Griffins from the Danube. Early La Tène sword in decorated scabbard from Sotin, Eastern Croatia
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Griffins from the Danube. Early La Tène sword in decorated scabbard from Sotin, Eastern Croatia Ivan Drnić ABSTRACT Early La Tène sword in decorated scabbard, kept in the Archaeological museum in Zagreb, was found in the late 19th and early 20th century in the village of Sotin in eastern Croatia. Through typological, technical, and iconographic analyses of the sword and scabbard decoration (pair of dragons / griffins), the paper discuss introduction of the La Tène culture to southeastern Pannonia and its position in the wider cultural and historical processes that took place in the second half of the 4th and the beginning of the 3rd century BC in central and southeastern Europe. KEY WORDS Early La Tène, southeastern Pannonia, sword in scabbard, decoration of pair of dragons / griffins. INTRODUCTION– THE SITE OF SOTIN Throughout the European preand protohistory, the Danube was an important communication axis connecting areas between the Black Forest in the heart of Central Europe and the Pontic littoral. Thus, it is not surprising that the Danubian region of Croatia is extraordinarily rich in archaeological heritage from all periods testifying to this connectivity. This is also the case of the La Tène culture which– through complex cultural processes– became the dominant material culture in the discussed region in the second half of the 4th century BC marking thus the transition between the Early and Late Iron Age. Asignificant point in the research of the La Tène culture in the Croatian Danube region and in south -eastern Pannonia in general is the site in the village of Sotin on the right bank of the Danube River, about ten kilometres south -east of the town of Vukovar in eastern Croatia (Fig. 1). The first finds from there came to the collection of the National Museum of Zagreb in the late 19th century and early 20th century both through the activities of the Museum’scommissioners and through sales by locals as was acommon practice at that time. It is in this period that the National Museum acquired the well -known Late La Tène grave assemblages from the nearby site of Zmajevac, situated roughly 2 km south -east of the village (Majnarić -Pandžić 19711972; Božič 1981, pl. 8: 4–8, pl. 9). With the exception of several minor rescue interventions, no archaeological excavation was carried out in Sotin up until 2008. Luckily enough, surface finds and spatial data were diligently collected by Mate Ilkić and presented in his MA thesis (Ilkić 1999) as well as in several subsequent studies, providing thus asolid framework for further investigation of the site (Ilkić 2011a; 2011b; Drnić 2013, 61–62, fig. 2: 7–8, pl. 1: 5–6, pl. 2: 1–6). The Late Iron Age settlement is localized on the high Danube terrace between the Popino brdo elevation in the north and Srednje polje in the south -east, as was confirmed by the excavations carried out by the Institute of Archaeology in Zagreb and of the Vukovar Municipal Museum. It is delimited by the Danube to the east while its western border is set by Marko Diz - dar (2010, 16, 22) to the western edge of the present day Sotin village based on the distribution STUDIA HERCYNIA XXIV/2, 98–126
99IVAN DRNIĆ of surface finds (Fig. 2:2). Ilkić on the other hand considered the Late Iron Age settlement to be considerably smaller and drew its debatable western limit along the eastern border of the present day village, at the foothill of the raised Danube terrace (Ilkić 2010, 11–12) (Fig. 2:1). In any case, this controversy can only be resolved by future research. It is worth mentioning that in the case of Sotin Late Iron Age settlement, traces of ramparts, characteristic of fortified settlements in south -eastern Pannonia, have not been detected so far. Surface finds from this area (costume elements such as chain belt links, brooches, and glass bracelet fragments; coins; metal vessel fragments) mostly date to the Middle and Late La Tène period (LT C2–D2), although rare Early La Tène finds attest acertain human activity in the area already in the late 4th century and early 3rd century BC.These include fragments of bracelets decorated with plastically formed vertical ribs with knobs and brooches which– based on their drawings– seem to be semi -products (Fig. 3; Ilkić 1999, 77, 80–81, pl. 21: 1–3, 24: 1, 4–5, 10). The brooch in fig. 3: 1 has two ribs on the upper side of the bow which is characteristic of the brooch type Karaburma 63 dated to LT B2, corresponding with the phase Belgrade 1 according to the local relative Late Iron Age chronology (Božič 1981, 317, 333, pl. 1: 15). This could demonstrate that aworkshop producing alocal variety of Duchcov type brooches, Fig. 1: Position of the village of Sotin and its aerial photograph (map: d -maps.com, photo: Mario Faubert / Air Photo Max). Fig. 2: 1– Position of the La Tène settlement in Sotin: 1 – after Ilkić 2010; 2– after Dizdar 2010.
100 STUDIA HERCYNIA XXIV/2 worn in various Iron Age communities in the western Balkans and south -eastern Pannonia at the turn of the 4th–3rd centuries BC (Marić 2015), is to be localized in the site of Sotin. The mentioned bracelets also belong to the same cultural region. It is to the same chronological horizon of the Sotin settlement to which it is possible to date the sword which will be the subject of the following text. THE EARLY LT SWORD IN ASCABBARD FROM SOTIN Besides the mentioned Late La Tène graves from the Zmajevac position, the presence of other graves somewhere in the Sotin area is suggested by several stray finds kept in the deposit of the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb. These include elements of costume and jewellery (brooches, bracelets etc.), but also swords as well as spear heads which had been ritually bent prior to the deposition in the grave as is characteristic of the burial customs, mostly in incineration graves, of the La Tène culture. Artefacts from the phases LT C1–C2, and LT D are represented; the earliest objects, however, date as far back as to LT B2 (Majnarić Pandžić 1970, 92–94, pl. 32–38). One of these finds is awell -preserved sword, 72.4 cm long (inv. no. P-21029) (Majnarić Pandžić 1970, 93, pl. 33: 4–4a). The blade is of arhomboid section, 4.5 cm broad at the hilt and gradually tapering towards the pointed tip. The blade shoulders are convex and the tang, rectangular in section, is 12 cm long with the remains of adamaged small plate on the top (Fig. 4). The traces of repairs and soldering roughly in the middle of the blade attest that the sword had been bent originally, probably as apart of the burial ritual, and straightened after it was found in recent times. The scabbard is 58 cm long, its breadth at the mouth is 5 cm (Fig. 4). Unfortunately, its chape, i.e. the component which is most significant for its typological and chronological classification, has not been preserved. The scabbard was made from two iron sheets; the edges of Fig. 3: Early La Tène brooches and bracelets from the La Tène settlement in Sotin (after Ilkić 1999).
101IVAN DRNIĆ Fig. 4: Early La Tène sword in adecorated scabbard from Sotin (drawing: M. Galić; photo: I. Krajcar)
102 STUDIA HERCYNIA XXIV/2 the frontal plate are folded over those of the rear one. The entirely preserved symmetrical suspension loop was fixed to the scabbard backside with rivets passing through its small rounded loop plates. On the front side, just beneath the low, slightly bell -shaped scabbard mouth there are the remains of figural decoration executed by engraving. Although it is largely destroyed by corrosion, the preserved remains still permit an unequivocal interpretation. Two antithetic figures can be distinguished on the surfaces damaged by corrosion. Abeak and asmall part of aconcave outline of the front body part remain from the left figure while abeak, apart of the head with atriangular ear, and asomewhat bigger part of the concave body are preserved from the figure on the right. These traits suggest that the depiction represents apair of dragons which can be classified as type Iin the typology of José Maria de Navararro (de Navarro 1959; de Navarro 1972, 217–218) or type 2A griffins (griffons de schéma initial) according to the newer typology of Natalie Ginoux (2007, 44–48, 102–104, tab.2). ARCHAEOLOGICAL AND CULTURAL CONTEXT In the Croatian -Serbian Danube area, Early La Tène swords appeared in graves dated to the last third of the 4th century and the beginning of the 3rd century BC, i.e. in the phase LT B2 of the Central European relative chronology. This earliest Late Iron Age horizon was traditionally interpreted in the context of the mass migration of Celtic tribes from the north of the Carpathian Basin, accompanied by the spread of the La Tène material culture. These Celts quickly seized power in the region and by mixing with local populations created atribal alliance known from the ancient sources as the Scordisci (Todorović 1968; Papazoglu 1969; Majnarić -Pandžič 1970; Todorović 1974; Jovanović 1987; Tasić 1992, etc.). However, theoretical and methodological progress in the interpretation of ancient written sources but also of material culture as well as the employment of natural science methods, such as stable isotope analysis, made it clear that the migrations and the related cultural, social, and political processes taking place in Central Europe, the Carpathian Basin, and finally also south- -eastern Pannonia, were much more complex than that described in the brief accounts of ancient authors and– uncritically– interpreted by archaeologists and historians (Džino 2007; Hauschild 2010; Scheeresetal. 2013; Scheeres 2014; Scheeresetal. 2014; Mihajlović 2019, etc.). An unfortunate circumstance complicating the interpretation of this phenomenon in the territory of south -east Pannonia is the almost dissipating lack of information concerning the settlements of the second half of the 4th century and most of the 3rd century BC.Thus, archaeological analysis relies almost exclusively on data from burials and on chance finds without aclear archaeological context– as is, after all, the case of the Sotin sword– which significantly limits their interpretative potential. The picture presented by afew dozen LT B2 grave assemblages from south -eastern Pannonia is that aheterogeneous female costume consisting of Early Iron Age elements on the one hand and on the other hand from La Tène pieces (which after all appeared in southern Pannonia as early as the Čurug phase of the Early Iron Age at the beginning of the 4th century BC (Božič 1981). Besides the, so to say, ‘genuine’ La Tène objects, there are also those adapted to local tastes, such as the already mentioned Karaburma 63 type brooches and plastically decorated bracelets, which found their way to the costumes of various Late Iron Age communities in south -eastern Pannonia and the western Balkans (Marić 2015). On the other hand, male graves contain weaponry characteristic of the La Tène culture. Appearing in the second half of the 4th century and in the early 3rd century BC they– according to some authors– correspond chronologically with the historically documented movements of
103IVAN DRNIĆ Celts during the so -called great expansion (Rapin 1991; 1995). These sets of weaponry, documented in hundreds of graves in Western and Central Europe and in northern Italy, consist of asword, abelt adapted to ascabbard attachment, aspear, and ashield; occasionally ahelmet may appear, e.g. in agrave from Batina (Croatia) (Vinski -Gasparini 1959, 281, fig. 12–13). It is important to stress that the quantity of weaponry known to date from the territory of south -east Pannonia from to late 4th century and early 3rd century (LT B2), i.e. the period immediately preceding the Celtic campaign to Greece beginning in 280 BC, amounts to ahandful of grave assemblages and several chance finds, and does not in any way imply aconcentration of alarge number of warriors rallying in the region to set off for the fateful march to the south. On the other hand, it is reasonable to assume an intense circulation of smaller mobile groups of warriors, which is suggested by the uniformity of weaponry in the vast territory between the Atlantic coast and the Carpathian Basin, including northern and Central Italy; either as raiders or as mercenaries. Such groups of warriors came into contact with the Mediterranean world already in the first half of the 4th century BC (Rustoiu 2006; 2008; Kavur– Blečić Kavur 2014). Being barbarian foreigners, equipped with weapons produced in the La Tène style and fighting in aparticular way, they were seen by the Mediterranean authors as ahomogenous group– the Celts. Unlike personal ornaments, weaponry made in the tradition of the La Tène material culture is not documented in Late Hallstatt graves of the south -eastern Pannonian Syrmian group. The only exception would be the phalerae from Late Hallstatt horse burial 1 from the Vinkovci -Nama site (Majnarić -Pandžić 2003, 490–494, fig. 8–10). However, some swords, but also belt buckles and the fittings of sword belts have been found in the south -eastern Alpine region, for example in warrior graves in Magdalenska gora -Laščik (Slovenia) (Gabrovec 1987, 72, fig. 6: 1; Tecco Hvala 2012, 133–134, fig. 52: 5–8) and Novo Mesto -Kapiteljska njiva (Slovenia) (Križ 2013, 48, 143–144, fig. 42, pl. 68: 8), dated to the Negau phase of the Doljenska group, which document contacts between the local late Hallstatt elites and the elites from the Alpine regions and northern Italy (Teržan 2014). The cultural processes occurring in the second half of the 4 th century BC in the south- -eastern Alps and south -western Pannonia, marking the transition between the Early and Late Iron Age, were complex and anything but straightforward. For example, at Kapiteljska njiva cemetery in Novo mesto the continuity in burying is attested in the same area in the Early (barrows) and Late Iron Age (flat graves) with some similar aspects of material culture, such as hand -made pottery, showing that in the course of the late 4th century BC the local Hallsatt population adopted some elements of the La Tène material culture without itself undergoing any significant structural transformations. These laténian elements, including weaponry, were probably brought here by the communication networks established ageneration or two earlier, as shown above. However, typical Hallstatt grave assemblages with two spears and axes (tomb 160) also appear among the dominant La Tène weaponry, and in grave 458 there was an interesting combination of ashafted axe, characteristic of the Doljenska group, and aband -shaped shield boss typical for the La Tène culture (Fig. 5: 1; Križ 2005, 67–68, 93–94, pl. 39: 3–5, 7, 13, pl. 77: 3–4). Asimilar combination is witnessed in an incineration grave discovered recently in the vicinity of the Srpnica village in Soča Valley, Slovenia, with an axe, abent spear head, and adecorated bivalve shield boss (Laharnar– Mlinar 2019). On the other hand, small cemeteries from Srednica near Ptuj, Slovenia (Lubšina Tušek– Kavur 2011) and Orehova vas near Maribor, Slovenia (Grahek 2015) with only afew graves from LT B2 and grave goods manufactured exclusively in the La Tene style (including weapons), imply an influx of anew population in the region, probably small groups of colonists coming from the north. Ahybrid panoply was registered also in the south -eastern part of Pannonia, in skeletal grave 30 at Pećine cemetery in Kostolac (Serbia), dated to LT B2, where an Early La Tène spear -
104 STUDIA HERCYNIA XXIV/2 head with abroad blade and a40 cm long knife with aslightly curved blade were placed next to the inhumed warrior (Fig. 5: 2; Jovanović, B. 2018, 75–77, fig. 25, pl. 36–37). This type of fighting knife or single edge short sword, sometimes labeled as afalchion or falcata, originating from the Greek world, was part of awarrior’sequipment in the 5th century and probably the first half of the 4th century BC in southern Pannonia (Vučedol, Croatia: Brunšmid 1902, 69, fig. 26; Teržan 1977, 20, fig. 4: 12; Donja Dolina, Bosnia and Herzegovina: Truhelka 1904, pl. 44: 13, pl. 49: 5, pl 50: 3, pl. 60: 2, etc.) and the western Balkans (Sanski Most, Bosnia and Herzegovina: Fiala 1899, fig. 20, 48, 78, 88, 149, 176). With the appearance of the La Tène culture in south -eastern Pannonia in the second half of the 4th century BC the fighting style changed, but also the way in which the warrior identity was expressed in the burial rite. Both these aspects are reflected in the appearance of new weapon sets. One of the most significant novelties was the introduction of two -edged swords, one of the most emblematic objects of the La Tène culture. The size and shape of this cut -and -thrust weapon show that it was used in combination with aspear and shield mainly by foot -soldiers. They were carried in iron sheet scabbards with around (Hatvan– Boldog– Münsingen type), heart -shaped, or rhomboid chape (Petres– Szabó 1985; 1992; Lejars 1994), decorated in some cases with the motif of azoomorphic lyre (type 1) or apair of griffins (type 2a–c). Somewhat later scabbards were even decorated with lozenge motifs applied in the early Hungarian sword style, as is the case with the piece from Batina (Vinski Gasparini 1959, 281–282, fig. 18; Szabó– Petres 1992, 108, cat. no. 102, pl. 99). Fig. 5: 1– Grave 458 from Kapiteljska njiva in Novo mesto (after Križ 2005); 2– grave 30 from Pećine near Kostolac (after Jovanović, B. 2018).
105IVAN DRNIĆ In south -eastern Pannonia, Early La Tène swords have been found in several graves from the cemetery of Belgrade -Karaburma, Serbia (Fig. 8: 2, 11: 1, 13: 1; graves 22/23, 51, 66, 71, and 111: Todorović 1972, 17, 24, 28, 34–35, pl. 7: 2, 19: 2, 25: 1, 33: 4; Božič 1981, 317, pl. 2, 10: 1–3), in grave 38 from Pećine near Kostolac (Jovanović 2014, 28, fig. 5; Jovanović, B. 2018, 91–94, fig. 33, 63, pl. 47–48), in aquestionable grave assemblage 29 in Zeleno Polje in Osijek, Croatia (Spajić 1962, 40–41, pl. 16: 12; Božič 1981, 317, pl. 2, 6: 1), and in disturbed graves from Požarevac, Serbia (Fig. 11: 2; Božič 1981: 317, pl. 2, 6: 5), Batina (Vinski -Gasparini 1959, 282, pl. 1:1; Todorović 1968, 139, pl. 3–5; Szabó 1991, 309; Szabó– Petres 1992, 108, cat. no. 102, pl. 99), and Čalma, Serbia (Jovanović, M. 2018, 11–13, fig. 2). Apart from the above described sword in ascabbard from Sotin, isolated finds attesting the presence of– unfortunately not preserved– warrior graves of the earliest Late Iron Age horizon of southern Pannonia (LT B2) are documented from Dalj (Fig. 7: 2; Majnarić -Pandžić 1970, 81, pl. 8: 1–1a.), Mikluševac, Croatia (Fig. 7: 3; Majnarić -Pandžić 1970, 91, pl. 29: 3), Lipovac, Croatia (Fig. 9: 2; Majnarić -Pandžić 1970, 102, pl. 56: 1), Šarengrad, Croatia (Fig. 7: 1; Brunšmid 1900, 68, fig. 58; Majnarić -Pandžić 1970, 91, pl. 29: 1), Ruma, Serbia (Todorović 1968, 149, pl. 41: 1–3; Szabó– Petres 1992, 116, cat. no. 137, pl. 123: 1), and Kupinovo, Serbia (fig. 7: 4–6; Drnić 2015, 129, pl. 1: 1–2, pl. 12: 1). (Fig. 6). CONSTRUCTION OF THE EARLY LA TÈNE SWORDS There are certain differences between these swords in terms of construction details, mainly as far as the blade shape is concerned. The most numerous group is comprised of the swords with arhombic blade cross section, followed by those with amidrib whose function was– in asimilar way to the spear heads– to strengthen the blade structure (Fig. 8: 1 - Osijek -Zeleno polje, grave 29; Fig. 11: 2 - Požarevac; Fig. 11: 3 - Lipovac), and swords with alens -shaped blade section (Fig. 7: 4; Kupinovo). Beginning in LT B2 ageneral trend can be observed in La Tène swords in which their length increases and in later stages their previously sharp tip becomes blunter, transforming them thus by LT D1 from afoot -soldier cut -and -thrust sword into an Fig. 6: Distribution of Early La Tène swords and scabbards in the south -east Alps and southern Pannonia (small dot – one specimen; large dot – more specimens; black – zoomorphic lyre; transparent - pair of griffins).
106 STUDIA HERCYNIA XXIV/2 up to 1-meter -long cavalry weapon adapted only for cuts (Lejars 1996; Dizdar 2009b; etc.). In spite of this general trend, there is aconsiderable size variation of the swords from Early La Tène contexts (or featuring clear Early La Tène characteristics). Their length ranges from 69.5 cm in the case of the sword from Kupinovo (Fig. 7: 4) up to the extreme 88 cm of the find from grave 1 in Orehova vas near Maribor (Grahek 2015, 295, fig. 3: 1). The Sotin sword, with its 72.4 cm, falls within the shorter examples of this range. Here we have to keep in mind the necessarily individual character of weaponry which to acertain extent could have been adapted to the personal needs and stature of each individual swordsman. It is, however, also possible, that the size variation may reflect different fighting techniques with the large examples enabling its use both on foot and mounted. This hypothesis is supported by two relatively long swords (length over 80 cm) discovered in Bizjakova hiša near Kobarid (Mlinar– Gerbec 2011, cat. nos. 3–5), acultic context with astrong cavalry component– which further yielded also several bits and metallic components of ahorse harness as well as osteological remains of at least six horses of the so -called western Celtic type (Toškan 2011). DECORATION OF THE EARLY LA TÈNE SCABBARDS (DRAGON PAIR MOTIF / MOTIFS OF AGRIFFIN PAIR AND ZOOMORPHIC LYRE) As has already been described, the scabbard of the Sotin sword is decorated with apair of griffins (type 2A). De Navarro in his classification of the motif (‘dragon pair type I’ in his typology) put forth its origin in the Carpathian Basin under the influence of Scythian models Fig. 7: Early La Tène swords and scabbards from south -eastern Pannonia: 1– Šarengrad; 2– Dalj; 3– Mikluševci (photo: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb); 4–6– Kupinovo (after Drnić 2015).
113IVAN DRNIĆ from the same site it is possible to assume, with some precaution, that the chain was used for suspending the scabbard (Fig. 11: 3; Majnarić -Pandžić 1970, 102, pl. 56: 1–4). As many as five longer chain elements of this type come from the destroyed graves from Kupinovo (Fig. 12; Drnić 2015, 64-65, pl. 29: 1–3, 5; pl. 44: 2), and one shorter piece is kept with the finds obtained during non -professional early 20th century excavations in Dalj (Fig. 11: 4). Curiously, only asingle chain element of the Karabuma 111 type is known from the territory of the Mokoronog group, that from grave 9 from the site of Kandija in Novo mesto. It was published as adrawing in 1950 (Stare 1950, 47, fig. 12), but unfortunately its present condition does not allow for any further analysis. It is important to point out that some of the chain elements, including those of Karaburma 111 type, used in the LT B2–C1 belt sets in the Carpathian Basin are identical to those used in female costumes so that in the case of chance finds without aclear archaeological context it is not possible to distinguish whether they come from male or female graves. Most of the graves with female costumes that include chain elements of the Karaburma 111 type are registered in western and north -western parts of the Carpathian Basin (Horváth 1987, 89–90, 106–107, 123, pl. 11: 11, 21: 8a, 32: 8; Bujna 2011, 74–75, type Gk -B). In an effort to produce more comfortable belt sets, certain technological changes in the construction occur– primarily, the hooks shifted from the shorter to the longer chain segment, chain links grew shorter, and the entire belts became lighter. One of the first types which resulted from these changes is the Mokronog/Ceretolo type with its characteristic large circular loops at both ends of the shorter chain and on one side of the longer element (Fig. 10).2 As was the case with the previous type, only one specimen from south -eastern Pannonia comes from an ascertained grave assemblage– ashorter chain element from the cremation burial 71 from Belgrade -Karaburma which was found together with abent sword and spear head, and aband shaped rectangular shield boss (Fig. 13; Todorović 1972, 29, pl. 25, grave 71: 1–5). As many as three pieces come from the questionable grave assemblages from Osijek (graves 2, 6, 37; Spajić 1954, 9, 11, pl. 1: 6–7, 2:17a; Spajić 1962, 43, 46; Majnarić -Pandžič 2007, fig. 2:1). Two specimens from adestroyed grave in Novi Banovci and Dalj are kept in the deposits of the Archaeological Museum in Zagreb (Drnić 2015, 65, fig. 17), and ashort chain segment from Dalj, also without information about its find context is held in Berlin (Jenny 1932, 240, fig. 3: 4). In his classification of the La Tène material culture in southern Pannonia and the south -eastern Alps (Mokronog and Belgrade groups), Dragan Božič dated chain elements of the Mokronog/ Ceretolo type to LT B2, i.e. phases Belgrade 1, and Mokronog 1 (Božič 1981, 317; Božič 1987, 869, fig. 43: 3; Božič 1999, 209). However, since they are, as amatter of fact, technologically more advanced than the chain elements of the Karaburma 111 type, some authors dated them to the transition of LT B2 and C1, and to the beginning of LT C1 (Rapin 1995, 283–284, fig. 10; Bujna 2006, 209–210, fig. 3). Their somewhat later chronology is confirmed by the grave 446 in the Kapiteljska njiva cemetery in Novo mesto which contained an older (LT B2) sword and spear head with abroad blade, but also an LT B2/C1 brooch (Fig. 13: 2; Križ 2005, 95, pl.79–80). Another example of Mokronog/Ceretolo type was found in grave 466 together with similar fibula, but with the internal chord, bent sword in scabbards of type GSA 3, and bent spear head with broad blade (Križ 2005, 95, pl. 79–80). Moreover, the analysis of LT B2 grave assemblages in the territory of the Carpathian Basin demonstrated that not even in asingle case do the Mokronog/Ceretolo type chain elements appear in association with twoor three -piece shield bosses which represent amore archaic form than those made in asingle piece. On the other 2 The term Mokronog for this form of the chain elements was introduced by D. Božič in 1981, while A. Rapin used the term type Ceretolo in his 1995 study.
114 STUDIA HERCYNIA XXIV/2 Fig. 12: Chain elements of the belt sets of the Karaburma 111 type from Kupinovo, Serbia (after Drnić 2015).
115IVAN DRNIĆ hand, the chain elements of the Karaburma 111 type are often found together with the older types of shield bosses (Dubnik, gr. 25: Bujna 1989, 274, pl. 29: 3; Maňa, gr. 28 and 101: Benadik 1983, 24, 47, pl. 13: 3, 36: 7; Pişcolt: gr. 164: Németi 1989, 91, fig. 14: 2a–b; etc.), and in some cases with the even more archaic shields with small circular fittings (Curtuiuşeni, gr. 14: Teleagǎ 2008, 136, pl. 10: 14.6; Ludas -Varjú -dűlő, gr. 703: Szabó– Tankó 2012, 34–35, pl. 16: 6). (Tab.1). Just like the chain elements of the previously discussed type, the Mokronog/Ceretolo type also made part of female costumes and can be found in female graves from the end of LT B2 and LT C1 (Bujna 2011, 76–79, type Gk -C1; Novo mesto -Kapiteljska njiva, gr. 194; Ludas -Varjú- -dűlő - grave 657, etc.), and even in LT C2 as is clear from the examples from the graves from Zvonimirovo -Veliko polje cemetery, Croatia (Dizdar 2009a, 273; Dizdar 2013, 214). CONCLUSIONS The sword analysed in this paper hints at the presence of agrave dated to the end of the 4th century and beginning of the 3rd century BC somewhere in the area of today’svillage of Sotin. The occupation of this area in this earliest phase of the Late Iron Age (LT B2) is also suggested by several chance finds (brooches, bracelets) from the assumed position of the La Tène settlement. That was the period of profound cultural and to acertain extent demographic changes in most parts of the Carpathian Basin, including south -eastern Pannonia, with the introduction of the La Tène material culture. The influx of the new groups from the north -west together with the adaptation of the local Early Iron Age population resulted in the formation of the new communities and the new cultural landscape. It seems from the available archaeological record (mostly burials) that the role of the warriors was somewhat different, possibly more prominent, in the newly formed communities in comparison to the Early Iron Age tradition of the region. In this initial phase of the Late Iron Age (LT B2) twenty or more graves with Fig. 13: 1 – Belgrade-Karaburma, grave 71 (after Todorović 1972); 2 – Novo mesto-Kapiteljska njiva, grave 111 (after Križ 2005).
116 STUDIA HERCYNIA XXIV/2 multiple small round shield fittings Bivalve / trivalve shield bosses Karaburma 111 type band-shaped shield bosses Mokronog / Ceretolo type Curtuiuşeni, grave 14 Ludas – Varjú-dűlő, grave 703 Mannersdorf, grave 230 Chotín, grave 2 Chotín, grave 7 Dubník, grave 15 Dubník, grave 25 Maňa, grave 28 Maňa, grave 101 Pişcolt, grave 164 Pişcolt, grave 173 Kosd, grob 2 Magyarszeredahely – H. Dűlő, grave 30 Somogytúr, grave 2 Chotín, grave 16 Chotín, grave 28 Chotín, grave 47 Trnovec nad Vahom, grave 111 Trnovec nad Vahom, grave 537 Dezmir, grave 3 Ludas – Varjú-dűlő, grave 686 Ludas – Varjú-dűlő, grave 879 Sajópetri – Homoki-Szőlőskert, grave 54/122 Batina (?) Hurbanovo-Konkol‘, grave 18/64 Inzersdorf Budapest–Csepel, grave 149 Novo mesto–Kapiteljska njiva, graves 71 and 111 Belgrade–Karaburma, grave 71 Ceretolo Tab.1: The association of the chain elements of the Karaburma 111 and Mokronog/Ceretolo types with two-/three -piece shield bosses in Early La Tène graves in the Carpathian Basin and northern Italy.
117IVAN DRNIĆ weapons confirms the introduction of new weaponry, characteristic for Central European La Tène culture (sword in scabbard, belt sets, spear, and shield), and consequently implying the emergence of new concepts of combat, but also adifferent representation of the warriors in the burial ritual. This new type of weaponry, recorded en masse in the regions between the Atlantic and Carpathians, does not only point to the introduction of anew material culture, but also the dissemination of aunique warrior ideology shared by warrior elites of numerous communities in temperate Europe in the 4 th –3 rd centuries BC through supra -regional networks of communication. Important visual codes in the transfer of that ideology were various symbols used to communicate certain messages, often applied to that very weaponry. The most numerous among these symbols, possibly of an apotropaic function, were depictions of apair of griffins (or dragons in older interpretations) and the motif of azoomorphic lyre. Thus, the Sotin sword with its scabbard carrying the motif of apair of griffins (type 2A) is also important from an iconographic point of view. The only other scabbard decorated with the same motif known to date from south -eastern Pannonia is the one from grave 29 from Osijek -Zeleno polje. Although the archaeological context of the Sotin find is unknown, we found it valuable, because each new find is useful for abetter understanding of this emblematic symbol. The study by Natalie Ginoux (2007) provided an overview of the entire corpus of the specimens published up to that point (152 pieces altogether) but anumber of new finds have appeared since then. Out of them we may highlight the pieces from the very interesting and important cult context in Kobarid (Fig. 14: 1; Mlinar– Gerbec 2011); the sword from the bottom of the River Cetina (Croatia), outside the area of La Tène culture, which was interpreted in the key of possible mercenary activities of the Celts from the western Adriatic shore (Fig. 14: 2; Kavur– Blečić Kavur 2014); or the scabbard from grave 218 in Dürrnberg near Hallein (Austria) decorated with apair of griffins which could– alongside the specimens from La Tène and Pontoux– represent the stylistic prototype of the classical motif (Fig. 14: 3; Moser– Tiefengraber– Wiltschke -Schrotta 2012, 144, 180, pl. 140: 12). An important element in the study of the La Tène swords and its use as the most emblematic weapon of the Late Iron Age warriors is an understanding of the construction of the belt sets used for their suspension. This technical innovation with semi -rigid and chain parts appeared in several regions of the La Tène culture in the second half of the 4th century BC, and it went through significant development over the course of the next century with several different variants. Through athorough typological and technological study of these objects, together with Fig. 14: Griffin pair depictions from 1– Kobarid (Mlinar– Gerbec 2011); 2– Cetina (Kavur– Blečić Kavur 2014); 3– Dürrnberg near Hallein, gr. 218 (Moser– Tiefengraber– Wiltschke- -Schrotta 2012).
118 STUDIA HERCYNIA XXIV/2 other elements of weaponry, it is possible to reconstruct rapid changes of the forms in this turbulent period, as we have shown in the case of Karaburma 111 and the Mokronog/Ceretolo types, but also the creative potential of the craftsmen who were the driving force of that development. In the end, the case of the Sotin sword shows the importance of the re -studying of old finds and the execution of adequate conservation interventions, because in the initial publication the motif of apair of griffins on its scabbard was not even recognized. Similar decoration on La Tène weaponry will not wait forever to be discovered under the corrosion which destroys it irreversibly. The large quantities of artefacts in museum collections in the region definitely promise more surprises in the future. LIST OF FINDS Finds of Early La Tène swords in the contexts of the Negau phase of the Doljenska Hallstatt group 1. Magdalenska gora -Laščik: 1. Grave V/29– sword without ascabbard; 2. Grave V/19-20; 3. grave V/26a (Gabrovec 1987, 72, fig. 6: 1; Tecco Hvala 2012, 133–134, fig. 52: 5–8). 2. Novo Mesto -Kapiteljska njiva: grave XV/5 (Križ 2013, 48, 143–144, fig. 42, pl. 68: 8). Finds of Early La Tène swords and scabbards in southern Pannonia and the south ‑eastern Alps Slovenia 1. Kobarid -Bizjakova hiža (cult place): 1. Sword in ascabbard of type GSA 3(?); 2. Sword with asmall preserved fragment of scabbard; 3. Sword with apreserved lower part of scabbard with achape type Kosd C / GSA 3; 4. Sword in ascabbard of the type Kosd A/ GSA 1; 5. Sword in ascabbard of the type Kosd C / GSA 3 decorated with apair of dragons (type I) / griffins (type 2A) (Mlinar– Gerbec 2011, 36, 62–65, cat. no. 1–5). 2. Maribor -Pobrežje: sword without ascabbard (Pahič 1966, 312, tab.13: 4; Božič 1987, 869, pl. 85: 1). 3. Orehova vas near Maribor: 1. grave 1– sword in ascabbard of type Kosd C or D / GSA 3; 2. Grave 3: sword in ascabbard type Kosd C? / GSA 3 (Grahek 2015, 295, 300–301, fig. 3: 1; 4: 1). 4. Srednica near Zgodnja Hajdina, Ptuj: grave 9– sword in ascabbard of type Kosd A1 / GSA 1 (Lubšina– Tušek– Kavur 2011, 44–48, fig. 11: 6). 5. Mokronog: 1. Sword in ascabbard of the third group of scabbards decorated in Hungarian sword style; 2. Sword in ascabbard with an unclear decoration below the scabbard mouth (Gabrovec 1966, tab.1: 1, 3: 2; Božič 1987, 869, sl.43: 2). 6. Novo mesto -Marof: 1. Sword without ascabbard; 2. Sword in ascabbard (Knez 1966, 391–392, pl. 1: 1–2; Božič 1987, 869, fig. 43: 1). 7. Novo mesto -Kandija: grave 9 – sword without a scabbard (Stare 1950, 47). 8. Novo mesto -Kapiteljska njiva: 1. grave 71– sword in ascabbard of type GSA 2; 2. grave 111– sword in ascabbard; 3. grave 466– sword in ascabbard of type GSA 1; 4.– grave 555 sword in ascabbard of type GSA 3 decorated with apair of dragons (typ II) / zoomorphic lyre (type 1 A); 5.– grave 620 sword in ascabbard of type Kosd A/ GSA 1; 6. grave 641– sword in ascabbard; (Križ 2001, 26, 82, 86, 123, 135, 141, 144, cat. no. 5253, 83, 302, 363364, 403, 416; Križ 2005, 46, 95, 98, pl. 7: 3, 80: 2, 91: 5). Croatia 9. Batina: sword in ascabbard of type Kosd B / GSA 1 decorated in the early Hungarian sword style (Vinski- -Gasparini 1959, 282, pl. 1: 1; Todorović 1968, 139, pl. 3–5; Szabó 1991, 309; Szabó– Petres 1992, 108, cat. no. 102, pl. 99). 10. Osijek -Zeleno polje: grave 29 (?)– sword in ascabbard decorated with apair of dragons (type I) / griffins (type 2A) (Spajić 1962, 40–41, pl. 16: 12; Božič 1981, 317, pl. 2, 6: 1). 11. Dalj: sword in ascabbard with apreserved chape of type Kosd C / GSA 2 (Majnarić -Pandžić 1970, 81, pl. 8: 1–1a). 12. Sotin: sword in ascabbard decorated with apair of dragons (type I) / griffins (type 2A) (Majnarić- -Pandžić 1970, 93, pl. 33: 4–4a). 13. Šarengrad: sword without ascabbard (Brunšmid 1900, 68, fig. 58).
119IVAN DRNIĆ 14. Lipovac: sword without ascabbard (Majnarić -Pandžić 1970, 102, pl. 56: 1). 15. Mikluševci: sword without ascabbard (Majnarić -Pandžić 1970, 91, pl. 29: 3). 16. Cetina: sword in ascabbard of type Kosd D / GSA 3 decorated with apair of dragons (type 2) / zoomorphic lyre (type 1) (Kavur– Blečić Kavur 2014). Bosnia and Herzegovina 17. Dvorovi near Bijeljina: fragment of ascabbard decorated with apair of dragons (type II) / zoomorphic lyre (type 1B) (Marić 1961; Szabó– Petres 1992, cat. no. 117, pl. 117: 1). Serbia 18. Čalma: sword in ascabbard (Jovanović, M. 2018, 11–13, fig. 2). 19. Ruma -Borkovac: sword in ascabbard of type Kosd D / GSA 3 (Todorović 1968, 149, pl. 41: 1–3; Szabó– Petres 1992, 116, cat. no. 137, pl. 123: 1). 20. Sremska Mitrovica (or Vojvodina): fragment of ascabbard decorated with apair of dragons (type II) / zoomorphic lyre (type 1B) (Szabó– Petres 1992, cat. no. 127, pl. 119: 1). 21. Kupinovo: 1. Bent sword without ascabbard; 2. Lower part of asword blade; 3. Lower part of ascabbard with achape type Kosd C / GSA 3; (Majnarić -Pandžić 1970, 83, pl. 12: 7; Drnić 2015, 129, pl. 1: 1–2, pl. 12: 1). 22. Belgrade -Karaburma: 1. grave 22– sword in ascabbard of type Kosd D / GSA 3; 2. grave 51– sword in ascabbard type Kosd B / GSA 1; 3. Grave 66– sword in scabbard of type Kosd C / GSA 3 decorated with apair of dragons (type II) / zoomorphic lyre (type 1B); 4. Grave 111– sword in ascabbard of type Kosd C / GSA 3 (Todorović 1972, 17, 24, 28, 34–35, pl. 7: 2. 19: 2, 25: 1, 33: 4; Božič 1981, 317, pl. 2, 10: 1–3). 23. Pećine near Kostolac: grave 38– sword in ascabbard decorated with apair of dragons (type II) / zoomorphic lyre (type 1B) (Jovanović 2014, 28, fig. 5; Jovanović, B. 2018, 91–94, fig. 33, pl. 47–48). 24. Požarevac: sword in ascabbard (Božič 1981, 317, pl. 2, 6: 5). Finds of chain elements of the Karaburma 111 type in the Carpathian Basin (graves with weapons): Austria 1. Grabelsdorf -Gracarca: ‘grave’ A15/A21, cenotaph? (Gleirscher 2009, 147–149, fig. 5: 2a–b). 2. Mannersdorf: grave 230 (Ramsl 2011, 103, pl. 228). 3. Obersburg-Gracarca: (Gleirscher 2009, 157, fig. 8: 3a–c). 4. Dürrnberg near Hallein: Moserstein, grave 9 (Penninger 1972, 48, pl. 7: 9) Slovakia 5. Chotín: graves 2, 7, 16, 28, 47 (Ratimorská 1981, 17, 27, 35, 56, 78, pl. 5: 3, 8: 7, 13: 4, 21: 10, 28: 5). 6. Dubník: graves 15, 25, 30 (Bujna 1989, 260, 274, 279, pl. 12: 5, 29: 3, 32: 2). 6. Maňa: graves 28, 101 (Benadik 1983, 24, 47, pl. 13: 3, 36: 7). 7. Trnovec nad Váhom -Horný Jatov: graves 111, 460, 537 (Benadik – Vlček – Ambroz 1957, 16, 31–32, 36, fig. 5: 11–12, 14, pl. 1: 4, 10: 2, 12: 1, 5). Slovenia 8. Novo mesto -Kandija: grave 9 (Stare 1950, 47, fig. 12). Romania 9. Curtuiuşeni: grave 14 (Teleagǎ 2008, 136, pl. 10: 14.6). 10. Cluj -Napoca: Dezmir, grave 3 (Crişan 1964, 97–99, pl. 2: 10, 14; Berecki 2015, 104–105). 11. Pişcolt: graves 164, 173 (?) (Németi 1989, 91, 95, fig. 14.2a–b, 16: 4b–c). Hungary 12. Balatongyörök -Kövesmező: grave 1 (Hellebrandt 1999, 71, pl. 2: 4). 13. Kosd: grave 2 (Ginoux 2007, 161, pl. 46). 14. Ludas– Varjú -dűlő: graves 686, 703, 879 (Szabó– Tankó 2012, 30, 34–35, 44, pl. 11: 3, 16: 6, 22: 8). 15. Magyarszeredahely– Homoki dűlő: grave 30 (Horváth 1987, 94, pl. 13: 3). 16. Somogytúr: grave 2 (Szabó– Németh 1999-2000, 25–252, fig. 2, 5, fig. 7: 6a–f; Ginoux 2007, 163, pl. 51). 17. Sajópetri– Homoki -Szőlőskert: grave 54/122 (Szabó ed. 2018, 83, pl. 32: 5).
120 STUDIA HERCYNIA XXIV/2 Croatia 18. Batina (Vinski -Gasparini 1959, 282, pl. 1: 4–6). 19. Lipovac (?) (Majnarić -Pandžić 1970, 102, pl. 56: 1). Serbia 20. Beograd -Karaburma: grave 111 (Todorović 1972, 35, pl. 33: 1–2). 21. Požarevac (?) (Božič 1982, 317, pl. 6: 6). Finds of chain elements of the Karaburma 111 type in the Carpathian Basin (graves without weapons): Austria 1. Grabelsdorf -Gracarca: grave 21 (Gleirscher 2009, fig. 5: 2a–b). Slovakia 2. Bajč -Vlkanove: grave 52 (?) (Benadik 1960, 404, pl. 11: 12). 3. Maňa: graves 113, 131 (Benadik 1983, 51, 61, pl. 41: 11, 53: 10). 4. Palárikovo: graves 27, 30, 86 (Bujna 2011, 76, pl. 50, fig. 33: 6a–b). Romania 5. Ciumeşti: grave 18 (Zirra 1967, 10, fig. 5: 8). Hungary 6. Magyarszeredahely– Homoki dűlő: grave 13 (Horváth 1987, 90, pl. 11: 11). 7. Ordacsehi: graves 27, 30 (Németh– Zoffmann– Bartosiewitz 2002, 59–60, fig. 3, pl. 2: 10, 3: 1). 8. Rezi -Rezicseri sandpit: graves 22, 64 (Horváth 1987, 106–107, 123, pl. 21: 8, 32: 8). 9. Sávoly: grave 1 (Horvát 1973, 81, pl. 66: 6). Stray finds of chain elements of the Karaburma 111 type in the Carpathian Basin Austria 1. Grabelsdorf -Gracarca (Gleirscher 2009, fig. 5: 6–8). Slovakia 2. Trenčianske Teplice (?) (Pieta 2000, pl. 6: 17–18). Hungary 3. Rezi -Rezicseri, sandpit (Horváth 1987, 123, pl. 34: 5). 4. Vác (?) (Hellebrandt 1999, pl. 20: 1). Croatia 5. Dalj (Fig. 11: 4; unpublished). Serbia 6. Kupinovo (Majnarić -Pandžić 1970, pl. 11: 4, 12: 2; Drnić 2015, pl. 29: 1–5, 44: 2). Finds of chain elements of the Mokornog/Ceretolo type in graves with weapons in Central Europe and northern Italy Germany 1. Straubing, grave 3 (Krämer 1985, 149, pl. 84: 4). Slovakia 2. Hurbanovo -Konkol’, grave 18/64 (Bujna 2006, 205, 209–210, fig. 3, pl. 1: 2). Austria 3. Inzersdorf (Neugebauer 1996, 127, pl. 26: 2).
121IVAN DRNIĆ Hungary 4. Budapest -Csepel: grave 149 (Horváth 2014, 253, fig. 4: 1–2). Slovenia 5. Novo mesto -Kapiteljska njiva: graves 71, 111, 466 (Križ 2001, 82, 124, cat. no. 56–57, 306; Križ 2005, 46, 95, pl. 7: 7, 79: 6). 6. Novo mesto -Marof: tumulus A, grave 22 (?) (Knez 1966, 392, pl. 2: 6). Romania 7. Sanislau (Zirra 1971, 188, fig. 8; Zirra 1974, 148, fig. 6: 1–1a). Serbia 8. Belgrade -Karaburma: grave 71 (Todorović 1972, 29, pl. 25, grave 71:3). Italy 9. Monte Bibele -Monte Tamburino: graves 85, 116 (Lejars 2008, 137, 205, 212). 10. Ceretolo (Kruta Poppi 1979, 13, fig 2: 4–5). BIBLIOGRAPHY Benadik, B.– Vlček, C.– Ambros, C. 1957: Keltské pohrebiská na juhozápadnom Slovensku [Keltische Gräberfelder der Südwestslowakei]. Archaeologica Slovaca– Fontes 1. Bratislava. Benadik, B. 1960: Keltské Pohrebisko v Bajči‑Vlkanove. Bratislava. Benadik, B. 1983: Maňa, Keltisches Gräberfeld. Materialia Archaeologica Slovaca 5. Nitra. Berecki, S. 2015: Iron Age Settlement Patterns and Funerary Landscapes in Transylvania (4th–2nd Centuries BC). Catalogi Mvsei Marisiensis, seria archaeologica 2. Târgu Mureș. Blečić Kavur, M.– Kavur, B. 2010: Grob 22 iz beogradske nekropole Karaburma. Retrospektiva iperspektiva [Grave 22 of the Belgrade necropolis in Karaburma. Retrospective and perspective]. Starinar 60, 57–84. Božič, D. 1981: Relativna kronologija mlajše železne dobe vjugoslovanskem Podonavju [Relative Chronologie der jüngeren Eisenzeit im jugoslawischen Donauraum]. Arheološki vestnik 32, 315–347. Božič, D. 1984: Naoružanje ratnika mlađeg željeznog doba. In: D. Božič– L. Bakarić (eds.): Keltoi. Kelti injihovi suvremenici na tlu Jugoslavije. Ljubljana, 77–82. Božič, D. 1987: Keltska kultura uJugoslaviji. Zapadna grupa. In: Gabrovec ed. 1987, 855–897. Božič, D. 1999: Die Erforschung der Latenezeit in Slowenien seit Jahr 1964 [Raziskovanje latenske dobe na Slovenskem po letu 1964]. Arheološki vestnik 50, 189–213. Brunšmid, J. 1900: Prethistoriski predmeti iz željeznog doba iz Šarengrada usrijemskoj županiji. Viestnik hrvatskoga arheologičkoga družtva 4, 59–70. Brunšmid, J. 1902: Prethistorijski predmeti iz srijemske županije. Vjesnik Hrvatskoga arheološkoga društva 6, 68–86. Bujna, J. 1989: Das latènezeitliche Gräberfeld bei Dubník 1. Slovenská Archeológia 37, 245–354. Bujna, J. 2006: Das reich ausgestattete Kriegergrab aus dem keltischen Gräberfeld in Hurbanovo -Konkoľ (Bez. Komárno), Südwestliche Slowakei. Pravěk 16, 201–242. Bujna, J. 2011: Opasky ženského odevu zdoby laténskej [Die Gürtel der Frauentracht aus der Latènezeit]. Nitra. Bulard, A. 1982: À propos des origines de la paire d’animaux fantastiques sur les fourreaux d’épées laténiens. In: P.-M. Duval– V. Kruta (eds.): L’art celtique de la période d’expansion– IVe et IIIe siècle av. notre ère. Genève– Paris, 149–160. Chidioșan, N.– Ignat, D. 1972: Cimitirul celtic de la Tărian [La nécropole celtique de Tǎrian]. Studii şi cercetări de istorie veche 23/4, 553–579.
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