Dzienniki Emilii z Beniowskich Wróblewskiej z lat 1850–1886 jako źródło do badań językowo-kulturowych
Abstract
Artykuł ukazuje różne perspektywy badawcze, jakie otwiera przed lingwistami i historykami kultury bogata spuścizna diarystyczna Emilii Wróblewskiej, przechowywana w Dziale Rękopisów Biblioteki Litewskiej Akademii Nauk im. Wróblewskich w Wilnie. Piśmiennictwo stosunkowo mało znanej autorki z XIX-wiecznej Litwy zasługuje na wieloaspektową refleksję humanistyczną i wprowadzenie do szerokiego obiegu naukowego. Taki jest cel realizowanego aktualnie projektu dokumentacyjno-badawczego: zaprezentowanie w formie edycji cyfrowej manuskryptów Wróblewskiej z opracowaniem krytycznym i ukazanie aspektów ideowych, językowych i literackich intymistyki kobiecej tworzonej w sytuacji zaborów.
Full text
ZOFIA SAWANIEWSKA-MOCHOWA
Institute of Slavic Studies of the Polish Academy of Sciences in Warsaw
ORCID iD: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2916-6736
RESEARCH AREAS: dialectology, ethnolinguistics, dialect lexicography, regional Polish.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.35321/bkalba.2024.97.07
THE DIARIES OF EMILIA WRÓBLEWSKA, NÉE BENIOWSKA, FROM 1850–1886 AS A SOURCE FOR LINGUISTIC AND CULTURAL RESEARCH1
KEYWORDS: diary writing, herstory, 19th century, Lithuania, digital edition of sources, northeastern borderland Polish.
ABSTRACT
The article presents the various research perspectives that the rich diary legacy of Emilia Wróblewska opens up for linguists and cultural historians. It is held in the Manuscripts Department of the Wróblewski Library of the Lithuanian Academy of Sciences in Vilnius. The writings of this relatively little-known nineteenth-century author from Lithuania deserve multifaceted humanistic reflection and inclusion in wider scholarly circulation. This is the aim of the documentary and research project currently underway: to present Wróblewska’s manuscripts in a digital edition with critical commentary, and to reveal the ideological, linguistic and literary aspects of women’s intimate writing created under the conditions of partition.
1 This article was written as part of the project Egodocuments of Emilia Wróblewska from 1850–1886 – a testimony to the life and ideological attitudes of a Polish woman from Vilnius’s intelligentsia. A digital edition of 7 diaries with critical commentary and an e-monograph, funded in 2023–2028 under the programme “National Programme for the Development of the Humanities,” project no. NPRH/F/SP/507578/2021/11, “Foundations” module. The project partners are the Wróblewski Library of the Lithuanian Academy of Sciences in Vilnius and the Digital Competence Center of the University of Warsaw. This text is exploratory in nature and is based on a preliminary examination of the sources; consequently, the reflections and observations presented do not claim to constitute a comprehensive study with extensive conclusions. A full linguistic and stylistic analysis of Wróblewska’s writings will only be provided in the co-authored e-monograph concluding the project.
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ABSTRACT
The article shows various research perspectives opening up for linguists and historians of culture due to analysis of the rich diaristic legacy of Emilia Wróblewska, stored in the Manuscripts Department of the Wróblewski Library of the Lithuanian Academy of Sciences in Vilnius. The writings of a relatively little-known author from the 19th-century Lithuania deserve multifaceted humanistic reflection and wider introduction to the wider scientific community. Thus, the aim of the current documentation and research project is presenting Wróblewska’s manuscripts in the form of a digital edition with a critical study, and showing the ideological, linguistic and literary aspects of women’s intimist literature written at the time of Partitions and domination of the Russian Empire.
Women’s life writing of the nineteenth century is attracting increasing interest, but also polarizing views on this genre of writing. Some scholars treat this type of work as a marginal historical source and as epigonal literature of questionable artistic merit; others, on the contrary, see women’s ego-documents as sincere testimony to the authors’ lives and activities, as well as records of events presented through the writers’ feelings and expression (Griškaitė 2012: 296). Women’s biographical writing from nineteenth-century Lithuania is a valuable, albeit underused, source for studying the language, views, and aspirations of women activists from the intelligentsia, their organic work to preserve fundamental values (service to the homeland and society, faith in God, family, women’s education, and the patriotic and civic upbringing of children), and their strategies for survival in the aftermath of failed national liberation uprisings. Women’s attitudes and the dilemmas they faced in engaging in public activity at the turn of the twentieth century are a sphere increasingly evident in contemporary Polish and Lithuanian historiography (see, for example: Kałwa 1997, 2014; Bairašauskaitė 2011; Żarnowska 2014, as well as studies in the series Women and... edited by Anna Żarnowska and Andrzej Szwarc).
In this brief sketch, I intend merely to indicate the fascinating research perspectives that the rich diary legacy of Emilia née Benjowska Wróblewska opens up for scholars in the humanities, and why these manuscripts should be made available to researchers in the form of a modern digital edition, as testimony to the life, language, and axiosphere of a woman from the Vilnius intelligentsia in the post-uprising era—a woman who fulfilled herself in various roles: an amateur writer, a devoted mother, a teacher, but also a person unhappy in her marriage, inwardly torn between conservative ideals-
ZOFIA SAWANIEWSKA-MOCHOWA. Dzienniki Emilii z Benjowskich Wróblewskiej
z lat 1850–1886 jako źródło do badań językowo-kulturowych
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tywnego społeczeństwa (zob. Medišauskienė 2001) a potrzebą przekraczania granic ról społecznych i poszukiwania dróg osobistego rozwoju intelektualnego. Aspiracje edukacyjne i samokształceniowe kobiet na Litwie od końca XVIII w. do początku w. XX przedstawiła szerzej Olga Mastianica w książce pod znamiennym tytułem Praverus namų duris (Po uchyleniu drzwi domu), ukazując stopniowe ewoluowanie ich ról społecznych, od opiekunki domu i co najwyżej pomocnicy mężczyzny, ku aktywności intelektualnej i zawodowej (Mastianica 2012). Emilia Wróblewska nie należy do postaci, które są opisywane w podręcznikach historii czy literatury polskiej, jak i litewskiej, ale też nie jest to osoba przez badaczy zupełnie niedostrzegana. Jest wspominana w publikacjach na temat dawnej Biblioteki Wróblewskich w Wilnie (np. Białokozowicz 2002: 207–208), jej imię figurowało obok imienia męża w nazwie tej instytucji (Biblioteka im. Eustachego i Emilii Wróblewskich, obecnie Biblioteka Litewskiej Akademii Nauk im. Wróblewskich). Wzmiankowali o niej też biografiści jej męża, zesłańca, lekarza-homeopaty i społecznika, Eustachego Wróblewskiego (1826–1891), a zwłaszcza badacze życia, działalności i postaw ideowych jej synów, Tadeusza Stanisława Wróblewskiego (1858–1925), słynnego wileńskiego adwokata, bibliofila, działacza społecznego, zesłańca i Augustyna Aniceta Wróblewskiego (1866–po 1913), naukowca, biochemika, socjalisty, teoretyka i propagatora anarchizmu. O obecności diarystyki Wróblewskiej w wileńskich zbiorach archiwalnych informowała w 1999 r. również historyczka Tamara Bairašauskaitė, ale przedstawiła te źródła fragmentarycznie (Bairašauskaitė 1999: 36–37). Cenny walor informacyjny dla zainteresowanych XIX-wieczną diarystyką kobiecą mają dane archiwalne na temat dzienników Wróblewskiej wraz z syntetycznym streszczeniem ich zawartości, umieszczone w bazie elektronicznej Archiwum Kobiet2, opracowanej w Instytucie Badań Literackich w Warszawie.
Lithuanian scholar Reda Griškaitė (2012, 2017) brought Wróblewska’s figure more fully into historical discourse, presenting in detail intriguing biographical themes and the diarist’s work as a valuable source for literary and historical research. She also presented selected entries by the author from different years; however, none of the seven volumes of Wróblewska’s diary legacy (comprising approximately 1,200 pages) has yet received a critical edition.
2 http://archiwumkobiet.pl/autor/wroblewska-emilia [accessed 2024 02 13].
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The diarist’s ego-documents still require thorough linguistic and cultural study and examination in the context of women’s writing, in connection with her biographical, family, and social context. Born in 1830 in the town of Kobryn, Grodno Governorate, she was the daughter of Augustyna Kryńska (1809–1869) and Major Bartłomiej Beniowski (1800–1867), a participant in the November Uprising and an émigré (Lewak 1935: 429). Raised in the traditions of Romantic patriotism, she met her father, a post-November émigré and activist abroad (Harris 2019), only after more than 20 years, in London. She admired him for his courage, prodigious memory, and scholarly work, and wrote of her exiled father in her diary: “for he could find everything on foreign soil, / but this he would seek in vain—help, counsel, fame / all will give him, but a heart, can one find it so easily / and among the English, too” (DBW1, Vilnius, 16 September 1851, fol. 38r).
Emilia’s mother’s sister, Leokadia née Kryńska Andrzejkowiczowa (1810–1882), also joined the independence movement; she ran a girls’ boarding school in Vilnius, which was closed after the January Uprising in 1864. Thanks to the detailed archival research of the aforementioned R. Griškaitė (2017: 102–103), it is now known that Emilia Wróblewska was, by the standards of the time, an educated woman. She received her education at home, then at the best girls’ boarding schools in Vilnius and at the Vilnius Institute for Nobles. She had an aptitude for learning languages and knew French, German, Russian, and English. She also willingly undertook translations of books she brought in from abroad. She translated into Polish from English her father’s scholarly work A Handbook of Phrenotypics for Teacher and Student (London 1842)⁴, and from French a collection of religious meditations entitled Les Paillettes d’Or (Okru
3 In quotations from Wróblewska’s diaries, I preserve the linguistic features of the originals. I do not bring the diarist’s spelling into line with present-day orthographic rules; it may reflect regional pronunciation and the usage of the Eastern Borderlands, as well as document orthographic and phonetic processes still under way in nineteenth-century Polish in general. I do not remove deletions made by the writer herself. I modernize only the punctuation and introduce punctuation marks required for syntactic and logical clarity. I treat the author’s placement of hyphens or longer dashes in the lower index as a graphic mannerism. Sometimes they function as a period, semicolon, or ellipsis, and may also signal an interpolation. I do not rule out the possibility that the writer used them to signal intense emotional states (a kind of emotive punctuation).
4 The 60-leaf manuscript of this translation, with a foreword by Wróblewska dated 16 November 1886, has been preserved in the collections of the Wróblewski Library of the Lithuanian Academy of Sciences (hereafter abbreviated as BW LAN), shelfmark F9–242. She most likely brought her father’s book from London after 1855; a copy of Beniowski’s work is held at BW LAN, shelfmark 41915.
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Golden crumbs. A little collection of advice for sanctifying and bringing happiness to life5). In 1851 she began working as an elementary-school teacher at the girls’ school run in Vilnius by the aforementioned aunt, Andrzejkowiczowa, and Emilia’s mother, Augustyna née Kryńska Beniowska. She also obtained permission to give private French lessons. The diaries document Wróblewska’s devotion to grassroots work, which she understood as raising children (strengthening their moral character) and educating them; they also reveal her aptitude for scholarly work and, finally, her pursuit of self-improvement through the selection of varied reading to deepen her knowledge in different fields and develop her spiritual life.
Wątkiem, który wymaga gruntownego zbadania jest podana przez R. Griškaitė (2017: 90) za biografami rodziny Wróblewskich i badaczami oświaty na Litwie w XIX w. (por. Romanowski 2003: 285) informacja o prowadzeniu przez Emilię przez 40 lat tajnej pensji dla dziewcząt w Wilnie, w której edukację początkową pobierały uczennice z najznakomitszych miejscowych rodzin. Sugeruje to inskrypcja „40 lat dzieci uczyła” umieszczona na nagrobku Wróblewskiej na cmentarzu na Starej Rossie. W samych dziennikach nie znajdujemy na ten temat informacji, być może był to ze strony autorki rodzaj autocenzury, by nie zdradzać szczegółów, które mogłyby zagrażać bezpieczeństwu uczennic i ich rodzin, gdyby trafiły w nieodpowiednie ręce. W jednym tylko wpisie, dokonanym prawdopodobnie w 1884 r., w Notatach różnych zatytułowanych Moje mysli (bardzo trudnych do odczytania), podzieliła się taką refleksją: „Jestem nauczycielką od 15 r. życia, a / teraz mam już lat 54. [nieczytelne], więc od lat zajmuję się pracą tak ciężką dla innych, a dla mnie tak miłą, kocham wiek dziecin[n]ny, młodociany” (NRW2, k. 17v), Z prostego wyliczenia wynika zatem, że niemal 40 lat Wróblewska zajmowała się nauczaniem u podstaw.
5 BW LAN, shelfmark F9–928, 929. One notebook contains translations of two collections of meditations, assigned separate shelfmarks and comprising 155 leaves in total. The BW LAN manuscript catalogue gives the dates 1871–1873, whereas in the source itself the first collection is dated 1868–1870 and the second 1871–1873. The catalogue entry also mentions the publication of the manuscript under the title Golden Crumbs (1877) by Józef Zawadzki’s printing house. The edition, however, does not identify the translator. The title page bears only the subtitle First Collection, while the book itself contains both collections, as can be seen by consulting the digitized copy of Golden Crumbs from the Parish Library in Liszki; see https://polona.pl/item-view/056e4994-7432-4324-bd9d-3e2465385e0c?page=4 [accessed 2023 12 01]. A comparison of the translation manuscript with the published text conclusively shows that it is Wróblewska’s translation. It remains puzzling, however, why the translator’s name was not disclosed in the publication.
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The diarist fulfilled herself not only as an amateur writer and translator but also, as her diaries clearly attest, as a mother deeply emotionally attached to her children and committed to their intellectual development. In Pedagogical Notes, written in 1867 during her stay in London, she revealed that the time she spent away from her family should be put to the best possible use by studying phrenotypics6, reading historical works, mastering English, and “working <...> on everything that I see might be of use to my children” (NPW, fol. 1v).
Of the Wróblewskis’ seven children, only two sons reached adulthood. Wróblewska lived through the loss of three sons (Władysław, Zygmunt, and Kazimierz) and two daughters (Stanisława and Maria). Her daughter Maria, for whom she kept a diary, died just short of her eighteenth birthday. The diarist died at the age of 56; she kept diary entries for nearly 30 years of her life, with a longer interruption spanning 1873–1877 and 1879–1883. She belonged to the women who—as R. Griškaitė aptly put it—“could not help writing” (Griškaitė 2017: 109).
Emilia Wróblewska’s manuscript legacy is a valuable source for linguistic research in a range of areas. The Polish language was a constitutive value in the patriotic value system of the noble family; yet none of the researchers who have so far studied the diarist’s manuscripts has focused on their linguistic qualities, the spelling of her records, or the stylistic and genre diversity of Wróblewska’s writings, although her ego-documents (not only diaries, but also letters, translations, and reading summaries7) are valuable
6 Bartłomiej Beniowski coined the term phrenotypics (from English phrenotypics) for a machine he designed to improve memory capacity and the assimilation of vast amounts of data; for more on this, see Griškaitė 2017: 98. The diarist herself called her father’s invention “memory pictures” and “wonders of memory,” and in the preface to her translation from English of Beniowski’s work she wrote: “His inventive mind / sought a motor machine <...> that would imprint upon his memory, a hundred times / faster, that vast amount of knowledge / which he wished to consign to his / memory—and which, alongside its speed, would have / such power that, having once impressed it upon the brain, / it would engrave it there so deeply that it would become one /—a single, inseparable whole. He thought, sought, / studied all the systems of Mnemonics (the art of memory), / as old as the world, and at last, through / various combinations, he devised and fashioned, by his own / invention, this motor machine; he arranged its wheels and shafts” (BW LAN, shelfmark F9–242, fols. 2r–2v].
7 Wróblewska began summarizing the books she had read and compiling notes on various fields of knowledge (economics, ancient history, the history and culture of Vilnius, and geography) on 15 November 1871 (NRW1, fol. 1r). These records document the breadth of her interests. At the beginning of the manuscript The Substance of My Readings, she explained the purpose of her work: “I write this with my daughter in mind, wishing to / encourage her, when she grows older, to summarize / every work she reads herself too—”
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a testament to nineteenth-century Polish as used in written form by intellectually active members of the Vilnius intelligentsia.
The diarist had broad linguistic competence, and her work is characterized by verbal sophistication and lexical richness. At the same time, Wróblewska’s records reveal various kinds of fluctuation, which may point both to variation in the spelling conventions of the period and the existence of a distinctive grapholect used in manuscripts, as well as to the reflection in writing of pronunciation features of the nineteenth-century Vilnius intelligentsia. The regional coloring of the diarist’s Polish, already noticeable on a preliminary reading of excerpts from the diaries, requires careful qualitative and quantitative analysis and comparison with the language of other nineteenth-century authors from Lithuania writing in Polish, as well as with general trends in nineteenth-century Polish. Only a comparative approach will make it possible to establish the presence of regional phenomena in Wróblewska’s writings and the individual features of her style.
Even a cursory survey of the diarist’s entries from different years indicates that she fluctuates in her use of consonants from three series: sibilants (Z), alveolo-palatal fricatives (Ź), and postalveolar fricatives (Ż), as manifested graphically in irregular use of diacritics (dots and strokes). Irena Bajerowa (1986: 33) described the state of orthography in nineteenth-century manuscripts with regard to the use of diacritical marks as not yet stabilized and often careless. Wróblewska, too, quite often omits diacritics or renders them inconsistently, using strokes and dots rather freely (examples appear later in the article). Caution is therefore essential when reconstructing the relationship between a graphic unit (grapheme) and its phonetic realization on the basis of unstable spelling. The aim of the digital edition is to transcribe the diarist’s diaries as faithfully as possible to the originals, preserving their graphic variation, and then to conduct comparative research that will allow an assessment of how pronunciation features are reflected in writing. On the basis of the one hundred manuscript pages transcribed so far, it is already possible to signal the presence in Wróblewska’s diary writing of two opposing tendencies, most likely with an articulatory basis: omitting the stroke marking palatal consonants in word-final position (e.g. pa-mięć, odbyt, dziś, tydzień, bądź, wyraz ‘distinct’) and marking the softness of the consonant c in the same position (e.g. pomóc). The presence of secondary processes of pa-
summarize them for herself, for only then will they truly benefit her. / I began too late, but it can never be too late / to take a good step” (NRW1, fol. 1r).
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The occurrence of palatalization and depalatalization of consonants in different positions in Northern Borderland Polish is, of course, nothing surprising, since we have many attestations of these phenomena from different developmental phases and functional varieties of the Polish language in Lithuania (Kurzowa 1993: 237, 239–240).
Of research interest is the fact that a person from the intelligentsia, well-read, engaging with various texts, knowing languages and educating others, and using a high register of Polish8, is, despite her linguistic competence, influenced by regional usage. In this context, it is worth recalling Zofia Kurzowa’s observation that she regarded disruptions in the distribution of consonants from the three series as “the most striking feature of the consonant system of the Philomaths,” and the entire range of uses of consonants from the three series as “the only area in which the Philomaths were unable to cope in the field of phonetics” (Kurzowa 1972: 47, 67; Bajerowa 1986: 125). It turns out that this area, situated at the boundary between spelling and pronunciation, also posed difficulties for Wróblewska, although she handled it decidedly better than the Philomaths. However, modernizing the spelling of the diarist’s manuscripts to bring it in line with present-day standards, and eliminating the variation that also characterized the orthography and morphonological system of general Polish in the nineteenth century (Bajerowa 1986: 123–124), would deprive these sources of their value as authentic testimony to nineteenth-century Polish as used in women’s egodocuments from Lithuania. It is worth adding that the brief quotations from Wróblewska’s manuscripts presented in the Women’s Archive database have been modernized and therefore have no documentary value for the historian of language or researcher of regional Polish. R. Griškaitė alone sought to preserve the spelling and segmentation of the original in quoted diary excerpts, but did not address the diarist’s diacritic variation, the presence of unusual forms, or the regional conditioning of her Polish. I do not in any way make this a reproach, since the researcher was concerned with analyzing the content of the documents (and did so perfectly), not with matters of graphemics, phonetics, or morphonology. Our
8 Tym terminem określam za Anną Zielińską (2002: 12) wariant polszczyzny używanej na Litwie przez inteligencję pochodzenia ziemiańsko-szlacheckiego. Określenie to, motywowane socjolingwistycznie, wydaje się adekwatne do dobrej znajomości języka polskiego Wróblewskiej jako przedstawicielki warstwy ziemiańsko-szlacheckiej, która zasiliła szeregi inteligencji wileńskiej. Trudno na wstępnym etapie badań wyrokować, jaki twórca mógł być dla piszącej inspiracją i wzorcem literackim do naśladowania, ale warto w przyszłości skonfrontować polszczyznę diarystki z językiem jej współczesnych popularnych autorów, np. Syrokomli (por. Trypućko 1955–1957; Karaś 2022), który przyjaźnił się z Eustachym Wróblewskim, mężem Emilii.
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readings, moreover, as I can confirm on the basis of quotations from selected manuscripts published by R. Griškaitė (2012), are generally consistent, although there are some differences. For example, I would interpret raźnych (Griškaitė 2012: 241) as różnych ‘various’ (DWB1, fol. 38r), since the grapheme z z, with its imprecisely marked diacritic, represents both the phoneme [ž] and [ź] in Wróblewska’s manuscripts. In this case, however, the context helps us understand the form correctly, since the reference is to people różnych wiekiem i narodem i stanem9; in turn, when checked against the manuscript, the reading do późna (Griškaitė 2012: 275) is undoubtedly do późna (DBW1, fol. 7r); finally, the imprecise transcription chrescianki (Griškaitė 2012: 264), whereas the manuscript has the form chrześcjanki (DMW, fol. 2r), with the allograph rz representing the phoneme [ž]. Given the observed differences in reading the diarist’s handwriting, the best solution, both from the perspective of the linguist’s and the historian’s research practice, is to prepare an open-access digital edition of the diaries that presents two views of the manuscript: a transcription of the original, supplemented by a network of interactive annotations, and a visual representation of the original text.
It will then be possible to propose corrections to the readings offered, depending on the frame of reference being used, and to comment on some of Wróblewska’s problematic spellings, which changed over the years. As already noted above, the phoneme [ž] has the greatest graphic variation in her writing: it is rendered carefully as ž and rz, and less carefully, or even in an affected manner, as z z with a stroke of varying length placed above the letter or at a considerable distance from it. In the examples below, this last type of spelling is represented schematically as <ź>, to distinguish it from the character ź, which symbolizes the sound [ź], as in the word jeśli, reflecting assimilation in voicing (jeśli > jeźli). The diarist’s spellings in which the consonant z occurs instead of the expected ž or ź, and vice versa, call for fuller interpretation and a search for parallels in the writings of other nineteenth-century authors from Lithuania. Establishing the frequency of these phenomena throughout the material and examining their specific conditioning are crucial, as this will make it possible to determine whether we are dealing with actual
9 Emilia Kolinko, translator and editor of the Polish edition of Griškaitė’s text, introduced the modern spelling różnych, while also removing the trace of regional phonetics in the form of the interchange ó > o (Griškaitė 2017: 100). She also normalized other quotations from Wróblewska’s manuscripts according to current orthographic rules.
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phonetic features (i.e. traces of Borderland pronunciation), or errors in the use of diacritics, resulting both from the weakness of the norm and from the author’s oversights, as she often wrote in a state of intense emotion. The following excerpts from various Wróblewska manuscripts document the variation in the use or omission of diacritical marks noted above:
Ah, how great / is this truth, ‹źe the Lord’s yoke is sweet and His burden / light. The angelic maiden Kazimiera contributed greatly / to illuminating the path of life before me, to awakening / in me a greater devotion to my vocation / and my duties. God bless Jał! and reward her for what / she has done for me!
<...> for why else> are we given life / if not so that through it we may earn Heaven. / A month, then, of a distracted life, full of errors, / is lost to Heaven. One must work, one must / sweat, for the Kingdom of God suffers violence, and the violent take it by force / (existential-religious reflections, DBW1, Vilnius, 28 January 1855, fol. 86r).
Today all my spiritual / exercises pointed to the goal / of my life and destiny, which / is God; they showed me the most perfect / way to serve Him, by practicing Holy Indifference, / that is, by being ready for every[thing]. / My heart was filled with this / great and fundamental truth: that I / was created for God and for this alone / (meditations during a retreat, WEW, 1854, Day I, fol. 1v–2r).
Eustachy’s indifference toward / me, his complete forgetfulness of me [inkblot shaped like a tear], his life / away from home—in short, all that, in relation to me, had until now / grieved me, all that had caused my tears, / will become something / natural, ordinary. I wipe away my tears, banish sadness; / I shall be calm, smiling, cheerful, / for to fulfill God’s will with eternal complaint / and lamentation is un-Christian (DBW3, fol. 23r–23v).
Since> nothing will justify me at the hour of death and Judgment, I / should not now say, / “I cannot, it is difficult for me,” because these / excuses will not open Heaven to me / or save me from / Hell (meditations during a retreat, WEW, 1854, Day two, fol. 5v–6r].
Is> reading, then, a way of remembering / one’s father; is entering into his soul / to be of no use to me [?] The sight of this great spirit, / his brilliant ideas, / this avid desire for knowledge, this constant / striving for perfection, his / perseverance in work uplifts me, / and makes me proud, so to speak, / while showing me how precious / time is, and how the moments I waste / idly—as the daughter of this remarkable man—I might use / to perfect at least one / of the abilities I must have inherited from my father, / perfecting it so / that it might benefit my family / and prove useful to the community / (on her father Bartłomiej Beniowski, NPW, London, 1867, fol. 2r–2v).
ZOFIA SAWANIEWSKA-MOCHOWA. Dzienniki Emilii z Beniowskich Wróblewskiej 149 z lat 1850–1886 jako źródło do badań językowo-kulturowych
The diarist’s Polish can also be viewed from an ethnolinguistic perspective, more precisely an axiological one, because personal accounts reveal, alongside their historical and social context, value-laden concepts that can be reconstructed on the basis of language. Exploring, for example, the scope of the concept PATRIOTISM in Wróblewska’s writings requires including this value within a broader conceptual complex (Bartmiński 2020: 109) and presenting it in relation to other values important to her and, more broadly, to the intelligentsia of the time, such as HOMELAND, GOD, FAMILY, WORK, EDUCATION. We can agree that the semantic dominant of the concept PATRIOTISM is love of the Homeland, but this translates into the functioning of various models of patriotism: heroic, Romantic, positivist, national, Christian, local, and others (Karolak 1993; Brzozowska 2006, 2009). Guided by the philosophical thought of the age and the idea of work at the grassroots, Emilia Wróblewska chose a different strategy of service to the Homeland than those around her. She supported the idea of an uprising, but her diaries document above all her positivist patriotism, understood as education and the cultivation of the intellectual sphere, the strengthening of the spirit through fervent religiosity and Christian ethics, and a commitment to preserving fundamental values within the family. They also express local (regional) patriotism, as evidenced, for instance, by the following entry by the diarist, a retort to a remark by the daughter of an émigré who had returned from France to her homeland:
she dislikes / our poor Lithuania after splendid Paris<ź>u, with / its black bread, wretched hotels, oppressed / peasants. In passing, I saw foreign / countries, but from P... I cry out: for all its comforts, / bon genre, and loudly and widely trumpeted civilization / of the East, I prefer my poor country! Everything in it / I love, the land, the people, and our cloudy sky. / God grant that with these people I may sow and reap, / live with them, and die with them! (DBW2, Wilno, 23 February 1858, fol. 42r).
Some entries by Wróblewska in the already-mentioned notebook entitled “My Thoughts” are also patriotic in character. Here she invokes the concept of the avenger, potent in heroic patriotism, who will rise up to redress the wrongs inflicted on Poland and restore justice:
Równie te<ź> nie mamy prawa zrzec się ani / jednej z wiekowych naszych dą<ź>ności, gdy<ź> / nasi bohaterowie, nasi męczennicy, [skreślenie] rzuciliby / straszne przekleństwo na odstępców świętej sprawy. / Żyjemy! Nieprawdą jest, że P. w grobie. <...> świadczą o tem nasi wieszcze, nasi filozofowie / nasi malarze, nasi rzezbiarze, nasi pracownicy na ka<ź>dém polu // Żyjemy, bo groby naszych mę-
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tyrs cry out in a mighty voice and remind / Europe of a valiant nation—the shield of Liberty! // These graves, these bones of Poland’s heroes, are / our wealth, the source of our future // From these bones an avenger will rise! (NRW2, December 1883, fol. 18r–18v).
The author takes a highly critical view of the Russian Empire, which she sees as “an enormous prison” (NRW2, fol. 19v). “That nation which calls itself Russian, which / believes that it is not only civilized, / but even an apostle of civilization!, usually fights / ‘in the name of God,’ ‘in the name of Christ’” (NRW2, fol. 19v). The diarist also condemns Russian Pan-Slavism, which “would be laughable / were it not hanging like the sword of Damocles / over the heads of the peoples of the whole earth” (NRW2, fol. 20r). She set Poland’s readiness to fight for the independence of other nations against Russia’s imperialist actions in Europe (how strikingly relevant this still is!):
Thus we can be proud. We have always been / the vanguard of unconquered / nations—and still are. // The countless thousands of graves bear witness, / where our fathers, our brothers lie buried, / those who perished in the endless struggle / with these savage barbarians in Eu- / ropean garb” (NRW2, fol. 20r).
As mentioned earlier, Wróblewska was involved in the patriotic and civic education of her own children, and the two diaries written for them constitute a distinctive literary genre—a kind of guide to the world of values. Linguistically, they offer an interesting example of a maternal style infused with tenderness and emotion (Masojć, Sawanie wska-Mochowa 2024: 38). The diarist often addressed the children directly by name, as the future readers of the diaries:
Maryjko, my dearest child, today, on New Year’s Day, / I give you this book as a Christmas gift; keep it as a keepsake from your mother, who loves you above all things on earth! (DMW, Wilno, January 1865, fol. 2r);
Remember, / Tadziuniu, in later life that suffering and sorrow / begin in the cradle, that everyone must suffer—so learn, / my son, and accustom yourself from childhood to courage / and patience. That is why I do not spoil you or feel / too deeply for you [?], though every slightest pain of yours / echoes deeply in my heart. But / I do not know what awaits you in life; perhaps you will have / to endure much. Though I might wish to shield you with my own breast / from all / bullets, I would never bear it if my son, for lack of courage and fortitude, strayed / from the path of duty, if, fearing suffering, I were to make him / an ungrateful son of his homeland, a bad Christian-
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FIG. 1. My thoughts, shelfmark F9–883 (NRW2, fol. 20r). Photocopy from the corpus of sources made available by BW LAN as part of the project.
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and a / citizen. Better to suffer, my child, suffer for others / and on behalf of others, than to doze and waste your life / in base tranquillity! (DTW, Vilnius, 11 June 1859, fol. 17v);
To my little Augustyn // My dear son, today you begin your 21st year. / In a year you will already be of age, and I may / already be resting in the grave beside my beloved / Maryjka, whose memory has now so revived in / your heart and, as you say, awakened such a poignant / longing for that sisterly spirit which during her / life drew you, then an unthinking child, to sacrifice / for those who suffer (DMW, Vilnius, 7 July 1886, fol. 46r).
In taking up existential and moral-religious themes in her diaries, the diarist almost regularly conducts an examination of conscience. She confides her spiritual needs and her constant search for a deeper relationship with the sacred and for an authentic experience of faith. Stylistically, numerous diary entries display features constitutive of the language of private prayer: thanksgiving, petitions, meditations and professions of faith, apologies for one’s own imperfection and sinful nature, admonitions, and, at the lexical level, elevated vocabulary with expressive functions. Key words in Wróblewska’s religious discourse include: soul, sin, His (God’s) will, faith, virtue, Angel, mercy, but also pride and contrition. At the syntactic level, the presence of long phrases and repetitions is striking.
Entries written in a religious style are also characterised by a certain dialogical quality; the use of the second person indicates that the diarist conducts an inner dialogue with herself and offers herself admonitions:
Today more than ever, cleave / to God, live by a strong and simple faith, / seek happiness not here on earth, / but in the closest union / with Him, for today you see more clearly / and more tangibly than ever / that a person without God, even / the greatest genius, is nothing, while / united with Him, only then does one truly / become great (entry after her father’s death, NPW, London, 1867, fol. 3r);
And you too will die, so do not worry / excessively about temporal things; do what you ought, / do what is within your power, and / leave the rest to the Lord. Every day / think of death, and arrange your life, / arrange your affairs so that it never takes you / by surprise. Let your conscience, / your affairs, your duties always be in order; / let no one after your death complain that you failed to do something / you ought to have done. Do not put off / until later anything you can do today, / for death may take you at this very moment. As a Christian, / do what you can for your soul while you / live. Make use of every / moment given to you to atone for / your sins—fear sin, do not miss / any opportunity to cultivate virtue or improve yourself (as above, NPW, fol. 3v–4r].
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CONCLUSIONS
The manuscript legacy of Emilia Wróblewska presented here, necessarily only in a selective manner, merits, first, thorough graphemic studies and the development of the clearest possible way of presenting the specific features of the diarist’s grapholect. Second, it opens up various avenues of inquiry for researchers interested in women’s life writing, which may be explored using a diverse analytical toolkit, including herstory, autobiography studies, (axiological) linguistics, and genology. Third, a full appreciation of the linguistic, literary, and documentary value of Wróblewska’s diaries requires situating them against the background of nineteenth-century diaristic practices and, for comparative purposes, taking into account linguistic phenomena found in the writings of male and female authors from nineteenth-century Lithuania, as well as the main directions of change in the general Polish language of the nineteenth century. The diarist’s entries reflect various tendencies in the general Polish language of the period, as well as regional usage. On the one hand, they show the weakness of the norm in the use of diacritical marks; on the other, numerous processes of consonant depalatalization and secondary palatalization are evident, which, when compared with the directions of codification of the general language, should at least be interpreted as frequency-based regionalisms.
SOURCES
DBW1 – Emilia Beniowska’s (Wróblewska’s) Diary 1850–1855 (Diary from her unmarried years), BW LAN, shelfmark F9–183, 92 leaves.
DBW2 – Diary of Emilia Wróblewska née Beniowska 1856–1859, BW LAN, shelfmark F9–272, 117 leaves.
DBW3 – Diary of Emilia Wróblewska née Beniowska 1860–1870, BW LAN, shelfmark F9–236, 170 leaves.
DMW – Diary of Marja Wróblewska by her mother Emilia Wróblewska née Beniowska 1865–1878; an entry added under the date 7 July 1886, entitled To My Dear Augustyn, written on the occasion of her son’s twenty-first birthday, BW LAN, shelfmark F9–152b, 47 leaves.
DTW – Diary of Tadeusz Wróblewski by his mother Emilia Wróblewska née Beniowska 1859–1886, BW LAN, shelfmark F9–149, 100 leaves.
NPW – By Emilia Wróblewska [illegible] On the Order of Work. Pedagogical Notes 1867 (notes kept in London), BW LAN, shelfmark F9–311, 56 leaves, in Polish and French.
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NRW1 – Miscellaneous Notes by Emilia Wróblewska 1871, BW LAN, shelfmark F9–902, 35 leaves.
NRW2 – Miscellaneous Notes by Emilia Wróblewska “My Thoughts” 1883–1884, BW LAN, shelfmark F9–884, 56 leaves, in poor condition.
WEW – Wrażenia Emilii Wróblewskiej, 1854, BW LAN, sygn. F9 – 998, 17 kart: Wrażenia i wynikające z nich uczucia i postanowienia z odbytych Rekolekcyi 1854 Gr 16 (opis przeżyć z sześciu dni rekolekcji).
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Gauta 2024-03-11
Priimta 2024-04-15
ZOFIA SAWANIEWSKA-MOCHOWA
T H E D I A R I E S O F E M I L I A W R Ó B L E W S K A, NÉE B E N I O W S K A, F R O M Y E A R S 1850–1886 A S A S O U R C E F O R L I N G U I S T I C A N D C U L T U R A L R E S E A R C H
S u m m a r y
The article initiates interdisciplinary research on the rich manuscript heritage of Emilia Wróblewska née Beniowska from the years 1850–1886, related to the preparation of a digital edition of her seven manuscripts. Reda Griškaitė was the first to introduce the intimate writings of this little-known author from 19th century Lithuania into the historical discourse. She drew attention to the literary and documentary values of Wróblewska’s diaries, which were important from the point of view of researching Lithuanian society of that day. However, the diary’s Polish as her primary language system has never been a subject of linguistic analysis. Wróblewska’s entire work (diaries kept for herself, for her son Tadeusz and daughter Maria, various notes, reading notes, translations of the texts from French and English) was created in Polish, so it constitutes a unique linguistic document of the era.
The article draws attention to the fact that the diarist’s Polish language requires researching from various perspectives, taking into account such aspects as: 1) the author’s grapholect and the diacritic variability; 2) frequency of regional phenomena and individual characteristics; 3) the presence of processes characteristic of
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the general language of the 19th century (especially recessive and expansive features), 4) stylistic and genre diversity of women’s diaries (the richness of expressivisms and emotionalisms, the use of elements of ‘maternal style’ in children’s diaries – a specific genre of intimate diaries, the use of constitutive features of the language of a private prayer).
The diary’s Polish language should also be looked at from an axiolinguistic perspective, since in addition to the historical and moral context, her personal testimonies reveal evaluative concepts that can be reconstructed on the basis of language. Discovering the capacity of the concept of PATRIOTISM in Wróblewska’s writing requires including this value in a broader conceptual complex and presenting it in relations with other values important for her and, more broadly, for the intelligentsia of that time, such as HOMELAND, GOD, FAMILY, WORK, EDUCATION. The semantic dominant element of the concept of PATRIOTISM is love for the homeland, but it translates into the functioning of various models of patriotism: heroic, romantic, positivist, national, Christian, local and others. Wróblewska’s diaries document her positivistic patriotism, understood as educating herself and deepening her intellectual sphere, refreshing her spirit through zealous religiosity and Christian ethics, and maintaining fundamental values in the family, as well as embracing local patriotism.
KEYWORDS: diaries, herstory, 19th century, Lithuania, digital edition of sources, Polish language from the former North-Eastern Borderlands.
ZOFIA SAWANIEWSKA-MOCHOWA Instytut Slawistyki Polskiej Akademii Nauk ul. Jaracza 1 00-378 Warszawa [email protected]
ZOFIA SAWANIEWSKA-MOCHOWA
1850–1886 METŲ EMILIJOS BENIOVSKYTĖS-VRUBLEVSKIENĖS DIENORAŠČIAI – KALBOS IR KULTŪROS TYRIMŲ ŠALTINIS
S a n t r a u k a
Straipsniu inicijuojami tarpdisciplininiai Emilijos Beniovskytės-Vrublewskienės (1850–1886) turtingo rankraštinio paveldo, kurio pagrindu rengiamas skaitmeninis septynių jos dienoraščių leidimas, tyrimai. Šios mažai žinomos XIX amžiaus Lietuvos bajorės rankraščius į istorinio diskurso akiratį pirmą įtraukė Reda Griškaitė. Ji atkreipė dėmesį į moterų dienoraščių literatūrinę bei dokumentinę vertę
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ir jų svarbą tyrinėjant šio laikotarpio Lietuvos visuomenę. Tačiau diaristės vartojama lenkų kalba, kuri jai buvo gimtoji, iki šiol nebuvo lingvistinės analizės objektas. Visa Vrublevskienės rankraštinė kūryba (dienoraščiai, rašyti sau, sūnui Tadui bei dukrai Marijai, įvairūs užrašai, skaitytų knygų santraukos, tekstų vertimai iš prancūzų ir anglų kalbų) lenkų kalba, todėl yra svarbus šios epochos kalbinis dokumentas.
Straipsnyje atkreipiamas dėmesys į tai, kad į dienoraščio kalbą reikia žiūrėti iš įvairių perspektyvų, atsižvelgiant į tokius aspektus: 1) autorės rašybos grafines savybes ir diakritinių ženklų variantiškumą; 2) regioninių savybių ir individualių bruožų dažnumą; 3) XIX amžiaus bendrinei kalbai būdingų procesų (ypač nykstančių ir ekspansyvių bruožų) raišką; 4) moterų dienoraščių stilistinę ir žanrinę įvairovę (ekspresinės ir emocinės leksikos gausa, motinos stiliaus elementai dienoraščiuose, skirtuose vaikams, specifinis intymių dienoraščių žanras, privačiai maldos kalbai būdingos ypatybės).
Į dienoraščio kalbą reikėtų pažvelgti ir aksiolingvistiniu požiūriu, nes Vrublevskienės asmeniniai liudijimai, be istorinio ir moralinio konteksto, atskleidžia aksiologinius konceptus, kuriuos galima rekonstruoti remiantis kalba. Norint suprasti PATRIOTIZMO sampratos turinį Vrublevskienės kūryboje, reikia įtraukti šią vertybę į platesnį sąvokų kompleksą, nurodant ryšius su kitomis jai, o plačiau – to meto inteligentijai svarbiomis vertybėmis, tokiomis kaip TĖVYNĖ, DIEVAS, ŠEIMA, DARBAS, UGDYMAS. Semantinė PATRIOTIZMO sampratos dominantė yra meilė tėvynei, tačiau ji pasireiškia įvairiais patriotizmo modeliais: herojiniu, romantiniu, pozityvistiniu, tautiniu, krikščioniškuoju, lokaliniu ir kt. Vrublevskienės dienoraščiuose dokumentuotas jos pozityvistinis patriotizmas, kuris suprantamas kaip savęs ugdymas ir intelektinių aspiracijų gilinimas, dvasios palaikymas per uolų religingumą bei krikščionišką etiką ir pagrindinių vertybių šeimoje išsaugojimas. Vrublevskienės dienoraščiuose taip pat atspindimas lokalinis patriotiškumas.
ESMINIAI ŽODŽIAI: dienoraščiai, moterų istorija, XIX amžius, Lietuva, šaltinių skaitmeninimas, šiaurės rytų paribio lenkų kalba.
ZOFIA SAWANIEWSKA-MOCHOWA Instytut Slawistyki Polskiej Akademii Nauk ul. Jaracza 1 00-378 Warszawa [email protected]
ZOFIA SAWANIEWSKA-MOCHOWA. Dzienniki Emilii z Benjowskich Wróblewskiej z lat 1850–1886 jako źródło do badań językowo-kulturowych
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