
Medical savings accounts: Singapore’s non-solution
to healthcare costs
One small part of a complex patchwork of funding
Martin McKee professor of European public health 1, Reinhard Busse professor of healthcare
management 2
1London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, London WC1H 9SH, UK; 2Technische Universität, Berlin, Germany
Not a model worth emulating
Because of the obvious failings of the American health system,
health policy analysts in the United States have traditionally
looked abroad for inspiration.1William Haseltine, president of
ACCESS Health International, is among the latest to do so.
Inspired by a 2010 lecture on the health system in Singapore,
he searched for a book that would provide him with a detailed
explanation of how it worked. Finding that none existed, he set
out to fill the gap. The result is a short, highly readable book
whose title, Affordable Excellence, summarises accurately, if
somewhat uncritically, his judgment on Singapore’s
achievements.2In it, he documents how Singapore has managed
to contain costs while ensuring access to healthcare and
achieving health outcomes that are as good, and in many cases
better, than those in other developed countries.
One reason why Singapore has attracted international interest
is its unique system of healthcare financing, with the concept
of the medical savings account (Medisave) at its core.3Under
this system, all people are responsible for their own healthcare
and that of their family. Money is saved into an account from
which they can draw when necessary. Workers and their
employers (and since 1992 the wealthier self employed) are
mandated to contribute a tax-free proportion of their income,
which reduces with increasing age, into a designated account
that they can use to pay for care when needed. Funds can be
shared among members of the immediate family, and any money
left over at death is inherited by surviving family members.
However, there are restrictions on what the money can be spent
on. Initially only inpatient stays in the most basic level of
Singapore’s hierarchy of hospital wards were covered, but the
system then expanded to include outpatient treatment. More
recently, mental illness and some specified preventive
interventions, such as mammography and certain immunisations,
have been included. However, payments are subject to
deductibles and co-payments.
Not surprisingly, this concept is attractive to those who most
vocally advocate for individual responsibility for health, who
reject the social solidarity that underpins European health
systems and call for a radical shrinking of the state (and by
extension their tax bills).4 5 Yet, as Haseltine notes, the medical
savings account is only one small element of Singapore’s health
system, even if it is the one that has attracted most attention. It
has never accounted for more that 10% of total health
expenditure. As he shows, it only works by being wrapped up
in a complex network of mechanisms that compensate for its
failure to deal with the fundamental challenge in delivering
universal healthcare6—those in most need of healthcare,
typically older and poorer people, are least able to pay for it.
Firstly, Medisave accounts are supplemented by a variety of
government contributions, such as the “grow and share
package,” which makes direct payments into accounts of
younger people on low and middle incomes, and a scheme to
support older lower paid workers.
Secondly, the cost of care is limited by major subsidies to
hospitals—up to 80% of the cost of inpatient treatment—on top
of other payments for capital expenditure. There are also strict
controls on what hospitals can do and what they can charge,
including limits on purchase of advanced technology. This
reflects the lessons learnt from a move to give hospitals more
autonomy in the 1980s, in the misguided belief that competition
would reduce costs.
Martin.McK[email protected]
For personal use only: See rights and reprints http://www.bmj.com/permissions Subscribe: http://www.bmj.com/subscribe
BMJ 2013;347:f4797 doi: 10.1136/bmj.f4797 (Published 31 July 2013) Page 1 of 2
Editorials
EDITORIALS

Thirdly, two other funds fill the gaps left by Medisave.
Medishield covers what is termed “catastrophic health
expenditure” but which, in reality, includes all long term
treatment that would soon drain Medisave accounts. Since 2002,
this has been supplemented by the Eldershield scheme, which
provides cover for older people with long term disability.
Finally, for those who have no remaining funds, there is a safety
net, called Medifund, which gives priority to older people whose
Medisave funds have become depleted. This is paid for from
the income of a large endowment fund created by the
government. Even with these measures, there are concerns about
the system’s ability to fund care for an ageing population.7 8
All of these interventions create a system in which, despite a
high level of out of pocket spending—almost two thirds of total
health expenditure—9poor people are relatively well protected.
This is not quite the model of individual responsibility that it is
so often portrayed to be.
Given the many specificities of Singapore, it is not surprising
that the medical savings account has not found success
elsewhere. In the US, such schemes lack the many safeguards
in place in Singapore and thus have limited use. The
Commonwealth Fund argued that “encouraging people to join
such health plans will exacerbate some of the very maladies
that undermine our healthcare system’s ability to perform at its
highest level.”10 An attempt to implement the Medisave model
in another large Asian city, Shanghai, failed.11
Most health systems are shaped by the conditions in place when
they were created, and Singapore’s is no exception. The
Medisave scheme is part of a larger insurance scheme, the
Central Provident Fund, created in 1955, during British rule, to
provide old age benefits. The features of that fund, created for
an entirely different purpose, have been carried forward into
the funding of healthcare. As Haseltine notes, Singapore has
managed to make it work, but only as one small part of an
extremely complicated system involving extensive government
intervention. This is a point that is lost among those politicians
and think tanks engaged in the current campaign to denigrate
the English NHS when they advocate medical savings accounts
as a solution here.12
Competing interests: We have read and understood the BMJ policy on
declaration of interests and declare the following interests: None.
Provenance and peer review: Commissioned; not externally peer
reviewed.
1 Nolte E, McKee CM. In amenable mortality—deaths avoidable through health
care—progress in the US lags that of three European countries. Health Affairs
2012;31:2114-22.
2Haseltine WA. Affordable excellence: the Singapore healthcare story. Brookings Institution
Press, 2013.
3 Hsiao WC. Medical savings accounts: lessons from Singapore. Health Aff (Millwood)
1995;14:260-6; discussion 77-9.
4 Ramsay C, Butler E. Medical savings accounts: and now . . . . a medical ISA? Adam
Smith Institute, 2001.
5 Green D. How does the rest of the world manage? Civitas, 2001.
6 Kin LM. Shifting the burden of health care finance: a case study of public-private
partnership in Singapore. Health Policy 2004;69:83-92.
7 Chia NC, Tsui AK. Medical savings accounts in Singapore: how much is adequate? J
Health Econ 2005;24:855-75.
8 George PP, Heng BH, De Castro Molina JA, Wong LY, Wei Lin NC, Cheah JT.
Self-reported chronic diseases and health status and health service utilization--results
from a community health survey in Singapore. Int J Equity Health 2012;11:44.
9 Wagstaff A. Health systems in East Asia: what can developing countries learn from Japan
and the Asian tigers? Health Econ 2007;16:441-56.
10 Collins SR. Health savings accounts and high-deductible health plans: why they won’t
cure what ails US health care. Invited testimony to the Subcommittee on Health, Committee
on Finance, United States Senate hearing on “Health Savings Accounts: The Experience
So Far.” Commonwealth Fund, 2006. www.commonwealthfund.org/Publications/
Testimonies/2006/Sep/Health-Savings-Accounts-and-High-Deductible-Health-Plans--
Why-They-Wont-Cure-What-Ails-U-S--Health-C.aspx.
11 Dong W. Can health care financing policy be emulated? The Singaporean medical savings
accounts model and its Shanghai replica. J Public Health (Oxf) 2006;28:209-14.
12 Spiers J. Individual health savings accounts will improve access and performance. Institute
of Economic Affairs, 2008.
Cite this as: BMJ 2013;347:f4797
Related links
bmj.com/archive
Previous articles by Martin McKee
•In search of social equipoise (2013;347:f4016)
•Will austerity cuts dismantle the Spanish healthcare
system? (2013;346:f2363)
•Health policy in Europe: Factors critical for success (2013;
346:f533)
•The future of England’s healthcare lies in the hands of
competition lawyers (2013;346:f1733)
© BMJ Publishing Group Ltd 2013
For personal use only: See rights and reprints http://www.bmj.com/permissions Subscribe: http://www.bmj.com/subscribe
BMJ 2013;347:f4797 doi: 10.1136/bmj.f4797 (Published 31 July 2013) Page 2 of 2
EDITORIALS
Loading more pages...