ea en. This is especially impo an in ci cums ances when he communica ion be ween he wo ld o he li ing and he one o he dead is open due o he new dea h. I is a ime when “ he dead akes e e y hing: d inks, ood, and ce ainly, also he spi i o hedead”.Theances o sli eina o allymobilewo ld,and hus heya e p esen in he ce emonies in Po ugal as in Guinea, as one o my in e iewees s a ed: “you see, hey do no need o ake a plane … i he e is a ce emony he e in Po ugal, all he ances o s’ spi i s come, and we need o nu u e hem”. The in ense ci cula ion be ween he wo spaces and communi ies ha emi- g a ion implies as well as he mobili y o he spi i s ha mus be p esen come ali e in he ecip oci y o du ies o “ he ones ha a e he e” and “ he ones ha 76 sa ai a A ican Diaspo a 9 (2016) 61–76 Olwig, K. 2007. Ca ibbean Jou neys: An E hnog aphy o Mig a ion and Home in Th ee Family Ne wo ks. Du ham: Duke Uni e si y P ess. Pina-Cab al, J., 1984. A mo e na an opologia social. Análise Social, ol. xx: 349–356. Quin ino, C. 2004. Mig açõese E nicidadeemTe enosPo ugueses.Guineenses:Es a é- gias de In enção de uma Comunidade. 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