Jonas Jablonskis ir lietuvių spaudos draudimas

V. Labutis. Jonas Jablonskis and the ban on the Lithuanian press 19 VITAS LABUTIS University of Vilnius Jonas JabLONsKis During the second half of the 19th century, the Lithuanian language and Lithuanianness suffered between the hammer and the knife – between the fierce Russification and the slow, but already long begun, Polonization – the bending and the bending. Russianization was particularly severe after the introduction of the ban on Lithuanian press in Latin script (1864–1865). The mature Lithuanian enlightenment experienced this most sensitively, but the oppression was resisted in one way or another by the majority of the Lithuanian nation. John Jablonski was also hit by the hammer of czarist oppression, because he was also a public figure. In his memoirs, Antanas Smetona also noted this: "Many say that J. Jablonskis was only a linguist, that he was not concerned with politics or social life. Not true. He cared about everything that touched the fate of Lithuanians, especially, of course, their language and writings.” (Smetona 1930: 43). Even more detailed description of Jan Jablonski’s social life was given by the publisher of his writings, Juozas Balčikonis. In a short biography of J. Jablonskis it is said: “Endowed with a great and bright mind, he could have far exceeded the borders of the Lithuanian language science and distinguished himself in the general linguistics science, if not another characteristic of his personality had stood in the way – his irresistible desire to serve his country, the desire that the results of his science were appropriated by the broad public. [...] He was concerned about the whole life of Lithuanians: he was happy about the achievements of his compatriots, he felt painfully for the disasters, he himself contributed wherever he could with his work and his money. [...] Wherever and whenever the homeland called its children, he was the first to hear its voice and the first to dance to serve it.” (1932, 1933, 1934). Finally, J. Jablonskis decided to dedicate his life to work for the sake of Lithuanianness and first of all to care for the Lithuanian language, when in 1881, after 20 LANGUAGE CULTURE | 83 graduated from the gymnasium in Riia1, began studying at Moscow University2. This determination was encouraged by several circumstances: 1) the active activities of the formerly active club of Lithuanian students in Moscow, who separated themselves from the Poles; 2) lectures by lecturers who raised the importance of Lithuanian language science for the study of other languages – F. Kor sho (Greek, later Latin), F. Fortunatov (comparative linguistics3, especially the Lithuanian language course he taught; cf. Piročkinas 1977: 32), V. Miller (Eastern history); 3) Having reached Moscow, the already awaited illegal Dawn4 appeared in Prussia in 1883. It is worth remembering J. Jablonski’s patriotic origins from the least affected by Polishization region of Prussia, and the sparks of Lithuanianness that caught him as early as his high school years from meetings with Peter the Great. "Kraučiūnas and Jonas Basanavičius". The 1864 ban on Lithuanian press5 was disguised as a desire to separate Lithuanians from Poles, but the czar’s officials were most concerned with assimilating the Lithuanian nation, with restoring the supposedly once unified Russian state, in which Russian was spoken and written6. He graduated with a gold medal from Marijampolė Gymnasium No. 1, having acquired good basics of classical languages and having not lost sight of the weakly taught Lithuanian language course, which gave him the opportunity to receive a scholarship from the Moscow University. 2 In the second half of the 19th century, a considerable number of future famous Lithuanian social and scientific figures studied at the Moscow University – J. Basanavičius, A. Botyrius, K. Grinius, J. Jablonskis, P. Mašiotas, S. Matulaitis, V. Pietaris, etc. 3 Fortunatov and Miller’s favour for J. Jablonski was probably strengthened by the fact that they had described and described ten years earlier the Liudvinavo šnekta, which was quite similar to Jablonski’s šnekta (see MUI, 1872, No. 1–4). It seems that Fortunatov encouraged Jablonski to take an interest in folklore and living language. Jablonski did not break his ties with Fortunatov after graduating from the university – for more than 20 years. 4 J. Jablonskis immediately began sending correspondence to Aušra from Moscow and from the life of the people of his region (see Palionis 1957). 5 The extensive literature on the ban on the press is not even attempted to be covered here – only a few authors should be mentioned: Ruseckas 1929; Merkys 1978, 1994; Vėbra 1992; Tyla 2004; Staliūnas (ed.) 2004 et al. 6 The ban on the press was also one of the repressive measures taken by the Russian authorities against the Lithuanian people after the 1863 uprising. The suppression was led by Count M. Muravyov, who had already become famous in the fight against the participants of the 1830-1831 uprising, having visited the tsar to propose the closure of Vilnius University and teaching everything in the Russian language in the schools of the western provinces (Ivinskij, Masionienė et al. (red.) 1998: 212). After becoming the governor-general of Vilnius, who gave the first instructions to ban Lithuanian press in Lithuanian letters, M. Muravyov, the region from which J. Jablonskis had come – Augustów (Suwalki) governorate became part of the so-called Kingdom of Poland – was not directly subordinate, but M. Muravyov demanded that his decrees on the ban on the press be valid here as well. By the way, J. Jablonskis does not mention the other initiators and executors of the press ban, only the “deceased Count Muravyov”. And there were quite a few of them: K. Kaufman, I. Kornilov, V. Kulin, S. Mikuckis, N. Miliutin and others. (see Merkys 1978). V. Labutis. Jonas Jablonskis and the ban on the Lithuanian press 21 Restriction of the Lithuanian language in official life, prohibition of teaching Lithuanian in schools, prohibition of Lithuanian press in Latin and Gothic alphabets and the introduction of Russian alphabets instead, persecution of the Catholic Church and patronage of Orthodoxy, prohibition of Lithuanian Catholics from working as teachers and administrative employees and the employment of Russian settlers instead (see Tyla 2004: 8). The most important targets of the prohibition of Lithuanian press in Latin script were elementary and school textbooks, prayer books, calendars, other literature for the public, periodicals. The exemptions were later limited to scientific works. Since his time as a student, J. Jablonskis was involved in the fight against the ideological foundations of the press ban, actively participated in the prohibited press, hid it, distributed it, helped book carriers, and occasionally wrote in liberal Russian newspapers and magazines and on broader issues of Lithuanianness. This struggle permeated his three decades of pedagogical and scientific activity. On the other hand, the decrees of the tsarist press and the repression of officials constantly plagued Jablonski's life. At the same time, J. Jablonskis did not lose sight of the effect of polonization on the Lithuanian language and Lithuanianness itself. As a third-year student, in 1884 he submitted to the Russian legal press 5 large articles, the direction of which is indicated by the titles: “Lithuania and the alphabet for her”, “This and that about Lithuania”, “The power of Lithuanian clergy”, “The voice of Lithuania (Also about the alphabet)”, “On the article of P. Muraška “Total separation of Prussian Lithuanians from Poles”7. Two themes are mainly discussed here: the unsuccessful attempts to apply the Cyrillic alphabet to Lithuanian scripts and the further spread of polonization, to which a significant number of Catholic priests contributed. In the first article, polemizing with a certain Mr. P. B., who tries to prove that Cyrillic has been used in Lithuanian writings since ancient times and is quite suitable for them, J. Jablonskis rejects all the alleged arguments of Mr. P. B., reminds that Lithuanians hate books printed in Russian letters, even burn them, and accurately formulates the main reasons why Lithuanians do not like these books: 1) the Latin alphabet has been used in Lithuanian writing for more than three hundred years and it has grown into the flesh and blood of the Lithuanian people; 2) the Lithuanian people, mostly farmers, are rather conservative and reluctantly give up the old forms; 3) the new alphabet was condemned by influential local authorities 7 The first four articles were published in the newspaper Современные известия, and the fifth in the magazine Русь. (Referred to A. Pirochkin’s identification of the authorship of those articles and to the translations presented in his collection; see Pirochkin 1991: 12–54). 22 LANGUAGE CULTURE | 83 priests; 4) Lithuanians all over the world use the Latin alphabet when printing Lithuanian texts; 5) the very fact that it was ordered to print in Russian has an exactly opposite effect (Piročkin, ed., 1991: 15). To Mr. P. B., who claims that all sounds of the Lithuanian language can be marked with Russian letters, J. Jablonskis suggests to look at least at the Lithuanian folk songs published by F. Fortunatov and V. Miller, in which among the Russian ones he will find precisely Latin and even newly invented letters and signs, which have no equivalents in the Russian alphabet. In a legal newspaper published in Russia, Jablonski quotes Aušra, who had come from Prussia, a couple of times, and finally says directly: “The Russian plans in Lithuania have bankrupted...”8 After graduating from Moscow University in 1885, Jablonski spent four and a half years searching hard for a teacher’s place in Vilnius, Warsaw and other academic districts. He was particularly attracted to Marijampolė gymnasium, where several familiar teachers worked and the inspector was Andrius Botyrius, a man from this region. Unfortunately, the latter, having clashed with the Slavophile director for Lithuanianness, was already transferred to Kalis on August 1 of the same year (see Circular 1885: 253). Jablonski had to do occasional work for a while. In 1889, Jablonski finally managed to get a position as a Latin and Greek teacher in Mintau. Many Lithuanians lived and studied here. The Jablonskis house became a real home for Lithuanian students and the enlightenment, in whose activities the whole family is involved (Piročkinas 1977: 73–75; LukėnaitėaGriciuvienė 2009: 25). In Mintauja, J. Jablonskis worked in various ways and forms as a Lithuanian awakener: he helped to establish the secret “Kūdikio” society, cooperated with the “Literatiškaja draugija” (Literary Society) initiated by V. Kudirka, helped to organize bell-bearers’ congresses, and the book carrier Jurgis Bielinis visited him here (see Avižonis 1921: 532). During this period, he collaborated with Varpas, edited by V. Kudirka, signing particularly productively under various pseudonyms. According to A. Pirochkin, between 1890 and 1894, J. Jablonskis published more than 24 articles in Varpa (Pirochkin 1977: 78). They discussed Lithuanian school and elementary affairs, the theme of books for farmers, etc. 8 After a few years, some more cautious Russian officials began to raise the hopelessness of the ban on the Lithuanian press and the main reasons for its failure in a similar way: in 1896, the Governor-General of Warsaw, A. Imeretinskis, the Governor of Kaunas, S. Suchadolskis, later also the Governor-General of Vilnius, P. Sviatopolkas-Mirskis, and finally, influenced by the accumulated information, the Minister of Internal Affairs, V. Plėvė (1904), who, by the way, had reviewed the entire course of the ban on the Lithuanian press. Of course, there were also persistent administrators who defended the ban on the Lithuanian press (Tyla 2004: 5, 9). V. Labutis. Jonas Jablonskis and the ban on the Lithuanian press 23 already understood that in the fight against the ban on the press and polonization it was also necessary to take care of the future of the Lithuanian language, so he also printed J. Jablonski’s works that laid the foundations for a common language, even such a large purely linguistic work as Helps with syntax. Having a broad view of Lithuanian affairs, J. Jablonskis also engaged in discussions about Lithuanian history. Suffice it to mention two articles published in Varpa in this field (see Jablonskio raštai 1932: 13–22, 23–24). The first highlights how the scientific level of the Congress of Russian Archaeologists held in Vilnius has decreased by requiring Lithuanian and Polish scientists to read their papers only in Russian (many of the archaeologists from these countries did not participate in that congress at all). J. Jablonskis, recalling A. Bezzenberger’s presentation read in German, says a thought that is still relevant today: “How nice it is to see with our own eyes that real science always remains science after leaving the ugly labyrinths of politics.” (Brown 1982: 17). Several letters were written by J. Jablonski from Mintauja to Russian scholars – V. Lamanski, editor of the journal Живая старина, Prof. F. Fortunatov, A. Šach matov and others (Piročkinas, ed., 1985: 205–206). J. Jablonskis mentions that he had collected about 1000 Lithuanian folk songs and about 100 fairy tales (the fate of the collected folklore is unknown). In another letter he reminds Lamanski that 12-15 years ago professors F. Koršas, F. Fortunatovas, V. Miller of the Moscow University tried to create a society of Lithuanian philologists, which planned to publish their works in Latin letters. Unfortunately, the society did not get permission to operate, because it was supposed to awaken Lithuanian self-consciousness. In 1896, J. Jablonskis proposed to the Ethnographic Section to establish a Lithuanian and Latvian Society, similar to the Lithuanian Philologists’ Society, which was once prohibited in Moscow. Very severely, Jablonskis criticized the book of P. Briantsev, who considered himself a writer, historian and publicist, Очерк древней Литвы и западной России (published in Vilnius in 1891)9, which states that the majority of Lithuanians had already spoken Russian perfectly since the 13th century, had accepted Russian customs and the Orthodox faith. Briantsev’s outline was supposed to replace the textbook of Russian history adapted for Lithuania, which tried to prove the unity of Lithuanian and Russian peoples9. Excerpts from Briantsev’s outline (his name is not Dmitrijus) can be found in a chrestomaty published several years ago (see Ivinskij, Masionienė and others 1998: 242–243). Mr. Briantsev, apparently, claimed to win the competition long ago announced by M. Muravyov to write a special textbook of Russian history for the North-West region. Although a solid prize of 1000 rubles was promised, no one was impressed by the competition discussed at the Moscow University for several years (see MUI 1872). 24 LANGUAGE CULTURE | 83 this has been a matter of great concern to the tsarist politicians since ancient times. The multifaceted activities of J. Jabų lonskis, especially his influence on young people, attracted the attention of the Russian gendarmes and he was moved further from Lithuania – to Tallinn (Revel). In Tallinn, J. Jablonskis had to directly experience the repression of Russian officials who persecuted the Lithuanian press. The end of their offer came when, during searches in many places, a number of addresses were found in Palanga at L. Vaineikis’s home, including J. Jablonski’s. All Lithuanians who had contacts with L. Vaineikis were baptized. At the end of October 1900, J. Jablonski's apartment was also searched. The gendarmes took all the manuscript material, a lot of books. The interrogations began, the assistant of the Liepaja Gendarmerie chief A. Vonsiackis began to prepare a case10. About the course of the case and the charges against him, Jablonski wrote in detail to the Russian academics F. Korsh, F. Fortunatov, A. Shahmatov, and V. Lamanski, editor of the magazine Живая старина. He hoped for help from them. In his letters, he discussed the weakness of the so-called objective evidence. These were drafts of two letters written by V. Kudirka, a draft of the article “The Insurance Society against Persecution”, a notebook with various philological notes. The worst draft that appeared contained an ugly phrase: “Use some bastard hairheads, and he’s gone safely”11. In addition, it became apparent that the person who signed Varpe under the pseudonym Obuolaitis is J. Jabas Lonskis. During interrogations and written explanations on all charges Jablonski resisted, but was forced to submit a request to be dismissed from his teaching job. Jablonskis was vigorously defended by F. Koršas, who was well acquainted with A. Švarcs, the curator of the scientific district to which Jablonskis belonged and who had worked in Riga. However, Švarcs, once his Latin teacher, now regarded Jablonskis as the creator and distributor of illegal publications. Unfortunately, the case reached the St. Petersburg Prosecutor's Office, the Ministry of Interior and the Ministry of Justice. Even the academics were unable to help Jablonski. With the czar’s knowledge, he and a group of other Lithuanians were administratively punished with public police supervision for two years and exile. The place of exile was chosen by Jablonski as Pskov. A few years ago, the same A. Vonsiackis beat the “Sietynas” society in Marijampole. The entire course of the case against J. Jablonski is discussed in detail in a special article by A. Piročkinas (Piročkinas 1971: 113–124). 11 From a letter to F. Fortunatov dated 7 December 1900 (see Piročkinas, ed., 1985: 105). This and other written evidence is also described in a letter to V. Lamanski dated February 2, 1901, only here it is emphasized that the note was written in red ink (ibid., 222–224). Apparently, the red ink made the policeman angry. V. Labutis. Jonas Jablonskis and the ban on the Lithuanian press 25 oppressed, the linguist did not give up in exile12. From Pskov he sent to the Russian Academy of Sciences the “Final Word” of the first volume of A. Yushka’s dictionary (about 50 pages). Here, among other things, it is mentioned that people who provided material for the dictionary were sometimes unceremoniously cleared by the gendarmes after the writer had left (Piročkinas, ed., 1991: 143). In addition, in 1903 J. Jablonskis dared to send Varpai a string of his memories – but only about his childhood, studies, appearance in Aušra, Kudirka’s conversion, but nothing about his work in Mintauja and about his case. These memories were signed with a special nickname – “Kirvelis Nusmuko” (Jablonskio raštai 1932: 69-73). The exile of J. Jablonski was shortened and he was allowed to settle in Šiauliai, as the lifting of the press ban was approaching. In a letter written to Pavel Vishinsky from Pskov, Jablonski saw such signs in the Russian press13. The perseverance of the Lithuanian people in defending the Lithuanian press in various ways (J. Jablonski made a considerable contribution here), the voices of Russian scholars and some officials that the ban was not justified14, the revolutionary movement that began throughout the Russian Empire and the dissatisfaction with the end of the war with Japan – all this finally affected the Russian authorities and on May 7, 1904, the tsar’s order to lift the ban was published. In Šiauliai, J. Jablonskis learned about the lifting of the press ban from the newspapers. The tsar’s order was immediately published in Lithuanian in Vilnius St. John’s Church. The Church of St. Nicholas. Emotional people collected signatures to thank Governor-General Sviatopolk I Mirsky or even the Tsar. Mr. Jablonski did not support such thanks. 12 P. Mašiotas has rightly observed: “[j]o more severe the punishment for Jablonski, the more he would take on the interrupted work” (Mašiotas 1930: 46). 13 At that time, in the magazine Новое время, Sergei Syromiatnikov, an experienced journalist who had written not only in various Russian but also foreign press publications, published an article stating that the authorities were finally concerned with the solution of the issue of the Lithuanian font and that the sooner the ban on printing “Lithuanian and Samogitian books in the Lithuanian-Latin font was lifted, the more beneficial it would be to the Russian cause” (Piročkinas, ed., 1985: 393). 14 The issues of Lithuanian press in Lithuanian-Latin script were discussed in various institutions of the Russian Empire for more than 7 years: from 1896 to the beginning of 1904 (see Tyla 2004: 10). There were both those who defended the ban on the press and those who agreed to change it in part – to allow the printing in Latin alphabet only of elementary books, prayer books and calendars, and those who demanded the ban on the press to be completely abolished. Interestingly, the opponents of the abolition of the ban were mainly from the Ministry of People’s Education, and the supporters – from the Ministry of Internal Affairs (K. Strolmanas, V. Plėvė and others). The Tsar had formed a special committee, which decided to repeal all previous decisions and decrees of the Russian government, “restrictive of Lithuanian and Samogitian writing in its works; in addition to Russian scripts, to allow the use of Latin and other scripts.’ The Czar approved the decision of the committee. 26 LANGUAGE CULTURE | 83 In a letter he invited Povilas Višinskis to come to Šiauliai immediately, and the next day he promised to go to Vilnius to see what the Vilnius people were doing. J. Jablonskis considered the day when the daily newspaper Vilnius žinios was published in Vilnius to be the greatest celebration. Legal Lithuanian newspapers, calendars, written in a good language understandable to all, were supposed to raise Lithuanians’ self-consciousness; besides, there was still a difficult battle for Lithuanian schools and textbooks suitable for them. Lithuania was still part of the Russian Empire, censorship of the press did not disappear, polonization continued to develop15. The school was particularly affected by the Great Depression. In Vilnius, Lithuanian was allowed to be taught in three schools, but the government did not allocate money for this. People themselves contributed money to the cause of the Lithuanian language, from which a certain salary was paid to J. Jablonski, who had taken up this job. In the province it was even worse. In Šiauliai and Panevėžys, as J. Jablonskis wrote to J. Basanavičius in 1912, there are only Polish language teachers, and no one teaches Lithuanian there. Jonas Jablonskis understood well the importance of the recovery of the Lithuanian press, but he also understood the difficulties still to be experienced in terms of strengthening Lithuanianness and Lithuanian language affairs. We value him as a promoter of the common Lithuanian language, the creator of our normative grammar, but we should also value him as a public figure, a fighter for Lithuanianness, for the rights of the Lithuanian language. LITERATūRA Av i ž on is P. 1921: Jablonskis Mintaujoj, Revely, Pskove. – Lietuvių mokykla, Nr. 12. Av i ž on is P. 1930: Žodis kitas apie Joną Jablonskį. – Kalba 1 (2), 48–55. B a l č ikon is J. 1932: Trumpas [Jablonskio] gyvenimo aprašymas. – Jablonskio raštai 1, XI–XXX. Briancev P. D. 1891: П. Д. Брянцев. Очерк древней Литвы и запад ной России. – Русская литература в Литве: XIV–XX в. в., Vilnius: Lietuvos rašytojų sąjungos leidykla, 1998, 241–243. C yl ov N. I. (sud.) 1866: Н. И. Цылов. Сборник распоряжений графа Ми хаи ла Николаевича Муравьева. – Русская литература в Литве: XIV– XX в. в., Vilnius: Lietuvos rašytojų sąjungos leidykla, 1998, 213–217. 15 Prieš pat spaudos atgavimą polonizacijos mastais Lietuvoje laiške kun. J. TumuiVaižgantui baisėjosi ir Šatrijos Ragana (žr. Žėkaitė 1986: 142). V. Labutis. Jonas Jablonskis ir lietuvių spaudos draudimas 27 Cirkuliar 1885: Циркуляр по Варшавскому учебному округу, Nr. 9. ivinskij P., Sideravičius R., Masionienė B., Meržvinskaitė B. 1998: Русская литература в Литве: XIV–XX в. в. Хрестоматия, Vil nius: Lietuvos rašytojų sąjungos leidykla. Jablonskio raštai 1932: Jablonskio raštai 1. Visuomenės straipsniai. Sud. J. Balčikonis, Kaunas. 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