Būdingesnės Ramaškonių tarmės ypatybės

IU KALBOTYROS KLASIMĄ I, II 0S TSR MORSILU AKADEMIJA <|< THE MORE CHaracteristic FEATURES OF THE RAISIN'S TARM! J. Ramaškėnys—the most Lithuanian village of one of the islands inhabited by Lithuanians, located in the territory of the Belarusian SSR and occupying the eastern part of the Varanasi (Balaton- ?) district. In the western part of Varanasi district (about Nevašiūs) and especially in Rėdunė district there are more Lithuanian-speaking villages. From Ramaškoniai about 8 km to the north is the border of the Lithuanian SSR, in the east they border with Dievéniskiy district. In the Ramaškoniai island itself, people speaking and understanding Lithuanian can be found in several villages in an area about 12-15 km long (from north to south) and 6-8 km wide (from west to east). Most of them are in Ramaškoniai, Tūsamoniai, Dainavos, Stanišiai, Bieliūnai, Bili{i villages. According to locals, some 50 years ago Lithuanian was the dominant language here („,dzi'das,,senelis® zai nemokėj gūdiškai pūsės žodzo pasaki'c- “). However, in these villages Lithuanian is no longer the everyday language. There are few families who speak Lithuanian at home, although almost all the local inhabitants of these villages, over the age of 30, speak or at least understand Lithuanian. The Lithuanian language can no longer be a full-fledged means of communication on the island described, because the interpersonal relations have greatly strengthened, mixed marriages have increased, the doors of schools have been wide opened to young people, the press and radio have spread widely, and all this strengthens the influence of the Belarusian language. Only in church villages and former manors the Polish language prevailed more, and otherwise the The Lithuanian villages of Varanasi district currently speak Belarusian. The dialect of Ramaškoniai neighborhoods was studied in more detail only in the Soviet period, namely, from 1952. In that year, a dialectological expedition organized by the Lithuanian Language and Literature Institute, having visited several villages of the island, including Ramaškoniai, recorded dialectological texts and answered part of the questions of the “Lithuanian Language Atlas Material Collection Program”. Additional material was collected by a dialectological expedition organized by the same institute in 1957. The dialect was studied during a dialectological expedition in 1959. The material collected during this expedition, written mainly by the author himself from Ramaškoniai village dialect representatives, will be used in the article. Material collected from earlier expeditions from 1959 m. expedition materials do not differ. ——————— 1 The phonetic and morphological characteristics of the Ramaškoniai dialect were read by the author at a dialectological conference in 1959. * Local Lithuanian-speaking inhabitants instead of the official name Varandvas usually use Balatnd. 12. Questions of Speech, III 177 The article, using the differential method, will describe the more characteristic phonetic, morphological, syntactic and Iekšinis features of this extinct dialect, without delving into their historical development and their spread in other dialects of the Lithuanian language. Vocabulaire de phonétique. One of the most striking vocalisms in the Ramaškoniai dialect is the diphthong ie; wo transformation i*, ww Regardless of whether these diphthongs are accentuated or unaccentuated, whether they are at the beginning or at the end of the word, whether they are native or borrowed, they are still usually monophonic in the language of the younger dialect speakers, e.g.: pi‘nas, svi'tas, ki'mi, klirna, jū'kas, ku delis. Representatives of the dialect older than 50-60 years, although not clearly, often pronounce the second diphthong sand, which would have to be marked similarly as in the texts of P. Arumas | from Zietelos apylinkés- ®, e.g. : Savelienė (surname- ), nitkas, dzievūlis, dwuoena, shepherd, vuegduc. The oldest representative of the Ramaškoniai village dialect, which has nearly a hundred years and originated from the neighboring village of Dainava, diphthongs 7e, wo are not unison completely, e.g.: pauciėni“ „kiaušinienę“, dziévas, kiemi, sveciosna, ditonos, kuodelis. Thus, the pronunciation of bivowels ie, uo, with minor exceptions, depends noticeably on the age of the dialect speakers and is optional (sometimes the same speaker pronounces the same word differently). All this indicates that this phonetic phenomenon is relatively recent. Bivowels ie, uo turning into i', w' or #¢, ue also occur on other southern Lithuanian islands in the territory of the BSSR: especially abundant in the Zietela dialect*, sparsely and unpronunciable in the Lazūnų dialect®, in an unpronunciable position in Lithuanian villages of the neighbouring Rodūnios district, e.g. : in Pelesa, Kargaudai. Other diphthongs do not differ from lk, except for the pronunciation of the strong and unaccented diphthong au: its first syllable has been strongly assimilated by the second and is pronounced with a strong o-shade, e.g.: lditkas, ddūk, gandū, dudėja, raspt'Idu. In the case of mixed diphthongs, we must first stop at the diphthongs am, an, em, en, according to the pronunciation of which the Dzūki are divided into western and eastern. A. Salys, probably, not having enough material, on his map? The boundary between the western and eastern Dzūki drew through Trakai, Eišiškes towards Lydds, the entire current Varanasi district, and thus Ramaškonis, attributing to the eastern Dzūki. This inaccuracy was noticed and the boundary was corrected in 1952 by J. Senkus and V. Grinaveckis?. In fact, the main characteristic of the eastern Dzūkijos people – punctuation from Ramaškoniai to Biliai – is not present in the language of even the oldest dialect speakers. Diphthongs am, an, em, en are kept intact everywhere, e.g.: sdmcis, pdncis, kampas, rafikos, kampélis, rankė, lanta, pampe, gi'venc, penktas, penki. Apparently, the border that separated the western Dzūki from the eastern ones would have been between Ramaškoniai and Dieveniškiai, because in Dieveniškiai, as 28 See. P. Arumaa, Lithuanian Oral Texts from the Vilnius Region, 41 —53, Dorpat, ¢ Žr. P. Arumga, min. veik., ibid. 5 Zr. 1930. J. Senkus, Some peculiarities of Lazūnų dialect. —Works of the Lithuanian SSR Academy of Sciences, series A, 185, Vilnius, 1€58. $ Zr. Prie Archivum Philologicum, 4, Kaunas, 1933 added map. ? See. J. Senku and V. Grinaveckis, Some questions of dialectology for teachers show dialectological material collected by 178 the Institute of Lithuanian Language and Literature, am, an, em, en are already translated um, un, im, in. In the Ramaškoniai dialect, as in all Dzūkian dialects, the old an, en are replaced by ą, in this case by u', i", e.g.: kdsnis, $i'la, žusis, mergu, ti'sc, karvi", ši" ~ Sef, ti" ~ teil. From the old endings *d'n, -*ė-n, which turned into un, in, after the consonant n disappeared, the short u, i appeared in the dialect, e.g.: su mergi, su paklotditi,,paklodéle®, pruodi, rvdrti, kadi. The first syllable of mixed diphthongs:/, im, in, ir, ul, um, un, ur is prolonged, e.g. : Vilius, sodi-nc, bi'lbu, indirc. There is little difference between the voices of the Ramaškonių dialect and Ik. The dialect e, especially when accentuated, is very broad, e.g.: mėtai, ri'telis, pempé. The dialect is characterized by the use of kapsowanie: kap, tép, visap, kitap, šėp, tėp, itep. The vowels ė and o are sometimes pronounced almost as the diphthongs te and uo, especially in younger dialects, e.g. niéra, tievas, dìdì'ne, nemuoku, muotka. In the dialect, there are some inappropriate* and difficult to explain things in the vowels at the end of words. At the unpronounced end of a word, next to ė (which is sometimes abbreviated or resembles ie), there is often a short e, e.g.: mdke, verpste, dare. The ending of the singular suffix, which, as is known, is always unpronounced, also has a short vowel next to the long one, e.g.: vištu, haški. At the pronounced end of the word, the younger dialects, which are more influenced by Slavic languages, prolong the short vowels, e.g. utd, galt, miegmi-, dari‘, and the vowel a in this case they pronounce as a kind of short one, e.g. : į, Dainavg, hands, member ‘ola’. The most typical of the combinational vowel laws is the syncope. A particularly characteristic syncope of the vowel of the sangranosa particle, e.g.: ažūzdegė < afusidegé, nuzbddo, paskdrė, apsémé "took", pdsėmė "took". Syncope also changed the prefixes' api-, atiform, e.g.: abafsté < apbaisté < apibai'stė; aduotdu < atduotdu < atiduotdu; adūrė "opened", atrū'ko "broke off". Syncope occurs also in non-prepositions, e.g. priemnė, Sulnifi, but, on the other hand, it is not present where it has already occurred in the majority of Lithuanian dialects, e.g. v@linas „devil“, afitaras „second“. Consonantism. Of the Ramaškoniai dialects, the most characteristic features of consonantism is the dzūkavimas. _ Lk Africants č, dž, derived from +j, dj, are pronounced successively c, dz, e.g.: svėco, gaidzai, dudza, svečū', gaidzi, kurcas, negirdzū. However, there is a lawful exception here: if in the paradigm all other verbs or persons c; dz does not have, then in that verb or person, which in literary language has č, dž, instead of the expected c, dz is Z, d, e.g.: kaki’, raidit', rankiiw, gi'rddu, šunidū (cf. karė, karės, katei, kati, kari, katėj, katés...; gi'rdau, gi'rdei...). This alignment is believed to have occurred by analogy?, Lk consonants ¢, d before £, y, į, ie are pronounced c, dz, and compounds tv, dv are pronounced cv, dzv, e.g.: kdcinas, nakcis, arvaguodzinéjo, kvi'ci'na "wheat", dziévas, šdudzi"kig, burteldici" (vn. gal.), bi'C, cvinke, davi"lika. However, there is no strict consistency in this case. There are also words such as nagy, didelo, sodi'nc, apkvaitinšu, „pritrenksiu, apsvaiginsiu“, pardu'dinėc, nekrikitita, and with very weak dzūkavimu, e.g.: d(z2)i- ® In cases where the phonetics of the dialect is not pure and correct, the examples are given in the article everywhere as they are written, without any uniformity. ® Zr. "Lietuvių kalbos dialektai", Lietuvos kalbos ortografijos žodynas, 124, Kaunas, 1948. 179 delis, atvažiuod(z)inėc. Sometimes the same dialect speaker pronountą ces the same word differently, c, dz although, in general, it clearly prevails. However, ¢, d always remain unchanged before 4, the iš appearance of the old limb *-é'n in newer ir borrowings, e.g. kati, kaladi, tvdrti, su puedi, su iStinkavdta, tikėt. ‘Combined šr (d) against 1, y, į, ie because of assimilation are perverted šč (zdz), e.g.: suvėšė, ru'kščis, višči'na "chicken". Another important feature of the skeleton is the presence of a spine. The adverb I before ei, e, en, is always ė hardened. Po hardened ei, / e, turns to ai, en an, e.g. lūdas, a, laka, pēčlanus, ldisk, lafida „lenda“, sūlaktos „sulenktos“, lafigva, lantėla, o vowel ė becomes vowel e.g.: £, ci'lec, Iške, raspleše, ski'lg, mulė. However, in the unpronounced end of the word, lk where é, there is a po / dialect, it ne is only €, said, e.g. : Rdille, akzles bet ir a, e.g. : kdila, sdula, impi'la. Apparently, since the old descriptive dialect unpronounced at the end of the word instead of lk ė was used in parallel because ir é, ir e, the compound la can occur only iš /e. Iš end of old word *-e'i po hardened ! appeared 61', e.g.: kumélor, sdulbi", o iš old *-é'n came from oi, e.g.: su kumeloi, su saulbi. Iš other more frequently, although ir incorrectly, hardened consonants mentionable r; it is sometimes hardened before e.g.: e, rdtas „retas“, raci, ragi, raika, sometimes before e.g.: turešu, inturejdu ¢, „išlaikiau, iškentėjau“, even sometimes before e.g.: parbišiko „pavogė, atėmė“, 7, varbisi, grdusc „grūdėti“. Occasionally sporadically occurs hardening, e.g.: nešiojas, nuvaždu, nežbino, $, ž, m, d menešo, pecadenikste. It seems that the younger dialects tend to harden consonants more. In Belarusian, the word is usually pronounced as:. iš su (white. 1999) 1930 – Rachmaninov, Russian composer (d. It is interesting that the representatives of the dialect do not avoid pronouncing consonants not characteristic of Lithuanian f, h, ch, e.g. fabrikas, fundamefitas, bu(h)dlteras, hi-mnas, choléria, choras, chlopeas "boy", nechėj "boy". This is be undoubtedly the influence of Slavic languages. The locals laugh that a few decades ago the Schni could not pronounce these consonants and, even when speaking Belarusian, instead of xara "buy" used to mean war. Adding a consonant before the v beginning of a word uo (w), e.g.: viūrgos, Virsis, vidas, pavūrsci"k, vuodegė, adding a ir consonant j before the word's beginning ie, e.g.: jésc, é, i, jéda, jima, nejilga, jieva. There are consonants, especially ¢, s, insertion, e.g.: straba „srebia“, stri"pre?a, raikščais, duštrėėla (in song), api'nastris, dafikstis, pečadenikste. Spelling. There is a lk difference in the pronunciation of some dialect noun suffixes. Characters named in place Ik -eja are dialects -éja, e.g.: dudéja, pjovéja (in the area of study, women mostly ploughed the crops). Soil named after place Ik >where used -iend, e.g. : rugged, quiet, avid. Also to name ir meat instead of -fena is used -iend, e.g. : Chicken, pork, beef. There is a Ik difference in the pronunciation of future tense ir verbs. In the future singular, all primary verbs of the strong-end truncated root have a generalized terminal pronunciation, ir e.g.: aif, mirši, nešū, aisi, mirsi, prilaksi (plg. strongstartsbii$- u, adiesi). In the substantive pronoun, the final pronunciation is generalized even for the strong-started primary verbs, e.g.: bu'tdu, bu'tdi, ir biti; tui, butt, bit. bu Only multivocal verbs in the 189 present tense are pronounced at the prefix root, e.g. nemi lėtdu, ar darbuitai, sodi'ntum (dg. I a. ). The verbs sidės, stojos, radės in all forms are pronounced at the ending. After reviewing the more important phonetic features of the dialect, it can be concluded that The phonetic system of the Ramaškoniai dialect is quite ne regular in some cases, e.g. inconsistent ze, uo > £*, uw’, inconsistently £, d before i, y, į, ie > c, dz, at the unpronounced end of the word ė || e ir t.t. The reason for some of the fluctuations is probably the bilingualism of the population. The main features of the dialect — are: The ir Ramaškoniai dialect belongs to the western Dzūkian dialects. Morphology From morphology, only some more important parts of the language will be reviewed, which in Ramaškoniai dialect differ more from 1k. A noun. The plural noun and adjective verbs have many double endings known in Lithuanian dialects, e.g. vi'ram, kdūlom, su birėm, raikom. su However, i ir the consonant root in these syllables in the described dialect has the ending -mu, e.g.: akimū, dukterimit, šunimū; su akimū, su dokterimū, su šuThere are two localities in the described dialect: the internal present (insipidus) and the internal enunciative (iliativ). The adverbial present (adjective) and the adverbial past (aliative) are no longer used, for example, the aliative form rudendp is replaced by the iliative form parudeniji. Perhaps, only in such statements as: žėmės tai nebuvo mumini, the pronoun mum could be a remnant of the old adesive, where the postpositional particle "p(i) knocked. An interesting plural inessive ending, where after s there is not a vowel e, but a, e.g.: rušuosa, kirmu'sa „kaime“, Ramaškoni:- sa, matw sa, Navasi"du'- sa, Parabiškėsa. The descriptive dialect of the prefix s before e is usually not pronounced, so to interpret this ending as a phonetic change!? hardly possible. In the singular, the illiative has a shortened postposition -n, e.g. darbafi, ma@dzan, Li“dėn, raiikon, ūpėn, šulniū, and in the plural —-na, e.g. krikšči'nosna, svečuosna, Ramaskoni sna. In the descriptive dialect, like in other Lithuanian dialects, there is a mixture of stems. The weakest roots (7, w, consonant) have some of their vocal endings already borrowed from the stronger roots. Say, i-kamieniy nouns vn. a suffix that has moved to its root, e.g.: su akūr, ndšu, usfiū, ugiii, ši'rdzu; u(ju) steeno dg a noun with a (ja) root, e.g. li"tai, turgai, su'nai, pi'tai "south", spi'cai "spices"; consonant stem vn. the ancestor of the root that has passed to it, e.g.: vandefio, akmefio, pi'mefio, tešmefio, and the consonant root dg. noun —in a stem, e.g. pi'menai, tešmenai, rudenai. However, even the weaker noun stems have retained their old endings in some dialects. It is a female female of the genus Aedes, which is native to the United States. the descendant in dialect is dcerės, seserys, and dg. noun —daughters, s: sers. "Send-A-Wish DG". ŽK, Laigonaitė, Vietininkai dabartinėje lietuvių kaltoje, PhD dissertation, 15—16, Vilnius, 1955, Vilniaus Valstybinis V, Kapsuko vardo uniVersitetas, manuscripts department. 181 "as shown by the jų hardness of the plural noble consonant before the ending, formerly iš there was a real consonant stem, e.g.: daiites, Hirses, žūvės, pūšes (plg. historically true i-stems, whose dg. noun in dialect aovi's, ūkis etc. ). ir Iš noun forms mentionable suffix not characteristic of literary language -ysta (Ik -Ystė, -ūtvė), e.g.: seni'std "old age", jduni'std "young age", drdugi'sta "friendship", as well as some very popular deminutive suffixes of the dialect, such as: -sheep, e.g. karvdité, galkditė „kukulis“, kojditės, bulbdité; -ulis, e.g. šmogūlis, lietūlis, ponūlis, Bronūlis; -owl, e.g.: long-tailed owl, leaf owl, wood owl, grey owl. Pronoun. Instead of the lk personal pronouns he, anas, ji ana is used. But in the plural more often mas, you (user mum, jumimi, servant o mum, — jumimi). Instead of Ik the demonstrative pronouns šitas, šita, šitoks it is used itas, itdj, itokis. In dialects, the adjective pronouns are widely used, e.g. dzievūlau manas brangus! manė buicis suvaré "finished" me; My car drives a little, this one often. Invariant ju adjective pronouns are used in parallel, usually ir abbreviated, e.g. mdtinu“ pasamdé ažu mergu“ tarnduc; father md jo iF md carrot it was found ‘relative’; sa We're geniuses. The feminine gender of demonstrative pronouns has a noun form that is not typical of the dialect, e.g. itdj namié darbu" tūri, tdj vaikščoja Balatnon. A verb. Present tense verbs have some remains of athematic verbs, but the person endings of these verbs are already borrowed from vowel verbs, e.g.: mi“gmū, miegmi, miégma; Sticks. Because in dialect very popular present form stem consonant e.g.: bii'na, pjduna, gri-bduna, vdikščduna iš su n, (from inhalation), lindzduna (from ldndzduė), then this stem consonant will probably have invaded the above mentioned contaminated forms of į consonant verbs in the speech of most, especially younger dialect ir representatives, already having displaced the transitive suffix į -m, e.g. : li*kna, pali‘kni, mi-gna, mi'gni, mi'gnū. Iš on the other hand, the present tense ir of the old athematic verb be, preserved in many dialects, in the descriptive dialect is new and usually unchanged, e.g.: dr, koka ir tū Fmona will go. In the past tense, the verbs kišė, knisé, škvė are stem. The former frequency time is almost é unused. The future tense of Ik differs only in spelling (see section 4.4). ,,Phonetics, pronunciation“). The endings of the persons of the pronoun are the same as in many Dzūkian languages, for example: burtdu, burtdi, bii't, tum, bu'tii't, būt. bw Vn. ir dg. The 3rd person is usually used short, e.g., that sufindt, that atait. if There is only one kind of imperative clause only in — formant su -k, e.g.: bédzi'k,,nedejne uok®, jimkim. The authorization statement is made in BelarusianFosu rests of origin Zodeliu nehdj, e.g. : don't burn, don't burn, don't burn, don't burn. Other morphological characteristics of the verb tenses are related to su clear phonetic changes of the endings, especially the fall of short vowels. su All the time 11 The noun form of dialect adjectives was found only in the place name Jlgdja, although other place names of the same type are all non-nominative, e.g. : Jilgdūla ~ Long, long, long ~ Platūlė, Saurūkai, D(z2)idzūlis kdlinas, in 182 the I and II persons of the plural e is usually dropped, e.g. pjdunam, išeidėm, galejot, although sometimes, especially in older words, this e is still retained, e.g. dud@name „šnekame- “, „buvome“, nemdkate. In the third person of the present tense, in addition to the full endings, the incomplete ones are more often used, e.g. nemokėj < nemokėjo, nuvėj, paskavdj, dau < dav < dūvė, nuvaždu. In some cases, the final vowel is also declined in the third person present tense of s~-stem verbs, e.g. stdu < stdvi, sčdz. The communicative ending is always only short, e.g.: pjduc, rase, ažujūdinoIn the case of dialect verb construction, we must first stop at the very characteristic intensive iterative (intensively frequent) verbs of the dialect. They are usually formed from the verbs of the event, usually prepositioned? *, adding suffixes -dinéti or -dyti, e.g.: začalom meaedu“ overďadinéc; Ana at Vaishiiu' ataido. These intensive iterative verbs in the described dialect usually mean the repetition of an action, but in some cases they may not. Verbs of the generalized present tense, expressing the constant character of the actor, have the meaning of iterativeness, e.g.: and ažusimMido,,uZsiiminėja“ zababėnais visdkais; jū's Zoša atimdo „atiminėja“ milk* (accuses of witchcraft); :F ti'ndi turgai susiriūigdo „susirenka“; verpsre, kū akmeni" pakeldzinėja "kilnoja". However, when denoting a specific action taking place at the moment, this type of verbs usually do not have the meaning of interactivity, e.g.: jdiū pritemdzinéja "it is dark"; kala: as long as it is not raging, it does not move; li“tūs susiriūgdo „select“, jdiė ataido „come“ end; iterativity also has no meaning when it denotes a certain constant state, e.g.: I jdm uncle priseiddii "going out". Those intensive iterative verbs that denote the repetition of the action, having the form of the past participle, successfully replace the past participle in the dialect, e.g.: balartniškis kimigas atvažiuodinėjo „atvažiuodavo“ svecuosna; I was selling grapes and I was sleeping. The true past tense is heard only once in the sentence ti.ndi velinai pristodinėja, ti.ndi žmdnes bijodavo vakarais aic. Apparently, the past tense occurs only in those verbs which, like the verb biti, are of the course and from which intensive iterative verbs are not liked to be made. From the other features of verb construction, the verb prepositions draw attention. Some dialect verb prepositions, as well as their use, differ significantly from Ik. afu-(až). This prefix corresponds to Ik za-, e.g.: nūneša if ažurakina; Did you work for anyone? the chimney burned. Sometimes it can indicate the beginning of an action, e.g.: aš kap ažšūverkdu „pravirkau“; I agusirgdil ‘I got sick’; o can also sometimes indicate the end of the action, e.g.: ašušdiūs „nušaus“ kadū jūs; When you're out of the water, you'll have to wash everything. The prefix ažuis not used before vowels or vowel consonants, but až-, e.g. ažėdė, aghndo. Yeah. The meaning of this dialect prefix is difficult to define; most often the result of Slavic influence, e.g. jéglo dadeda "adds"; the daughter did not “become” in nedapdise; Dardi-kit,,- prirodykit®, kuF drūskas bought; šėp tėp dabiūšu "I will be"; dionos ku'snelo dabic "get" rtrūdna; kadū I daskldustdu "I would go"; kū" I'm not tėp pasakdū, it's ani's dasmano "nuvakia". 4 Only two examples of unprepositioned verbs of this type were recorded in dialect: ži'ses aido "goes" primi'n; kds over man razdinėjas "appears and disappears", 183 Pa-. This prefix usually denotes the end of a verb, similar to su-, nu-, e.g. Ik parbifiko "stolen" that baron, but ‘eaten’; rare palduzé ‘’Brought’- ’; pamirė „dumirė“ rdoj kruvduku kvarabū „bloody disease“; the wings are cut off; puedu" beat "broke"; Paediatrics I "raised" ti'ndi. raz-. This prefix came iš from the Slavic, ir jo use in dialect is the same as in Slavic languages (most often corresponding to the Lithuanian prefix iz-), e.g.: razdiūšo „išaušo“ (compare Russian paccBeJ10); kupetu: raika razldisc "to release, to unfold", that izdžit't; Ēdušinieji rasptldu „išpyliau“ kap birlbas; pazbafs kadū razais i ‘differ’; mas i razbėgom "we ran away"; dabaf razli‘ta ‘a poured, soaked ball. Sometimes they are simply values, e.g.: pastovéjdu, pakldušdiū niéko nerazrinkdū "I didn't get it" (cf. Russian He pa3o6paJics); ana visa rasakinėjo „said“ (cf. Russian paccka3biBaJia), — After reviewing the more important morphological features of the dialect, it can be said that the influence of the Slavic languages is more felt in the construction of the parts of the dialect, and the kaityba is quite resistant to this influence. : Syntax There are a number of interesting examples of the use of dialect funny. In dialects, the noun is widely used in the communicasu tive case, e.g. raika aic pamedén „‘pamiškėn- ’“ rugs pjduc; aic todrtas ažuraki'ne; raika metai padafbuic di ddr raika lapštai „laiškai“ nušiūsc. di | Su some prepositions use a noun, e.g.: sédz prik pac; prik tėvi būnam, alė prik patévi; azusémé dögni; vi'ndi gūnė It is interesting nė that in these prepositional constructions the masculine nouns of the dialect usually have an unusual ik ending pa corresponding to the old ending of the consonant root. The qualitative noun is always expressed with the prefix su, e.g. fuvdité su nedzidūkėm akimū, and the instrumental noun is usually expressed without the prefix, e.g. ot, -7, kokais rūtais vafioja. In Ramaškonys, as in all western Dzūkijos, there is a mixture of the use of the inesyve (current internal locus) and the iliative (current internal locus): the iliative is sometimes used where the inesyve should be used, e.g.: ands kamarėn „kamaroj“ ažu katūko „dėžės“ ažliūdo; handdvėsna "sleeves" raznesé; or vice versa —the insyv is used where the iliativ should be used, e.g.: atlaidusa „in atlaidus“ vdikščduna. However, this mixture is not very characteristic of Ramaškoniškiai. They are probably influenced by the close neighborhood of eastern Dzūki, who never mix the use of inessive and iliative. The Ramaškoniai dialect has preserved old prepositions, the use of which is quite interesting in individual cases. ažū (až). Used instead of 1k za, e.g. afu ki kupisi? hired azu mefgu: až one nuvėj —nedabūva „mepagyveno“, až another negalej bū'c. I'm sorry. It is a very popular dialect prefix, used mostly instead of Ik ant, e.g.: višta in Rausifiusėdz; ma drklas and lašiko gūli; Idisk in ldūko, in valos, tai bus gerai, The dialect construction in with a noun is also used in cases where Ik would be used as a noun without a prefix, usually a suffix, e.g.: vefPa in karavato „with a caravan, a wheel”; perverted into gudū' "guds"; ažū tavi vi'rėme in devi'iū" metu" "in nine years"; in birlbu "potatoes" three hundred adavėm. 184 Sometimes in is also used with other meanings, e.g.: in "for" the rudeness of what was a child; "Sweet Palisades" in the arboretum in "by" me; in "in" me pdiso. ifigi (cf. dialectal in, old writings ing, ingi). Used instead of Ik į, e.g.: ifigi dėdi“ padabna „panaši“; plackés, placos, ifigi herring; ingi darbu“, ifigi visa ana nuzddvus. Sometimes it is also used in the meaning of ir preposition pas, e.g. našli "s ingi naslor vakščavo. The prefix ing even in the dialect, probably, was retained because it did not coincide with the prefix and, su meaning on. nuog (nii'g), nig (plg. old writings nagi, nuog, nug). Used instead of lk from, e.g. : cd toldū nuog mks lietuviškai kalbanco žmogdiūs nėra; may man nu'g dirldūchu“ Bu “smell” drives; nuk tėvo likdii small; Ands paskavdj not no. priég (pricg), prig (plg. old writings prigi, prieg, prig). Used instead of lk pri, e.g.: prick sdil nema; pri‘k tévi are jducais; Ddr, get in there, that's good. * There are some more characteristic conjunctives in secondary sentences. The secondary sentences of the statement are connected by a relative pronoun that is no longer used in many Lithuanian dialects "Aura, e.g.: birch, which paskėlov's viru, vi'riškas, which žemin feminine: 6 kūsos paslaidi:". — However, in short subordinate sentences, especially those that define the purpose of the object, the relative pronoun who is usually used, e.g. : Zeba, kū“ šėka "the frog that jumps"; slogans, ku“ potters; véci-kIE, to cook the grain; "Ku" door ažuspirdinėja, itai zūperka "velkė". The final form of the relative pronoun kas is sometimes used to join the subordinate and complement sentences, e.g.: itai nepravda, kū" dzivas i'rd; ir turn, no one will pass; 100 mg/ day. The conjunction kap is often used to connect greeting sentences of temporal circumstances "how", e.g. kap cik saulala paskavėjo, tai šalčdū jail. iš Be to, cap "as" is used to connect ir secondary causal circumstance sentences, e.g. kap mus sdusi itié pieskai, tai žolė neduga. In the dialect, the pronounless genus of passive past participle pronouns is very widely used, e.g.: ir afupjduta ravėlis dirželū pririštas karbijos „pintinės“ šdudiū* ir nupt'nta; were the houses built with stones; all of iš the flames all of the raging pike; I don't know what it will be aš iš to A scarf. The syntax of the Ramaškonių dialect is strongly ir influenced by Slavic languages. In particular, the influence is ši noted in the connective words of secondary sentences. The Slavic conjunction koc is often used to connect secondary sentences (kof), e.g.: koc nemdki‘ta, alė mani dar neapšukūosi tū You shall not deceive. In greeting sentences, next to that, the Slavic conjunction ježėli is ir used, e.g.: kdm pristdc, ježali nedii-moji mergu jimc? tū In the questioning sentence, next to gdl, ma# is used with the Slavic word ir mej, e.g. moj teli'Čditi" varo? ma In the secondary sentences of objective circumstances, the younger generations are more likely to use the communicative conjunction rather than the predicative, as in Slavic languages, e.g. dū'bi" kasa, kat instimc, hnutūpi'c,,nuskandint®. Instead aš of have, tu have... more commonly used Slavic constructions: pri meni je, pri tebi je..., e.g.: pri meni karvčela bivo “I had a dove”, rai zends three in wiedrūs milk dau; Zosha, don't you have any kvaktuk chickens? (coming to borrow, asks). The Slavic languages have had a significant influence on the dialects. ne 185