In and out of history: how a Goan scholar in Bombay imagined a colonial Indian past and a future independent India (1870-1900)

In and out of history: how a Goan scholar in Bombay imagined a colonial Indian past and a future independent India (1870-1900) Filipa Lowndes Vicente 12. 264 ambiguous inclusions: inside out, outside in introduction In his book on Portuguese men that achieved some prominence abroad, published in 1879, Bernardes Branco confessed that he had not been sure if Gerson da Cunha was Portuguese or English, and that he had had to contact Cunha Rivara, the Portuguese secretary of the Governor in Goa and a scholar, to resolve his doubts: “Mr. Gerson da Cunha is a Portuguese subject, born in Goa, of indigenous race and of the Brahman caste. He is established in Bombay as a doctor” was Cunha Rivara’s answer.1 In fact, Gerson da Cunha studied medicine in Bombay, Edinburgh and London, before returning to Bombay in the 1870s and making medicine his profession. However, his historical, archaeological and numismatic interests, mainly in themes related to the Portuguese in India, increasingly occupied a large part of his time and resulted in numerous articles and books published in the last three decades of the 19th century. José Gerson da Cunha’s biography and bibliography, his personal itinerary as well as his scholarly written production, will enable me to explore the idea of inclusion, and of exclusion, in three different yet interconnected ways. The first is through his actual biographical itinerary. Living across different borders and spaces meant that foreignness and displacement were central words in the narrative of his life. I shall explore how da Cunha strove to be included in certain scholarly national spheres, such as the Italian; while apparently consciously excluding himself from Portugal, where his status would always be that of a Portuguese “other” and, therefore, subaltern in relation to mainstream scholarly local elites. He also profited, I shall argue, from being a foreigner in Bombay, and thus an Indian that was not a colonised subject since, being Goaborn, he was of Portuguese nationality. Caste and religion, and the fact that the historian and doctor combined the most privileged aspects of both identities – Brahmanism and Catholicism – were also central in his self-definition and frequently addressed in his writings. Secondly, I shall analyse how exclusion and inclusion are central questions in his vast historiographical work. His main aim was to include the Portuguese experience in India within the mainstream historical narrative of Indian history produced in English, in British India and Great Britain. British 1 Branco (1879, 448). Gerson da Cunha’s life and works have already been addressed in other ways, in some of my publications: Vicente (2009-2010, 2010, 2012a, 2012b, 2012c, 2013, 2014, 2015, 2016). in and out of history 265 historiography tended to exclude the other main European presence in Asia, that of the Portuguese (as well as the Dutch and French), in the past and in the present. In this article, I will focus on the specific ways in which Gerson da Cunha introduced the Portuguese or Goan perspective in a wider narrative. In some cases, this was done as part of a clear strategy to value what was “Portuguese” or “Goan”, as when he argues for the pioneering character of Portuguese Orientalism, a few centuries before British Orientalism.2 He also makes a defence of the teaching of the Portuguese language at the University of Bombay, while, in another publication, he writes a vindication for the valuing of Konkani, the Indian language that had at times been repressed by the Portuguese rule in Goa. In other moments, however, his critical approach turns to the Portuguese past colonial policies – mainly in relation to their religious violence perpetrated against the Hindus. In this apparent reversal of culprits, his goal is to denounce how some historical events and experiences were omitted from Portuguese mainstream historical narratives precisely because they did not favour those who practised them. His reflections on contemporary British India will also be addressed. Writing for an Italian periodical in French, or in a private letter to an Italian Indianist, Gerson da Cunha could be freer in his opinions on delicate political subjects. What was already latent in some of his historical writings became evident in his journalistic impressions: India, an independent and united India, was already in his imagination (Anderson 1991). After colonial India – Portuguese or British – there was another India, the future nation that was becoming tired of her “foreign invaders”. And thirdly, I will explore the ways in which Gerson da Cunha’s work was excluded from both Portuguese and British historiography. Only in 1955 was one of his works on numismatics translated into Portuguese and published by Luis Pinto Garcia. In his preface, the Portuguese scholar notes how da Cunha’s “Contributions [are] very well known and always quoted in the numismatic centres in the Orient and in Great Britain”, but remain “unknown to the great majority of our numismatists and collectors” (Garcia 1955). Before Pinto Garcia, only the eminent Portuguese ethnologist Leite de Vasconcelos had made a 2 On “Portuguese Catholic Orientalism”, see Xavier and Zupanov (2014). On Portuguese Orientalism and Said’s engagement with the Portuguese experience, see the work of Rosa Maria Perez (2006, 2014), and Everton V. Machado (2018). 266 ambiguous inclusions: inside out, outside in reference to Cunha: in his magna opera on Portuguese Numismatics in 1923.3 My argument is that, paradoxically, the cosmopolitanism and hybridity of his life itinerary and historiographical work kept him out of sight of subsequent scholars. As Gerson da Cunha’s life and work straddled borders, they failed to be grasped by either of the two main geographies of knowledge in which he moved. British and Indian historiography failed to value an author who was a Goan 3 Vasconcelos (1923, 279-280) wrote on Gerson da Cunha in a section on Numismatic Writings from 1867 until his present on pages 163-165, and even included an offprint of his photographic portrait published in the Rivista ital. di Numismat. (1888): 383. The Portuguese author also adds an appendix with a biographical note, in English, on Gerson da Cunha, which had been published in the Royal Asiatic Society’s Journal after his death: “Biografia Inglesa do Dr. Gerson da Cunha”. José Gerson da Cunha (1844-1900). Photographic portrait in carte-de-visite format pasted in the endleaves of his posthumously published book. Date and photographer unknown. (Cunha, 1900). Note: This portrait must have been done in Rome, in 1878, at the photographic studio Lorenzo Suscipj, as it is very similar to another one Gerson da Cunha did there. See Vicente (2012b, 5). Figure 12.1 in and out of history 267 of Portuguese nationality and highlighted everything that was Portuguese in India.4 Gerson da Cunha was excluded from the Goan and, particularly, the Portuguese historical canon for an array of reasons I will outline further on: one of the major ones certainly being that he only wrote in English. Ironically, the factors that enabled him to combine, compare, confront and cross different Indias, different Europes and different historiographical traditions ended up excluding him from those very traditions. the politics of language: konkani between suppression and resistance I will start by analysing two of Gerson da Cunha’s publications. The first was published in 1881 and was titled Konkani Language and Literature. It is the only one of his texts where I could find criticism of contemporary Portuguese colonialism rather than the usual discussion of events placed in a remote historical past (Cunha 1881).5 The second text I will address, also on the politics of language and how they are embedded in national projects, was centred on the history of the Portuguese language in the East and was published more than a decade later (Cunha 1893, 168-191). Both were published in English and in Bombay, one for the Bombay Gazetteer and the other for the Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. How local languages and their usages were affected by the Portuguese presence in the region from the 16th century on was the central subject of his essay on Konkani. Gerson da Cunha condemned the destruction perpetrated by the first missionaries who, in their “mistaken zeal to propagate Christianity,” did not understand how the preservation of ancient Indian manuscripts could have been useful for the conversion of “natives”. That which the Spanish had done in Granada with Arabic manuscripts, he added, the Portuguese did in 4 When Gerson da Cunha’s name appears in recent historical books, it does so for his work on Bombay. Gyan Prakash (2011) mentions him once in his Mumbai Fables. A History of an Enchanted City, while a recent book on Bombay includes him in the bibliography but not as a subject (Chopra 2011). 5 We do not know what kind of relationship Gerson da Cunha had with Angelo Maffei, an Italian Jesuit missionary who, precisely in 1878, some months after the international congress of orientalists in Florence, travelled from Naples to India. During the twenty years he lived in the Karnataka region, he dedicated himself to missionary work and producing studies on Konkani (Maffei 1882, 1883). See also all the works of Mons. Sebastião Rodolfo Dalgado. 268 ambiguous inclusions: inside out, outside in Goa with Indian ones. They destroyed them. The fanaticism that “blinded these missionaries” (only justified, Gerson da Cunha argued, by the historical moment) prevented the transmission of Christianity through vernacular languages. According to him, a global vision of history helped to understand the violence, but also the banality of this kind of behaviour during that period: “The history of mankind is already full of examples of how sectarian differences, bigotry, and superstition have deprived the world of literary treasures of considerable worth” (Cunha 1881, 25). This Portuguese policy of eliminating the local language did not restrict itself to the past because, as Gerson da Cunha notes, by the end of the 18th century there were still priests advising the Portuguese government to abolish Konkani and other Indian languages, “as if a language were a mere custom to be easily dealt with by a legislative enactment”. Only with the Marquis of Pombal was this policy modified. Perhaps as a way of better legitimising his criticism of Portuguese policies regarding local language, Gerson da Cunha quoted Cunha Rivara, a Portuguese resident in Goa who, apart from his scholarly work, was a respectable government secretary (Cunha 1881, 26). Gerson da Cunha also reflected on the transformations of Konkani and the attempts to resist them: Such is, indeed, the transformation a language – in the comparatively short period of two centuries – undergoes even in autonomous states, which strive, with a view to their national dignity, to preserve the purity of their language by means of literature, arresting all changes, and stereotyping the forms inherited from a former age, that it is no wonder that Konkani, an idiom of a small country, ruled by a foreign race, and without, at present at least, any aspiration to national independence [my italics], should within only a couple of centuries have assumed a form so entirely different from the old one. (Cunha 1881, 34) Gerson da Cunha finished his history of Konkani and analysis of its uses with a pessimistic evaluation of the present, in which language and literature were considered inseparable from colonial rule, and where there was a reference to foreign governments that clearly distinguishes Goa – pre-existent – from its colonisers: “Goa has for centuries been swayed by foreign rulers, who have insisted on making their own language the official language, or the language of the court, withdrawing at the same time all encouragement for the cultivation of the native tongue” (Cunha 1881, 41). Facing a contemporary context in which there was a growing pressure from other Indian languages not subject in and out of history 269 to the same kind of colonial linguistic policy, Gerson da Cunha predicted the disappearance of Konkani within one or two centuries. That was, after all, the destiny of those weaker languages, as well as those weaker peoples, he added. In order to strengthen his argument, he also discussed Konkani literature, mainly poetry, indirectly criticising the contemporary state of affairs in Goa quite harshly. The decline of literary production corresponded to a social and political decline: “this is invariably the case where a country is in its decadence, or humiliated, depressed and degraded by despotism, or is swayed by a foreign rule”, which most probably will do nothing to “encourage the study of native poetry” (Cunha 1881, 41). In spite of the many material benefits that may be brought about by the colonial presence, he continues, “it is amidst the elements of national freedom and independence, and the pledges and evidence of the former greatness of their country that poets grow up.” As he often did, in order to reinforce his criticism of a specific subject, character or institution, Gerson da Cunha quoted another author, an Archbishop writing on the literature of Spain who wrote on the direct effects a foreign government had on the creativity of a people: great poetry could not emerge from a place with “little or no national life or feeling” (Cunha 1881, 42).6 By quoting others with whom he agreed, instead of making the same statement in his name, he was somewhat legitimising his critical position, while making it less direct. And also, by quoting a book on the Spanish golden age that had been published in the previous year, Gerson da Cunha is reinforcing his position as a cosmopolitan and erudite scholar completely in tune with the European scholarly production. In his book on Konkani, therefore, Gerson da Cunha combined his linguistic interests, associated with a philological and orientalist discourse concentrated on the past, with a discussion of the present uses of Konkani. He is clearly establishing a correlation between a defined space-territory and a language. Mainly, however, he is “imagining” Goa as a nation – a “small country” – that has been, and still is, governed by foreign rulers who have striven to impose their language. However, and as we shall also realise when analysing his text on the Portuguese language in the East, it is not possible to think of Gerson da Cunha’s position on language politics as a straight dichotomy between the language of the colonisers on the one hand, and that of the colonised on the other. In his manifesto promoting Konkani and Portuguese, he claimed the languages had more in common than appeared at first sight. They both 6 Gerson da Cunha is quoting Richard Chenevix Trench (1880). 270 ambiguous inclusions: inside out, outside in occupied subaltern spaces; both were an inextricable part of Goan identity and both needed to be actively defended and promoted, in different geographical spaces, in order to thrive. the teaching of portuguese at the university of bombay: a european language or an indian vernacular? Ten years later, in A Brief Sketch of the Portuguese and their Language in the East, published in 1892, Gerson da Cunha focuses similarly on the Portuguese language, analysing its history in India and anchoring this genealogy in the present. What led him to publicly champion the Portuguese language was a contemporary debate on the changes taking place in the language department at the University of Bombay (Cunha 1893, 190-191). In this historical justification of the importance of Portuguese, Gerson da Cunha clearly acknowledges the political meaning of languages, their uses in forging identities, and their intersections with notions of nationalism and colonialism. When consulting the organisation of the language courses at the University of Bombay, Gerson da Cunha noticed how Portuguese was placed alongside Maratha, Gujarati and Canarese, while French was grouped with Sanskrit, Latin, Greek and Hebrew. If the University of Bombay did not consider Portuguese the equal of other European or classical languages and placed it within the section of “Indian vernacular”, it would be better to simply abolish it, he argued. By relegating the Portuguese language to second-class status, the University of Bombay was not only marginalising a language but also the history of the Portuguese in India (Cunha 1893, 172). In order to reinforce his argument on the importance of Portuguese, he mentioned the work of Hugo Schuchardt, published in the 1880s, on the quantity of Portuguese dialects that were spoken in Africa and Asia – work on which he had collaborated.7 Portuguese being the official language in the regions under the rule of the Portuguese government was a fact that could be compared with the use of French in Pondicherry or that of English in Bombay. Just as religious conversions did not reflect the effort put into the Christianisation policies – the actual 7 “I have had the pleasure of contributing to this interesting study, namely to that part relating to the dialect of Ceylon. The New Testament was published in this dialect in 1852 by the Wesleyan Mission, and a Grammar of the dialect was printed at Colombo in 1811”. He must be referring to the Kreolische Studien, published by Hugo Schuchardt between 1882 and 1889. in and out of history 271 converted being very few when having in mind the high degree of investment – the state of the Portuguese language in Goa at the time did not reflect the effort put into its imposition. Even in the Indo-Portuguese communities of Bombay, Portuguese was largely being surpassed by English: “Peasants” did not understand it, and the “bourgeoisie” did not speak it frequently; only the higher classes used it. In this social categorisation, Gerson da Cunha is also showing his familiarity with the European contemporary language of social sciences, which stratified classes according to work, wealth and genealogy. Language could not be isolated from many other factors, which were used to characterise the Indo-Portuguese community. Gerson da Cunha argued for the learning of Portuguese amongst a minority elite through a historical digression on the uses of Portuguese in India since the 16th century in commerce, diplomacy and missions, as well as in educational establishments of a religious nature. In this incursion into the past, he wrote how Brahmins (“born missionaries”, in his words), when joining Catholic religious orders, had helped disseminate the Portuguese language in the world; an idea he had explored in previous publications (Cunha 1893, 168-191). In his study of Konkani, he had reinforced how “Brahmans were not mere copyists but authors of “several works in Konkani on Christianity”, as well as works in Tamil or Sinhalese (Cunha 1881, 36). Moreover, in his long essay on “Oriental Studies amongst the Portuguese”, he had made a list of all publications by these Indian Brahmin men missionaries and scholars. In contrast to the Portuguese, many of whom did not know how to read or write, Brahmins were literate already in childhood.8 Gerson da Cunha concluded by saying that despite the fact that only a few spoke and wrote it correctly, Portuguese was simply “beautiful” (Cunha 1893, 188). More than ten years after writing on Konkani, in a text that constitutes one of his harshest criticisms of the Portuguese colonial government and its strategy of linguistic annihilation, Gerson da Cunha also declares himself strongly in favour of the preservation of Portuguese as one of the languages of India. What could seem a contradiction – how was it possible to defend the language of the colonised and, simultaneously, that of the colonisers – can also be read as a valorisation of what was Goan in the general context of late 19th century India; and that meant valuing Portuguese as much as Konkani. It, mainly, meant valuing Portuguese in India, but outside Goa; and valuing Konkani in Goa. 8 Gerson da Cunha (1893, 186) considered music the great benefit of Portuguese elementary education because “Indian fellow subjects” hardly learnt any music at all. 278 ambiguous inclusions: inside out, outside in silences in relation to those episodes that “do not add to the glory of the nation (Cunha 1896, 254-255)”. As happened with the poet-soldier, Camões, by then already considered the greatest figure of Portuguese literary history, there were, in the present, many who only remembered the virtues of the nation and preferred to forget its crimes. Exclusions and inclusions in history are thus denounced by the scholar as ways of manipulating the narratives of the past, in a kind of criticism of fellow historians that inevitably values a critical voice (his own), one capable of confronting instead of excluding, even those parts of history that are not so flattering to the nation’s self-representation. Gerson da Cunha did not hide his great admiration for the historical character of Afonso de Albuquerque, who was the “great founder of the Portuguese empire in the East”, and “like Wellington”13, was very attentive to details (Cunha 1893, 177).14 But in relation to another much-cited reflection on the empire’s decadence – the marriage policy of Afonso de Albuquerque – Cunha’s position was clearly critical and was, in fact, very close to that voiced by Richard Burton, in his Goa and the Blue Mountains, and by other writers of contemporary British texts (Cunha 1876a, 302; Burton, 1991 [1851]; Kennedy 2005, 49-50). This episode belonging to the past – Albuquerque’s policy to encourage the marriage of Portuguese men with local Indian women – was usually referred to as a historical lesson pertinent to the debate that was taking place in the context of 19th century British India on the advantages and perils of policies enabling “mixture” as opposed to “separation”. Within this debate, this marriage policy was generally held as an example of what not to do. The present decadence of the Portuguese empire as the ultimate consequence of that and other policies. Gerson da Cunha recontextualised Albuquerque’s gesture in the tradition of the Roman Empire, only to classify it as an “experiment that has been found, now that it is too late to repair the evil, to be the source of grave evils to both parties.” This approach, which would fit in a British historiographical tradition, with which he clearly identifies himself, contrasts with later 13 Gerson da Cunha is referring to Arthur Wellesley (1st May 1769 – 14th September 1852), Duke of Wellington, prominent 19th century political and military figure, who was commander of the British troops in Portugal and Spain against the Napoleonic Invasions of the Iberian Peninsula in the early 19th century (1808-1813). 14 Albuquerque also appeared as a positive historical character amongst British authors, being considered fair and magnanimous and someone who had in mind native interests. See Hunter (1882, 268). in and out of history 279 interpretations of the same historical event, as happened with Gilberto Freyre’s “luso-tropicalismo”. Luso-Tropicalism was the concept that the Brazilian anthropologist developed to identify the practice and policy of “miscegenation” between white Portuguese men and women belonging to those Asian, American and African geographies under Portuguese rule. Religion was, of course, the most controversial issue of Portuguese colonialism in India. The violence of the conversion methods was frequently condemned by someone who, despite considering himself a Catholic, did not reveal the nature of his religiosity or the centrality of faith in his life. And even if Gerson da Cunha’s position cannot be reduced to a single viewpoint, he clearly tends to be critical of the Portuguese methods of imposing Christianity and eliminating Hinduism. Unlike the policy of the present rulers of Hindustan, which we hope will also be that of future eras, the spirit which guided the true missionary, in his noble task of imparting to the heathen the news of peace and good-will, was not of tolerance but of aggression. (Cunha 1880, 184) As an example of the Portuguese policy under which the natives were forced to change their faith, Gerson da Cunha mentioned the destructive urge against Hinduism shown by the Bishop of Goa, Fr. João Albuquerque (Spain, circa 1479 – Goa, 1553), by quoting a document that was kept at the Lisbon Torre do Tombo (Cunha 1880, 184-185).15 When the Inquisition was set up, the Bishop of Goa had ordered, according to Gerson da Cunha, the destruction of Hindu images and manuscripts, but did not forbid his subordinates to use the local languages as a means of conversion, something which enabled the writing of a series of grammars and vocabularies that were later published by the Goan official Press. In this plea for a politics of respect and tolerance towards other religions, Gerson da Cunha compared the contrasting attitudes of two different colonisers of India – the Portuguese of the past, and the British of the present, – and clearly revealed which side he was on. By doing so he, again, stood closer to BritishProtestant historical and policy approaches, in which Portuguese strategies regarding local religions were frequently contrasted, negatively, with those practised a few centuries later by the British. Cruelty, in fact, especially when 15 We do not know how Gerson da Cunha had access to this document. 280 ambiguous inclusions: inside out, outside in associated with religion, often appeared in descriptions of Portuguese India written by British or by Indians of British India (Hunter 1882, 268). Bhudev Mukhopadhyay (1827-1894), for example, considered Britain – as opposed to Spain, France or Portugal – the least cruel of the European nations.16 By writing “which we hope will also be that of future eras”, however, Cunha also clearly stated his position towards the present main colonial government of India, the British. One of the subjects of his book, Notes on the History and Antiquities of Chaul and Bassein was the contrast between the past glory and the present decadence of the empire, a persistent topic when treating Portuguese India’s history that was inseparable from religious factors.17 The Inquisition and the religious orders – that “imperium in imperio”, which Gerson da Cunha attributed to the Jesuits – were amongst the main causes of decadence (Cunha 1876c, viii). When, in 1878, he was invited by the Vatican to receive a decoration by the Pope, he confessed his surprise to his Italian friend, Angelo De Gubernatis.18 Yes, he was a Catholic Indian, a scholar and a doctor, but did they know what he had written against the Jesuits? Gerson da Cunha presented his criticism of the Jesuits, and his subsequent praise of the Marquis of Pombal’s policies towards them on various occasions (Cunha 1880, 193). Again, in his praise of the historical character of the Marquis and his criticism of the Companhia de Jesus, he is reproducing a common vision of contemporary British historiography, in which the Marquis represented modernity and the Enlightenment; and the Jesuits, the proof of Catholic excesses. Pombal, with his “great genius”, conceived the “admirable policy” of expelling the Jesuits and closing convents, “nests of idlers” more interested in selfish concerns than in establishing peace and good-will. Gerson da Cunha also made another harsh criticism, but in an indirect way: by quoting a text of another author stating that everything that the Jesuits built was destined for ruin and destruction.19 16 Cited by Raychaudhuri (2002, 70). 17 See Cunha (1876c, v-ix). I have written on this past glory, present decadence dichotomy in a text where I concentrate on his work on ruined cities (Vicente 2013, 227-278). 18 bncf, Manuscripts, Correspondance Angelo De Gubernatis, Corr. José Gerson da Cunha to Angelo De Gubernatis, Cass. 33, n.º 10 (Rome, Hotel Minerva, 29 November 1878). 19 See Cunha (1880, 187). He quoted Dr. Döllinger, in an article published in the Dublin University Magazine, in 1877: “the proverb about the Turks – saying that no grass grew under their steps – in and out of history 281 In another article in English, also destined for the readership of British India or Great Britain, he appealed for a historical recontextualisation of the Inquisition that “made the Portuguese rule odious to the mild inhabitants of the Konkan”. However, he argued, one could not read the feudal character of that time with contemporary ways of thinking codes, nor could one contrast the despotic militarism and the clerical supremacy of that period with the present, during which “the spirit of democracy pervades every political creed, and the French Revolution has taught nations their rights, as well as their duties” (Cunha 1887, 142; 1887-1889). In the same period, and in the same journal, he published an article on Dellon, the French doctor and traveller who went to Goa in the 17th century and wrote about his personal experience as a victim of the Goa Inquisition (Cunha 1887-1889). Gerson da Cunha explains why he considered Dellon’s memoir a “fabrication”, a “forgery” and a “fraud” but, at the same time, he is careful to add that his own “denial of the authenticity of the work certainly does not imply a defence of the Inquisition, which I have elsewhere condemned, as should every liberal-minded man, whether a Catholic or Protestant” (Cunha 1887-1889). how freely could he speak? writing on the contemporary british empire outside india In his article on the Buddha’s tooth and its cult in Ceylon – Mémoire sur l’histoire de la dent-relique de Ceylan précéde d’un essai sur la vie et la religion de Gautama Buddha –, Gerson da Cunha finished with a long quotation from Rodier that had no direct relation to the article’s subject and historical context, and which reflected on the relations between Europe and Asia, between European colonisers and colonised Indians. Les réglements orgueilleusement immuables, pour le corps et pour l’âme, que les théocrates de l’Inde ont eu la témérité d’imposer à la société, ont fini par y détruire tous les élements du progrès. Le génie hindou, autrefois si brillant, si fécond, si vivace, meurt étouffé dans could be applied to the Jesuits, whose buildings always became the victims of a tempest or a flood. By presenting this quotation, Cunha could criticise the Jesuits without exposing himself to criticism. He was criticising the Jesuits but he was doing so indirectly, by quoting someone with whom he agreed. At the same time, by quoting from a Dublin scholarly journal, he was displaying the cosmopolitan nature of his erudition” (Cunha 1880, 192). 282 ambiguous inclusions: inside out, outside in une camisole de force! Le dur contact de notre civilisation le réveillera peut-être! Espérons que les descendants des Arias trouveront, tôt ou tard, une compensation aux douleurs et aux humiliations qui leur inflige la prépondérance des Européens. (Cunha 1884b, 431-432) Gerson da Cunha was not the author of these words. However, by reproducing them as the epilogue of his text, wasn’t he criticising, to some degree, the successive governments that had oppressed India and Ceylon? Wasn’t this a kind of strategy destined to reveal his opinions, not only about historical events but also about present day India? Could the fact that Gerson da Cunha was publishing in a French journal, and not one of the scholarly journals of British India where he usually published, have given him more freedom of expression? Wasn’t this a way of defending an ancestral “Indianness” of the Aryans, a racial and cultural category being widely discussed at the time, and which was repressed through the successive European presences? And wasn’t this a stratagem to say what he could not say, with the advantage of doing so by using the legitimising words of a European? The same could be said about his private correspondence with his friend, the Italian Indianist Angelo De Gubernatis, and his collaboration with the Revue Internationale, one of many journals created by De Gubernatis in Italy. In this private correspondence, Gerson da Cunha could express himself more freely knowing his words would remain in a private sphere. While, his two articles for the Revue Internationale, as the India correspondent, Gerson da Cunha clearly felt free to voice his opinions on contemporary India. Published in Florence – a European country that had no colonial relations with India – but written in French, the Revue Internationale, as its name suggests, concentrated on contemporary events and literature from different nations. However, his manuscript articles do not exactly match his published articles. Having had access to the manuscript versions of the articles he sent to Gubernatis, as the journal editor, and being able to compare them to the published versions, I could verify how some of the more critical positions towards the British Government in India were erased from the final published article. Gubernatis clearly used his role as editor to exclude what he considered controversial or problematic. Therefore, Gerson da Cunha’s Indian voice as the India correspondent on current affairs, a voice that seemed freer in that remote Renaissance city of Florence, was somewhat contained and suppressed. In the two articles he sent to the journal, there is also a clear consciousness of the changing nature of colonial relationships, and of the fairly evident in and out of history 283 signs that announced the end of British India. The period in which Gerson da Cunha contributed to the Revue Internationale, 1884-85, was precisely that in which the Anglo-Russian conflict was simmering, due to the recent Russian occupation of some of the borders of the British Empire. Lord Curzon also considered Russia’s expansionist policy a threat to the British presence in India (Curzon 1892). Gerson da Cunha sometimes referred, albeit somewhat indirectly, to the possibility of Russia being the next coloniser of India. And he did so in a positive way, assuming that Russian colonisation would be a necessary transitional phase before Indian independence. Benedict Anderson’s ideas are pertinent when considering Cunha’s ways of imagining the future Indian nation, as well as when thinking of his multiple identities. Both in Imagined Communities and in Under Three Flags, Anderson’s work was especially pioneering in grasping the relevance of 19th century colonial scholarly elites in imagining a post-colonial future (Anderson 1991, 2005). In the intimacy of a letter sent to Angelo De Gubernatis, in Florence, the Goan Historian wrote what he most probably could not write elsewhere: “The Russian domination, which sooner or later [my italics] will follow the British, will be an important phase of our political evolution or, to use a somewhat impressive Italian expression, in our Risorgimento [underlined in the manuscript].”20 By establishing this comparison between the Indian case and the recent process of Italian unification that led to the birth of the Italian nation, in 1861, united under the same king, the Goan stated his belief in the future – “sooner or later” – independence of India. Colonised yesterday by the Portuguese, and today by the British, India would be colonised tomorrow by the Russians and, the day after tomorrow, which was not too remote, there would be only “India”: a non-colonised India. In this teleological reflection, Gerson da Cunha imagined a nation without the presence of foreign colonisers and, even if he gives no dates, there is a certain sense of imminence, of inevitability in the words “sooner or later” that he uses in his letter. Here, as well as in other of his writings, we can, as mentioned before, trace many of Benedict Anderson’s ideas of how communities were imagined before being (Anderson 1991). In another letter to his Italian friend based in Florence, he sent his compliments to the Russian princesses living in Florence and whom 20 Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze – Manoscritti – Carteggio Angelo De Gubernatis – Corresp. José Gerson da Cunha para Angelo De Gubernatis, n.º 6 (Roma, Hotel Minerva, 20th October 1878). This reflection on Russia and India was prompted by a photograph Angelo De Gubernatis had sent him of Princess Galitzine, a Russian princess whom the Goan had met in Florence. 284 ambiguous inclusions: inside out, outside in he referred to as the “future rulers of my country, rulers that, we hope, will be the last foreign domination that will precede our emancipation”.21 In another letter, he wished the Russian princesses a long life, so that one day they could arrive in India and cause “the British to panic”.22 In the article published in the Revue Internationale, destined for a European public, Cunha also felt free enough to muse about the advantages of a hypothetical Russian dominion of India, mainly when compared to the British colonialism of the present.23 While the British would “leave India impoverished and underdeveloped” because they had conquered India as adventurers and had colonised it like Greeks, by not mixing with the local populations and by being avaricious; the Russians would colonise India like ancient Romans, mixing with the Indians. At the same time, they would contribute to the unification of India, resolving its religious differences and the conflicts caused by the caste system. The Russian example, Gerson da Cunha goes on, with its honesty, would also inspire the Indian people with a spirit of nationality, “which will inevitably place the elder brother of the Aryan family on the pedestal he is entitled to and which is sanctioned by history”.24 Despite being married to a Russian and having a special interest in Russian culture, his Italian friend Gubernatis did not seem to agree: in his Indian travel diary, he states that a hypothetical Russian invasion of India would be 21 And when Prince Galitzine, brother of the “beautiful Russian princesses” went on a trip to Bombay, Gerson da Cunha offered him his hospitality. Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze – Manoscritti – Carteggio Angelo De Gubernatis – Corresp. José Gerson da Cunha para Angelo De Gubernatis, n.º 16 (Bombay, 37 Hornby Road, 17th March 1879); Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze – Manoscritti – Carteggio Angelo De Gubernatis – Corresp. José Gerson da Cunha para Angelo De Gubernatis, n.º 22 (Bombay, 39 Hornby Road, 14th June 1881); Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze – Manoscritti – Carteggio Angelo De Gubernatis – Corresp. José Gerson da Cunha para Angelo De Gubernatis, n.º 23 (Bombay, 39 Hornby Road, 26th July 1881). 22 Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze – Manoscritti – Carteggio Angelo De Gubernatis – Corresp. José Gerson da Cunha para Angelo De Gubernatis, n.º 20 (Bombay, 39, Hornby Road, 1st January 1880). He also wrote that this British aversion towards the Russians was “the same aversion that Mahomet had towards bacon”, a common derogatory Portuguese expression. 23 Gerson da Cunha’s interest in Russia was also latent in the article he published in the English language journal Bombay Gazette in 1879, on the education of women in Russia. Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze – Manoscritti – Carteggio Angelo De Gubernatis – Corresp. José Gerson da Cunha para Angelo De Gubernatis, n.º 17 (Bombay, 37 Hornby Road, 1st August 1879). 24 [“que deve acabar por colocar o irmão mais velho da família ariana no pedestal que lhe cabe de direito, e que a história sanciona”]. in and out of history 285 of no benefit because Russia was not more civilised than India. Therefore, Indians wouldn’t benefit at all by changing “landlords” (De Gubernatis 1887, 321-322). In his role as the Indian correspondent, Gerson da Cunha sent his “Lettre des Indes Orientales” to the first issue of the magazine at the end of 1883. In it, he identified the state of contemporary India as one of crisis and transition (Cunha 1883b, 202-204; 1884a, 829-831). He started to refer to the widely repeated dichotomy between oriental apathy, on the one hand; and, on the other, the active nature of western peoples said to be affecting the apathy in the Orient.25 The contemplative and even servile nature of the Indians was changing, thanks to European colonialism, into a transitional process favouring a closer and friendlier relationship between the two worlds. The “Indian of the 19th century”, Cunha declared, “thinks, moves, communes in mind and sympathy with his Aryan brother of the West, recalls the past greatness of his native country, feels keenly his present partial bondage and aspires to a future full of more promises of success and prosperity.”26 Arianism, here, serving to unite Easte and West, and somehow subverting the inequalities institutionalized by colonial rule. the reawakening of a nation: india after the foreign invaders In the second manuscript article Gerson da Cunha sent to be published in the Florentine journal, he highlighted the recent passage of power from Lord Ripon to Lord Dufferin and the grandeur of the acclamation ceremonies with which Lord Ripon was bid farewell. However, the Indians had been very unhappy: “ten centuries of tyranny and oppression by foreign [underlined in the manuscript] invaders have made them nearly forget that theirs was one of the seats of an ancient and advanced civilisation”. When a Viceroy gave the Indians the political right of “municipal self-government” – a right that 25 See Cunha (1883b, 202). Ronald Inden (1986; 2000 [1990]) analyses the persistence of these essentialist images of India in contrast with European values and ideas. 26 Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze – Manoscritti – Carteggio Angelo De Gubernatis – Corresp. José Gerson da Cunha para Angelo De Gubernatis, n.º 32 (Bombay 23rd November 1883). The article, written in English, is sent along with this letter; Cunha (1883b, 203). 286 ambiguous inclusions: inside out, outside in had been present in the Indian village communities from time immemorial, – their gratitude was enormous. This happened, according to Gerson da Cunha because in the last ten centuries “of darkness”, the Indian people had received more “blows than kisses, more kicks than pence!”, and had forgotten the privileges they once possessed. Now the process was unstoppable. When a people were taught about their rights, this people started questioning itself about the evolution of these rights. If they encountered resistance, on the other hand, this progressive evolution would transform itself into revolution. However, as Gerson da Cunha pointed out, rights also meant duties, and these were the last thing on which the masses reflected. “The inauguration of a spirit of nationality among the natives of this country” had been, in his opinion, the greatest revelation of the transition of power. Gerson da Cunha’s argument would be oft-repeated in the future but, in 1884, was still latent. India had much to gain by maintaining its relationship with the most progressive, enlightened, intelligent and energetic nation of Europe, but Britain would have to gradually adjust to India’s demands. The coloniser had to please the colonised and win its good-will, mainly when facing the threat of a potential rival such as Russia. Just as the Portuguese had done when they became more benevolent with the natives at the beginning of the 17th century, when the British had arrived in Surat, argued Gerson da Cunha, so the British had to please the Indians when the Russians arrived in Kabul. The published article did not print this sentence or idea, nor did it print the section of the article in which he reflected on the meaning of the 1857 Mutiny, while comparing it with the excesses displayed by the masses present when Lord Ripon ceded power.27 Clearly Gubernatis must have thought that Cunha’s openness was too bold. In regard to the public’s apparent loyalty to the British Crown, the Indian correspondent noted that there was always an element of precariousness in any foreign government. In India, many had read the manifestations of joy towards the ex-viceroy – Lord Ripon – as a sign of the success and permanence of Britain’s relationship with India.28 Gerson da Cunha, however, had doubts. And to demonstrate them, he gave an example of historical parallelism 27 Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze – Manoscritti – Carteggio Angelo De Gubernatis – Corresp. José Gerson da Cunha para Angelo De Gubernatis, n.º 37 (Bombay, Hornby Road, 25th December 1883). 28 Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze – Manoscritti – Carteggio Angelo De Gubernatis – Corresp. José Gerson da Cunha para Angelo De Gubernatis, n.º 37 (Bombay, Hornby Road, 25th December 1883). in and out of history 287 taken from “Portuguese India’s” past: those manifestations of joy had been analogous to what took place in the “flourishing Portuguese Empire in the East”. When D. João de Castro returned to Goa after the conquest of Diu, the natives offered him golden flowers and the merchants of Cambaia spread out their richest and most beautiful cotton and silk cloths, so that he could walk between the galleon and the cathedral. And what was the result of all of these native acclamations of the “last hero”, and the congratulations of all the Hindu and Muslim princes of India? Nowadays, argued Cunha, not even the most cultivated native of India remembers the name of D. João de Castro. This forgotten name stood in clear contrast to the names of contemporary natives, whose memory was still alive, and was preserved in popular ballads: “Such is the destiny of all foreign rulers, most benevolent though they be.” Gerson da Cunha ended this reflection with praise of D. João de Castro’s character, followed by the reference to an event that again enabled him to establish a comparison between the two colonial empires: the Portuguese empire of the past and the British empire of the present. D. João de Castro died poor, assisted by St. Francis Xavier, whose Tomb-Relic in Velha Goa Lord Ripon had visited recently. The epilogue of the Portuguese empire was already known, while the epilogue of the British was yet to be written. It would, however, be similar, Gerson da Cunha suggested. Gubernatis, however, did not seem to think the reflections on contemporary British India should be included in the published version, and omitted many of the pages Gerson da Cunha had written.29 Was the Italian troubled by his friend’s comments, which seemed to announce the end of the British colonial government in India? Were these reflections too problematic to be published in the journal edited by someone who was considered the major Italian figure in Indian studies, and who was about to depart on a major journey to India where he needed the support of the British Government of India? The exclusions Gubernatis decided to make reveal that even away from India, not everything could be said. Gerson da Cunha’s free speech – words written in Portuguese and sent to an Italian city to be translated into French – were still subject to a censorship that we can only explain by asking questions rather than by rehearsing any clear answer. 29 Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze – Manoscritti – Carteggio Angelo De Gubernatis – Corresp. José Gerson da Cunha para Angelo De Gubernatis, n.º 37 (Bombay, 25th December 1884); This second article as correspondent was published two months after, on 25th February 1884: Cunha (1884a, 829-831). 294 ambiguous inclusions: inside out, outside in exclusion of Portuguese from the range of European languages taught at the University of Bombay in the late 19th century. He does not, therefore, enable us to draw simple conclusions, and even less to establish linear dichotomies between those who sided with the foreign colonisers and those with the colonised Indian. His criticism of Portuguese colonial practices focused mainly on the past and was expressed in his scholarly publications, and was therefore historical in nature. With British India, however, his critical eye tended to address contemporary events and was mainly conveyed through journalistic writing and private correspondence. This division was also an object of my reflection. Policies and practices of exclusion and inclusion – and the dialogues and conflicts over what should be included or “excluded” – were embedded in all colonial spaces and Gerson da Cunha participated in this debate through his historical and journalistic writings. However, I tried to analyse, his audience – the people who were going to read him and the places where he was going to be read – determined what he wrote on India’s present or past. He was conscious of their specificity and adapted his discourse, politics and criticism accordingly and this was not by chance. His position and identity determined what he could say and to whom he could say it. The fact that Gerson da Cunha was Goan and could read Portuguese, along with other European and Indian languages, was determinant in the choice of historical subjects he chose to research and write about. It was also important for the cosmopolitan community with which he interacted, socially as well as in his role as doctor with a medical practice. By belonging to different worlds, and constantly crossing, literally and historically, the borders between Portuguese and British India, Cunha was able to make comparisons and connections between different histories and historiographies. This contrasted with the majority of written scholarly production, which tended to remain separate and unaware of each other: on one side, the work written in English, published in British India or in London, and concentrating on the geographies and experiences of the British presence in India; and on the other, the bibliography published in Portuguese, in Goa or in Lisbon, and focused on the Portuguese presence in certain Indian regions, mainly in Goa, since the 16th century. This, as we have seen, had two main results: it enabled him to establish unusual comparisons and crossings between both dominant colonising experiences in India, while also meaning that he was not incorporated in either of the historiographies dealing with Portuguese and British India. in and out of history 295 Situated between these two traditions – the Portuguese and the British – Gerson da Cunha was never fully acknowledged by either of them. In a historical period – the second half of the 19th century – in which different European colonial governments ruled India with the obvious predominance of the British, there were different national historiographical traditions depending on the place where the writing was taking place and on who was writing. These tended to concentrate on different periods and different subjects, and were written in different languages, by scholars who worked in different archives and quoted different historians. Paradoxically, as I have suggested, it was this belonging to many places while not belonging to a single one – the fact that Gerson da Cunha was always on the borders of different worlds – that contributed to his invisibility as a historian and his exclusion from the canon, as a producer of knowledge on the history of India. acknowledgements I thank my friend Naomi Parker, from the Department of Portuguese and Brazilian Studies at Brown University, for the thorough revision of this text, and I thank my dear Gerson da Cunha, an Indian stage and film actor, social worker, activist, journalist, author and adverstising executive, descendant of José Gerson da Cunha, who from the beginning of my research on his family has been a friend and a supporter. ____________________________________ filipa lowndes vicente Instituto de Ciências Sociais, Universidade de Lisboa Av. 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