Kirčio atitraukimas ir nukėlimas lietuvių kalbos tarmėse

LITHUANIAN KALBOTYROS CLAUSIMAIL IV LITHUANIA TSR SCIENCE THE ACADEMY KIRČIO RETRACTION IR ASSEMBLY LITHUANIAN LANGUAGES IN THE SECTIONS V. GRINAVECKIS I. KIRČIO RETRACTION 1. Time limits for recall - $ 1. In the dialectology of the Lithuanian language, the terms of universal conditional declination are used to describe declination in dialects, but ir they are not both accurate. A general cut-off is called a Xcut-off of a short, long, rigid limb. Therefore, the actual strike is not universally withdrawn—according to this law, strike is not withdrawn from the end of the strong-start. A iš relative ir deflection is a deflection of a syllable from the short end iš to the long second syllable from the end. However, this law includes only one of the laws of deflection of the index from the short end. Therefore, these terms are not sufficient to describe all cases of flexion. Since the above-mentioned terms are imprecise and insufficient to describe all cases of abduction, new terms are used in this article to describe each case of abduction from a limb. 1. The following terms shall be used to indicate the dependence of the interjection on the length of the limb and the preposition: a) The deflection of the thumb from the trunk is called the grave thumb deflection. b) The deflection of a long rigid limb is called circumflex deflection. (c) The withdrawal of the kick from the rigid limb is called acute kick withdrawal. 2. The following terms shall be used for the purpose of determining the declination laws of individual dialects: a) The retraction of the accent from the short (ancient short and antique strong-pronounced) and strong-pronounced endings is called the retraction of the grave-circumflecting accent, and the retraction of the accent in those dialects, which retract the accent not only from the short and strong-pronounced endings, but also from the strong-pronounced ending, can be called the retraction of the grave, circumflecting and acute accent. b) We will call the deflection of the accent from the short end in all cases, i.e. to the long and long syllable further from the end of the word, the general deflection of the grave accent. 117 c) The shortest iš length of the outer edge of a į circle is called the length of the outer edge of the circle. d) A short-term withdrawal iš of the accent from a syllable į consisting only of a long vowel ie, uo, can be called an inflectional ar withdrawal of the accent. 2. Laws of accent deduction $ 2. In the northern and north-western dialects of Lithuanian, in some cases, the accent is removed at the beginning of the word. iš į Ne the deflection is the same at all points. The dialectal characteristics differ from place to place in many respects, so the declination of the accent can be divided into several į groups in at least three respects: 1) iš (from short; from short to iš long; from ir short to long to long); according to iš which syllable ir from the end the second ir from the end; 2) the first į (į į (initial) etc.); ar Accordingly, the 3) whole syllable in the case of subtraction ar is concentrated in one syllable, divided into two more syllables. ar ir § 3. The first division. In the very north-western part of the deflection to į Curonian Lagoon ir Baltic Sea in the west ir į The border of Latvia in the north, we have a deflection of the grave - circumflex, the deflection is deflected by t. y. short iš (from ancient short, e.g.: sūnus sūnūs, dailus~dailūs, ancient ~ strong, e.g.: balta balta baltd, mafti iš marti ~ < ~ <marti Joniškis) ir long stirrup (e. g. : sié‘naus~ sons, pacing ~ themselves "Klykoliai" (limbs). The above-mentioned cut-off covers the area į north-west ir of the line that begins at Crowds of ir mouths go by Ž. Naumiestis, Pajūris, Upyna, Vaiguva, Kurtuvėnai, Kužiai, passes Šiauliai, continues through Radviliškis, Baisogala, Upytė, Panevėžys, ir į Vabalninkas west of Stock exchanges į The border of Latvia (plg. APh IV 33). In some north-western places of ir the specified area, the cross is sometimes diverted by a firmfront limb. ir iš This is an acute diversion of the lobe, which covers the entire northern part of the Don area, e.g.: arkFor ~ young horses, gdid@ms (main interjection at the back)~ for roosters (Kojeliai, Klaipeda district), also available where-nowhere Within Latvia, e.g.: nėženau ~ don't know, bdvau ~ was (Akmenė, Klykoliai, Vegeriai, Papilė, Tryškiai, Klasė), géram ~ geram, kdkem ~ kokiam (Šiupyliai), ladkam ~ laukam, horse to ~ horse, svėčem guests ~ (Šimkūnų k., Joniškio raj., Vilūnaičių k., Joniškio raj.), so o experience the iš middle of the word, e.g.: ~ pamate pamatė, ~ nėžina nežino (Sighs), sitter gets ~ together, you can't ~ do it (Klykoliai, plg. but A. Jonaitytė LKK II 114, 115). In the northern part of the Mūšos river, the crossing is sometimes diverted by iš the limbs of the beneficiary, for ~ example: sadsam ~ sausam, viénam vienam. However, here the noun ending is pronounced with a strong adjective: jas, tai (Uniūnų k., Linkuvos raj.). To the south and east of the grave-circumflecting interjection there is a grave-circumflecting interjection area, where the interjection is made only from the short limb. APh IV 33 states that in this area, the consonant is diverted "only to the preserved long and diphthong root". This statement is not accurate, because the intersection in the mentioned area is detracted three times: a) From the short ending always, regardless of the length of the prepositional syllable. Such a case of the deflection of the crossing is present in the area where the boundary of the grave-circumflecting crossing deflection retreats far to the north, bypassing 118 Šiauliai. This area includes the southeast corner of the mudmen (Kiaunoriai, possibly Kiaunėrius), Tytuvėnai, Salépelkis, Pakražantis, Kražiai, Kušleikiai) and part of the north-western highland area (Šiauliai, Pakapė, Tyruliai, Šiluva, Lyduvėnai). In addition, the consonant is always deflected from the short end beyond the eastern boundary of the grave-circumflecting consonant deflection, about Biržus, e.g.: aiiksti, ba.l.ri, ta.M.sūs; ma.i.šūs, kėlūs, vakarė, ru-télés, ni‘tikés (Kušleikiai, Kelmės raj., zr. Gtr 103); ainu ~ einū, sddus ~ soduos; naktis ~ naktis, védu ~ vedū, nėšu ~ nešū, rastus ~ raštūs, pati ~ pati, rėsv ~ rasa, balv ~ bala, gérv ~ gera (Vabalninkas); sails ~ sausa, vién ~ viena, Sak ~ šaka, viš ~ visi (Biržai, see I. JaSinskaité LKK I 189). b) From the short ending only in cases where the final syllable is long, e.g.: jaūna, karšti, baisus, but: mažė, visi, laukai (Troškūnai); girfju, suprafitu, aštūni (Middle); 122) and the 123rd (S.E.C. 124). c) In the very southeastern part of the spoken area (Sugiūčiai, Karalinava —Molétų raj., Gelvonai —Ukmergės raj.) the consonant is removed from the long ending only in cases where the second syllable from the end is made up of a long vowel or the diphthongs ie, U0, pVZ. : son, pi *kstu, thick, Idpus, prėtu, vi¥na, diėna, but dry, wild, beautiful, order (see Gtr 103). The south-eastern boundary of the area of gravel (general and conditional) cut-off (as it is described here: saisa and šaka, šak) runs approximately in the following places: Upyna, Nemakščiai, Vidūklė, Šimkaičiai, Ariėgala, Čėkiškė, Kulva, Gėlvonai, Giedraičiai, Molėtai, Leliūnai, Vyžuonai, Svėdasai, Kamajai, Kriaunos. $ 4. The second division. a) Not in all of the above-described areas of accent removal, accent is removed completely from the end of the word: in some-some-some places at the end of the word there is still a residue of accent. This is the case in all Žemaičių dialects where the consonant is diverted, e.g. švisa ~ šviesa, vapsa ~ vapsa (Laukuva- ); head ~ head, branch ~ Saka, gdidi's ~ cock, gčismie ~ song (Grussulauca); maža ~ small, safisa ~ dry (Strain). In multisyllabic words with a degressive accent, each syllable is pronounced, e.g.: dgiina.~ oponi, pavafa ~ pavaza (Laukuva- ); vakdrė ~ vakarė, pabd.n.ga ~ pabanga "end" (Mažeikiai), cf. 3rd ed. pp. tt. b) The division of the accent in polysyllabic words with a deductive accent differs somewhat only in the north-eastern Samogitian, deductiandiy accent, corner (Klykoliai, Akmenė, Papilė, Viekšniai), where the ancient accent of short final syllables is no longer heard, e.g.: kalba ~ Kalba, aveles, dritkta, métus (Klykoliai), cf. 78. ^ Sgt. Sometimes the final accent, especially in the short end, is not heard in the Donians dialect: nėšu ~ nešū, vės ~ visa, šūdų ~ žuvių (Dreverna). Similarly, the old final consonant is pronounced also in the northern part of the northwestern Highlands (cf. A.Jonaityté LKK II 109, 110), more to the south (about Šiauliai, Pakapė, Šiluva, Krakes) the old final consonant is better preserved. The old (final) accent of both the Žemaites and the Vysoké, which have joined them, is secondary, and the deductive accent of the initial syllable is the main one. | c) Further east from the Žemaičių dialects, in the Vysokých Tater dialects, the remains of the final (old) accent occur on the borders of the grave-circumflecting and grave-retracting accents. For example, near Panevėžys, in the village of Stetiškiai, which is on the boundary of the grave-circumflecting consonant conjugation, the final (old) consonant in words is pronounced with consonant conjugation in cases where the final syllable is long: laikomo laukai, vai 119 su ke ~ Children, be buvaū, ~ march matali. ~ In the short ending there are no traces of the old slash, e.g.: safisv sausa, ~ §akv ~ Say. d) Traces of the final (old) inflection are also preserved on the margins of the conditional inflection, e.g.: laūkiai, vaikai (Kamajai), far, high (Bikūnų k., Anykščių raj., cf. Gtr 103). These two dialects are heard throughout the eastern Highlands and eastern Dzūkijos north (Daugėliškis, Dusetos, Svėdasai, Utena, Zarasai, Linkmenys (see. 1792) 1769 – Francis Bacon, English mathematician (b. $ 5. The third division. In some dialects of Lithuanian, the accent is drawn to the first syllable (in polysyllable words), in others — to the second syllable from the end (with some exceptions). In the case of the first-order fractions, the first-order fractions of the first-order fractions are equal to the first-order fractions. In accordance with the law of deflection of the grave inflection in the Žemaičių dialects, the inflection is also deflected to the first syllable (e.g.: mnėgali ~ negali, nėbėrėtū ~ nebeturiū, driobūžū ~ drobužiū- ), but in parallel, in the area of deflection of the grave inflection in the Žemaičių dialects, the inflection is deflected to that syllable into which, when changing the word, the inflection jumps from the ending, e.g.: aštūni ~ aštuoni (:aštūonis) lapėlūs ~ lapeliūs (:lapčlį), kanapikės ~ kanapikės (:kanapikę), 5bli'fiškūs ~ blyniukūs (: blyniūką), druobūžūs ~ drobužiūs (: drobužį), vuotagi ~ votagū (:votūgą), bala.fi.dfus ~ paudžiūs (: balaūdį); kėtūri ~ four (:kėturis- ), dédama ~ dedama (: dėdamą), vakaré ~ at night (:vakarą), neki.M.bama ~ nekimbama (: nekimbamą), dėbėsis ~ debesis (: dėbelį) (Kušleikiai, Kelmės raj.). In Eastern Highland dialects, the accent is drawn to the pre-terminal syllable, e.g.: pamačo ~ saw, padafo ~ madeū, pavėžš ~ pavazi, šonėl ~ šuneliū (Pušalotas); avižš ~ oats, ištis ~ whole, pabaig ~ end, vodėg ~ tail (Čeniškių k., Biržų raj.); malénus ~ pleasant, nobddus ~ boring, septifita ~ seventh, išaitsta ~ woven (Kupreliškio k., Vabalninko r.); akmenu ~ stones, sodraske ~ broke, vakare ~ evenings, herd? ~ four (Pušalotas). The Eastern Highlanders divert the accent to the syllable further from the end in 3 accented words, e.g.: vučdeg m tail, vefgdam ~ crying (e.g.); ligom ~ flatness, alkan ~ starvation, saisom ~ dryness, bdgdam ~ bégdama (Linkuva), plg. 4th ed. North-western Highlanders, whose area of residence is close to that of the Žemaites, have a very similar declination to the Žemaites, i.e. they decline to the first syllable (with small exceptions), e.g.: pėlenai ~ pelenai, Ii deka ~ lydeka, baraviks ~ baravykas, padkščuks ~ paukščiūkas (Šiupyliai, Šiaulių raj.); adara ~ opened, ishta ~ ishta, uddega -bedega, dévana ~ gift; akmenų" ~ stone, dbbilai ~ clover, pasaki's ~ will say (Eglynlaukio k., Joniškio raj.). Next to it is also said with a deductive accent in the second syllable, e.g.: pabaiga (ir pabaiga) ~ pabaiga, sudraskei (ir sudraskei) ~ sudraskei, pasveikai (ir pasveikai) ~ pasveikai, vandenifiu (ir vandenifiu) ~ vandeniniū (etc.); maitinu (ir mditinu) ~ maitinū, dalinu (ir dalinu) ~ dalinū (Šimkūnų k., Joniškio raj.). Similar duplicity of the accent (reduction into the pre-terminal and first syllable) is found in the area from the Žemaičių border to Joniškis (see Gtr 104, also compare A. Jonaitytė LKK II § 4). Further to the east of Joniškis, the deductive accent of the anterior syllable is increasingly prevailing. 120 3. The history of the strike retraction a) Reasons for the retraction of the strike § 6. In Lithuanian, the old firm-ending vowels are abbreviated, e.g. sausė < * sausi, vdrna < * vbrné (see J. Endzelynas GF 22). In the northern dialects of Lithuanian, the shortening of the firm-end endings has gone even further. In the north-western part of Žemaitija, the old firm-ending vowels are so shortened that they are barely audible, e.g.: saus® ~ sausa (Priekulė), saus“ ~ sausa (Židikai, Leckava, Klykoliai); In the north-western part of the eastern Highlands (in the river Mūša) the old strong-vowels have completely disappeared, e.g. sails ~ sausa, vdrn ~ varna (Pušalotas, Biržai). Since the abbreviation of the final vowels of the strong-started words affected both the accentuated and the unaccentuated ends of the word, the further decay, reduction of the endings in the north-eastern Lithuanian dialects must have been accompanied by another phenomenon — the withdrawal of the accent from the end of the word to the beginning. The beginning of accent retraction can be understood as follows: when the long, firm-started final vowels gradually shortened and in the northern dialects these vowels disappeared further, they must have lost their accent (isausa > sails®, naujiena >naujiėn“), because the accentuated sound must be pronounced stronger, not weaker. A word without an accent cannot exist, so the accent had to appear in the syllables following the end of the word. Later, the conjunction was also withdrawn from long strong-tailed endings: $akos > šakės, pavažos < pavažės (Joniškis). The detachment of the accent from the long fixed endings may have been caused by analogy (in many words, the accent of the forms was already detached from the final syllables), especially strongly the pronunciation of paradigm forms must have worked. In addition, in many places, especially in the river Mūša, the strong-toed limbs were shortened. It should be noted that in many cases both the pronounced and unpronounced strong-toed limbs were shortened the same in the eastern Highland dialects, e.g.: vvverė ~ kėdė, bd're ~ būrė, lvnkas ~ lankės, blaūzas ~ blauzdos (see J. Šukys LKK II 158, 159), pagalis ~ pagalys, pradalgis ~ pradalgės (Čeniškių k., Biržų raj.), ėšš ~ ežYs, gėfiš ~ genys, akma ~ akmud (Pušalotas). The second stage of the deflection formed the current area of the grave-circumflecting deflection. b) The process of retracting the strike § 7. Of course, not all of the above-mentioned cases of withdrawal ($ 2-5) are formed at the same time. It must be assumed that the deflection of the blade has taken place in stages, which can be confirmed by the now available degrees of deflection. a) The first degree of declination, when the declination takes place from the short end (the old short and long fixed-end) to the long second syllable from the end of the word and the remains of the old declination are still heard in the final syllable (aūkšra, sūnus, see § 4), probably indicates the very first, oldest signs of declination. In this case, the long pre-terminal syllable, with the gradual weakening of the shortened rigid ending, could easier be strengthened and acquire an accent, because long syllables are pronounced stronger than short syllables. This explains why satisa has already been pronounced with a degressive accent, while the branch has no degressive accent yet (see $3b). 121 The other variant of the hint of the strikethrough must be considered some-not-some Molėtai district places (Suginčiai, Karalinava) accentuation (from short ending pre-termį inal syllable, which consists of long vowels ir diphthongs ie, uo, See. § 3(c). This case of accent retraction, apparently, shows that long vowels bivowels ie, (which in dialects, in ir their change wo processes, usually do not differ from vowels), forming a more compact phonetic unit, are pronounced stronger, longer, than bivowels isu l,m, rir ai, ei, au, ui, whose compounds do not form such a compact a, es unit. + n, The latter is probably not the primary stage of accent rise in the entire area of accent į retraction, but is a characteristic phenomenon only in the south-easteo rn Highlands. This makes us think about the emergence of analogous accent jų adaptation in other dialects (Žemaitijos, north-wesir tern central Highlands). b) Further development of the declination be of the strike, doubtless, has formed the conditional declination of the grave strike (safisa, but Saka), then o the general ir retraction of the grave strike (shake, shake, Sak). It may be that in some-not-some places these two stages of withdrawal (safisa ir Saka) made up one stage, t. y. in both cases the cross was disrupted once. iš However, the existence of these two stages of declination of the eastern Highlanders (rate Saka — Anykščiai ir satis Sak — Northwest Highlands (dry) Saka — Šiauliai, saiūsa Say — Šimkaičiai) in dialects suggests that at least in some dialects (approximately in those sections where these steps are now available) such stages of deflection were. c) The established deductive iš inflection of the short ends drew į the initial inflection of the long ends ir of the word. The formation of this stage of withdrawal of the thumb will mainly be contributed by analogy, shortening of part of the limbs o iš ir (see section 4.4). § 6). d) In the northernir most western dialects (in some places) consonant at the beginning į of the word sometimes detracted from the ir iš strong beginning endings and the middle of the word (see section 4.4). $ 3). This is, of course, an even newer step towards the formation į of a constant accent in the first syllable. § 8. All of the above mentioned stages of withdrawal of the thumb did not form iš suddenly, immediately. The process of withdrawal of the thumb at all stages has taken place gradually, gradually, over a long period of time: gradually weakened the posterior thumb, parallel strengthened the withdrawal (beginning of word) consonant. First of all, it clearly shows the Žemaičių aukštaičių dialects, ir where the old accent is still present. (but already significantly weakened), but already a supposed deductive interjectioir n: vina jedna, maša małą, ldukd laukai ~ m ~ (see section 4.4). but § 5,7 (a). Tą the same we see in ir the Highlands area, only here the old The traces of the (rear) intersection are preserved in the entire area, only on the margins of the grave ne grave-circumflex intersection. It should o be noted that in the eastern Highland (§ 4 c, d) ir dialects, beyond the limits of the deduction of the grave accent, in the case of a short ending, the long vowels of the second syllable from the end and the diphthongs fe, uo are not abbreviated (as they are usually not pronounced), e.g.: toord, sūnūs, storė, viena, juoda, but tva.rd's ~ tvords, su.nails, sta.rd's ~ stords, ve.nd's ~ viends, ja.dd's ~ juoduds (Utena), see also Incline 116. The accent at the beginning of the word is not yet felt here, but the non-univocation of the diphthongs ie, uo and the narrowing of the vowels ė, 4 (deflection to ė, 0) indicate that these sounds have not been shortened, as they have been pronounced (cf. plénas, vėjas, viénas, jubdas — Utena), and if so, then the seeds of the accent deflection process are already present here. The same phenomenon can be found in the Veliuonis dialect, on the margins of the conditional grave declination: plona, stora, viena, juoda, but plunds, sturds, vends, judės (Vilkijos district, Saulétekio village). After removing the slash from the long tvirtagalés ending, the trace of the old final slash remains only in one place of the eastern Altay dialects — in the village of Stetiškiai, near Panevėžys (see $ 4c). $ 9. Not in all places where the cut is now being reversed, the process of reversing the cut has started at the same time. The gradual weakening of the declination from the north and northwest to the south and east suggests that the declination began first in the northwestern parts of the dialects of the Žemaičiai of the coast, the north of the Dounininkai and the northern parts of the dialects of the Highlands of the east (Mūšos upynas), and from these places it gradually moved to the south and east. a) The following facts indicate that in the coastal Žemaitija the harvest began to be diverted first. Usually in Lithuanian, if a consonant occurs in a syllable before the old consonant, the new consonant in the long syllable always has a strong consonant or a middle consonant (which is strong in terms of the movement of the voice). This is the case in the northern dialects of Žemaitija (except in the Pomeranian dialect) and Vysočina, which divert the accent, e.g.: balta ~ balta, baltos ~ baltės, laiku“ ~ laukū (Joniškis), giva ~ gyva, jaūna ~ jauna (Obeliai). However, in the coastal Žemaičių dialect this is different: if the consonant is diverted to a strong-pronounced root, it gets a continuous (Ik tvirtagalė) prefix, e.g.: ūži ~ ūži, žOsės ~ goose (Kartena), or a middle (which is only a duller testing), e.g. : Id.uka ~ laukai, nd.ujiios ~ naujės (Salantai); if the conjunction is detached to the solid root, then it gets a pushing (lk solid root) preposition, e.g.: bd lta ~ balta, bd.ltilos~ baltds (Grūšlaukė); pė.rmiūtos ~ pirmds, vieZis~ cancer (Salantai). This duality of 122 the preposition of the degressive accent in the coastal Samogitians shows that they will have degressed the accent even at the time when they still used a double preposition: tvirtagalė and tvirtapradė in the pre-degressive syllables. In this way, we come to the conclusion that the coastal Samogitians (as well as the Latvians) removed the accent even before the unification of the preposition of the unpronounced pre-pronounced syllables, and the other Samogitians already after the unification of the preposition of the unpronounced pre-pronounced syllables. It is said that the first people came to the islands earlier than the others. The long syllables of the Pajūrio Žemaičių dialect were pronounced with a deductive accent after the time when the prefix of the prefixed syllables became a prefix and therefore could no longer replace the prefix, because only the prefixes of the unpronounced syllables have been uniformized: in the prefixed syllables the prefix is generalized, and in the postfixed syllables — the prefix, e.g.: kalnai, bet kalnus, vėgėlė, bet vėgėles (cf. 19th century BC). The fact that the downish consonant was diphthongated earlier than the downish consonant is shown by the greater lengthening of the diphthongated vowels and diphthongs. For example, the prefix of the diphthong of the Dūniniai diphthongs with both long syllables is middle, and the length of the vowels and diphthongs does not differ from the length of the unpronounced ones, for example, the words /dukūrmo laukų, ddėntū ~ dantū the length of the first syllables of the diphthongs au, on does not differ from the length of the same diphthongs of the non-Dūniniai syllables, for example: laukams ~ laukams, dontims ~ dantims, and the first syllable of the diphthongs in this case is half-length: /d.ukiim ~ laukū, dė.ntūm ~ dantū, but laukdms ~ laukų, dontims ~ dantims (Salantai). 123 Based on the above statements, it can be concluded that the accent deflection will have begun in the north-west of the Žemaičių dialects and then shifted to the south. This conclusion is supported by the following data of the Žemaičių dialects: 1. The retracting interjection of the Dounists is pronounced stronger than that of the Dounists. In the area of the Dūnininkai dialect, the withdrawal interjection weakens from north to south, until it is completely blurred at the southern edge of the dialects. 3. in Dounininkai, especially in the northern part, the terminal vowels pronounced with the ancient accent are less pronounced, such as švdt, i and the ancient (lateral-- final) accent is less audible, e.g. grass ~ gražūs, 1080 ~ turiū (Salantai- ). b) In the eastern Highland dialects, the deflection of the accent probably began in the river Mūša, because here the old short and old strong endings are already completely disappeared (e.g. sūūns ~ sūnūs, rds ~ rasa), which indicates that in this place the strong endings (together with them and the old short) began to weaken, disappear earlier, the accent from these endings had to withdraw to syllables further from the end. The gradually weakening shortening of the limbs (see Gtr 101) and the deflection of the wing (see § 7) from the Mūša river to the south and east may indicate how these phenomena spread from one centre. § 10. From what is said in § 9, it is possible to conclude that the initial centers of the deflection of the kirti were two: the Žemaites —in the northwestern part of the Dounininkai, the Vysokiai —in the river Muša. Most likely, the coastal Žemaičiai and the areas of the Mūša river diversion (even at the time when this phenomenon began) did not contact. And only later the deflection of the Žemaičių accent, moving to the east; faced with a wave of deflection of the eastern highlands, moving to the west. However, the gap between the two deflection areas is not yet fully levelled. that gap is clearly shown by the narrowing of the circumflex deflection area in the Šiauliai section (see $ 3a). The fact that the Žemaičių and Vysokių dialects have developed independently of each other is shown by the fact that the laws of the Žemaičių and Vysokių dialects are different: 1. Žemaičiai always detract the accent to the first syllable, and dienai have also preserved traces of the old (rear) accent (sūusė ~ sausa, maža ~ maža, varkū ~ vaikai), in addition, in polysyllabic words with detracting accent they divide the accent to all syllables (blézdi'n.- ga ~ blezdingd) (See § 4). Traces of the Aukštaičių final consonant occur only on the margins of the conditional and general consonant retraction (#613 ~ far Bikūnų k., Anykščių raj., saké ~ said Stetiškių k., Panevėžio raj.). Uncle Raj. ). Therefore, depending on the different nature of the declination, we have the Žemaičių and Vysokių Žemaičių declination (see also Gtr 103, 104). The Žemaitijos and Vysotsky dialects will meet in the current north-western and middle Vysotsky (Šiupyliai—- Joniškis) section. Therefore, here we have the features of both (Žemaičių and Aukštaičių) accent deduction systems, i.e. accent is deducted in some cases twice: both in the first and in the pre-terminal syllable, e.g.: dvyni and aštudni, nėžinau and nežinau, mditinu and maitinu, dalinu and dalinu (Šimkūnų k., Joniškio raj.); end and end (Eglynlaukio k., Joniškio raj.), as well as the consonant is sometimes divided into several syllables of the word, sometimes concentrated in only one syllable, e.g. : Atein and dtein ~ comes, pad || pari m pati (Šiupyliai, Šiaulių raj.), ddrbinitkus || ddrbininkus (Šimkūnų k., Joniškio raj.), also see A. 124 Jonaitytė LKK II 109, 110. However, in the mentioned section, the Žemaitic, rather than the eastern Highlander, system of declination prevails more, although in the districts of Akmena and Kuršėnai, on the edge of the Highlander area, we also encounter penetrated features of the Highlander system of declination, for example, sometimes there is only one declination here (kėtotu. ~ keturių, vésuokei ~ visoki€ Klykoliai), sometimes the declination is declined only to the pre-terminal syllable, e.g.: palėkau ~ palikau, nebemdtau ~ nebematau (Klykoliai). c) The Age of Retraction § 11. In the coastal Samogitians, the preposition of the strong-started deductive accent in the strong-started syllable indicates that the accent was deducted in that place before the unification of the preposition of the contradictory syllables (see $ 9). This fact would lead to think that in the Žemaičių dialect the accent began to be withdrawn earlier, and in the Vysokiai dialect — later (because the prepositions of the Vysokiai accentuated accent in the strong-starting syllables are only strong-end (or middle) ones), thus the accent was withdrawn after the unification of the prepositions of the contradictory syllables. However, it is possible that the prefixes of the Žemaičių anti-verbal syllables were uniformized later, because the Žemaičiai have retained prefixes more clearly (better audible) than the Vysokiai, especially the eastern ones. Thus, the simultaneous deflection of the slash in the Žemaičių and Vysočie dialects could have found in the coastal Žemaičių strong-pronounced pre-slashes that had not yet been converted into strong-pronounced pre-slashes, and the eastern Vysočie (Mūšos upynas) strong-pronounced pre-slashes could already have been unified. Therefore, the withdrawal of the upper case may not be younger than the lower case. $ 12. Undoubtedly, the withdrawal of the knuckle is younger than the shortening of the solid-started limbs. As long as the solid-rooted limbs were long, the cut could not be withdrawn for the simple reason that even now the cut from the solid-rooted limbs is not withdrawn (except in the most north-western part of the cut withdrawal area, see $ 3); and after all, the process of withdrawal of the knuckle depends on the decay of the already shortened limbs of the solids (see § 7). K. Būga, based on the endings of Slavic borrowed nouns, has determined that the endings of substantive nouns in the Lithuanian language were shortened around the 13th century (K. Būga LKŽ I XXX —XXXIV). The retreat was to begin a little later. $ 13. a) In Latvian, the endings corresponding to Lithuanian acute endings are shortened earlier than in Lithuanian (K. Būga LKŽ I XXXIV). J. According to Endzelynas, in Latvian the consonant is primarily removed from the short ends (see J. Endzelynas Gr 32—33). Thus, in Latvian there was also once only graved accentuation, later, of course, gradually moved to complete accentuation, i.e. to the constant accentuation in the first syllable. If the process of accent diversion in Latvian was the same (or similar) as in Lithuanian dialects, then, apparently, ir jo the reasons will have been the same, t. y. shortening of limbs. O since in Latvian the endings were shortened earlier, so the accentuation should have ir started earlier there, at the moment the accentuation in the first ir syllable in Latvian is already finished, although in Latvian still the accentuation of post-accentuated syllables, as well as the accentuation of the accentuation, is finished 125 gų o ir (see section 4.4). $ 22 a) and the unison of the final diphthongs (see section 4.4). $ 24). Therefore, the deferred verb (as a ir decongestant, see $ 9 a) In the northern Donetsk ir dialects, it has appeared at a time when the prefixes of the pokirtiniy syllables were still distinguished, were not unified. The prefix of the acknowledged post-acknowledged ti syllable could no longer be changed, because in Lithuanian only the prefixes of unacknowledged syllables were equal. In Dūnininkai dialects, the shifted accent will appear later — po the uniformization of the preposition of the long syllables, when already all long syllables had a strong preposition; Therefore, it is understood that, after receiving a declination, the post-declination syllable had to retain a strong initial prefix. § 28. The ir differences in the periods of declination in the Dounininkai mud dialects indicate that declination began earlier in the northern part of the Žemaičių dialects, o and later in the — southern part. Because the deflection will also have begun earlier in the northern part (this is also indicated by the deductive slash, t. y. prepositions of contradictory syllables, see $ 20 a), then it must be assumed that the deflection of ir the strike, the lift had to ir go parallel. But raising the bar, if we jį understand how 'accompanied by (at least in iš part) on the basis of the deflection (see section 4.4). $ 23 a) had to follow the withdrawal of the strike, a little later. t. y. $ 29. a) It may be assumed that the deferred accent, as a deductive, has appeared ir primarily in those words where the main ancient accent has short syllables. This is shown by the fact that in this case the lateral-degressive accent is stronger, the vowels with diphthongs are more elongated, as in words where the ancient accent is in o jį long syllables, e.g.: lėpėm lipama ir ~ “we rise*, ~ grand uncle, ~ rézddms rising; but ~ wearing during ~ pregnancy, growing in depth ‘we are growing’, dūobėls ~ débilas (dūnininkai), cf. § 21. b) Dounininkai and donininkai S$alutinj-nukeltinj accentuated words in which the ancient accent is on a, e, pronounced like this: ~ naktéi niktie ‘nakiai’, véstéis ~ vésties (Kretinga), lapd ~ lūpai, žėmė ~ Z€mei (Normantai, Klaipėda region), and in the dialect the same words are pronounced nakti ~ niktie, véstis ~ vésties (Laukuva). Thus, the dounininky pronounced a, e with the main-ancient accent are short, and the dūnininkų — long. This suggests that the sub-diphthong of the downish would have appeared even before the elongation of the short a, e with the diphthong g. Due to the appearance of the lateral-subjunctive accent, the weakened main-ancient could no longer extend these vowels. The lateral-nodal intersection of Dūnininkai will have already occurred after a, e extension. c) The vowels é, 9 (~ i, u) of both dounininkai and dūnininkai with the main-ancient accent have been elongated (e.g.: kė.ta ~ kitą, $0.va-osiūvo), but in words with the secondary- -degressive accent, these vowels have remained short (e.g., dūnininkų stépré ~ stipriai, sokré ~ sūkriai, Kretinga: /ėpdm ~ lipama ‘we climb’, bdvilom ~ būvoma ‘we were’). Thus, both dounininky and diinininky S$alutinis-- nukeltinis will have appeared before e, 9 elongation (see § 22a). - § 30. Latvian also has a secondary accent, which is similar in many ways to the secondary- -subjunctive and secondary- -abstract accents of the Žemaičių dialektai. The syllables in Latvian with a secondary accent, like in the Zemgaļu dialects, have in many cases retained the old prefix, e.g.: „132 negotiations, ciemins: neighbor, vasardjs: vasardjas, vdciétis: vOdkietis, zinūms: known, Zindti, aklié: blind, aklūos: blind (see J. Endzelins Gr. 41 etc.), only in Latvian, apparently because of the system, both the lateral accent and its prepositions are usually levelled, uniformized (see J. Endzelins Gr. 32, 33). In this way, the ancient prefixes of the secondary accent preserved in the Latvian language and in the Žemaičių dialect are another proof that the accent of the first syllable has come about in the same way in both Latvian and in the northern dialects of Lithuanian. Furthermore, the greater establishment of the system of lateral accents (and consonants) in Latvian shows that the current pronunciation system of Latvian is older than that of the northern dialects of Lithuanian, which further supports the idea that the retraction of the accent (along with the shift of the accent), as a firmly established (and rigid) limbs (Latvian longs) shortening, the wave into the northern Lithuanian dialects has been infiltrated from the Latvian language area. Apparently, ancient Samogitian ir Contacts between the dialects of the Mūša su river basin and the Latvian dialects were stronger than in other places, so it was easier to form the first focuses of accent deflection in the Lithuanian language area. Abbreviations APH —Archivum Philologicum, Kaunas, 1930—1938. K. Būga LKZ —K. English-Polish Dictionary, 1924. K. Būga RR —K. Būga, Rinktiniai raštai, I, sudarė Z. Zinkevičius, redagavo V. Mažiulis, Vilnius, 1958; II, sudarė Z. Zinkevičius, Vilnius, 1959. J. Endzelynas GF —J, Endzelynas, Baltų kalbų garsai ir formos, Vilnius, 1957, J. Endzelynas Gr —J, Endzelins, Latviešu valodas gramatika, Riga, 1951. Gtr —VL Grinaveckis, The Shortening of Endings in Lithuanian Dialects. —„The Lithuanian Language and Literature”, VIII, 97—105, Vilnius, 1959. K. Jaunius —Pocc roB —JlnajnekrojiornueckHe OCOGEHHOCTH JIKTOBCKOTO A3bIKA B Poccuenckom yesne (K. 51 5Buuca). - K. I'ykosckuii, Onucanne Poccnexnckoro yesna, ctp. 20–25, Kosa, 1893. Crossing — V. "Grenadec, crossing of Northwest mud dialects". —„Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai“, I, 109—118, Vilnius, 1957. F. Kuršaitis Gr —Grammar of the Lithuanian language by Dr. Friedrich Kurschat, Halle, 1876. x LKK —Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai, I, 1957; II, 1959; III, 1960. LKZD —Pr, Skardžius, Lithuanian language word making, Vilnius, 1941, MADA —Works of the Lithuanian SSR Academy of Sciences. The series A. svdt — Northwestern mud dialects. Sgt. VI. Grinaveckis, Phonetic characteristics of the North-West mud dialects and their development. —„The Journal of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences- “, 1960. VVPI MD —Vilnius State Pedagogical Institute Scientific Papers. Locations from which material is provided and contributors and recorders of material Į Alsėdžiai, Plungės raj., 1958*—0G. Selene. 1960. pp. 60. "O'Brien, J. 1960. 1 The number next to the place name indicates the date of recording or submission of the material. : The examples given in the article from places not mentioned in this list are written in place of the author of the article. | 133 OTTSXKKa YJLapeHHsAi BCTPeuaeTcs Ha ceBepo-3anajHoil UaCTH TEppHTODHH JIHTOBCKOTO si3blKa H B OKpecTHOcTSAXx r. Krašriejjbi. K 10ro-BocToky OT ykasasHOH TEppHTOpHH yJapeHHe IMepeXOANT Ha HauajJIbHbIe CJIOTH TOJIbKO H3 KpartKOro (a TaKXe H IMO IpOHCXOX/JIEHHIO aKyTOBOT0) H LIHDpKYMOJIEKCHOTO OKOHuaHHA. ITO 3aKOH OTTSKKH TpaBOBO-UKHpKYyMOJIeKcHoro aapeuus, IOro-BocTOYHAsA TPaHHUA pacnpocTpaHeHHA; ITOro 3akoHa OT noGepexbs Kypckoro 3aJliBa, TOro Mecra, rae Bnajaer peka Munus, uaer NNpHOJIH3HTEJIbHO MO caenyloutim Mecram: JKemaiuio Haymecruc, Ilaiopue, Ynuua, Baiirysa, KyptyBeHail, Kyxsai, Ilayasit ceBepa), (c Paasunumkuc, Baiicorana, Ynure, IlaneBexnc (c 1oro-soctoka), BaGanbHHHKAC H c 3anana OT r. Bupx*xaii Jt0CTHTaeT JiaTBHAcKYP rpanuuy. K iory H Bocroky OT yKa3aHHON JIHHHH YjapenHe OTTSHYTO TOJIbKO H3 KpaTKOMro (H MO IpOHCXOX/eHHIO aKyTOBOrO) OKOHUAHHSA, HO 3TA OTTsAXKKaA elle GbiBaeT NBOsIKOil. B oKpecTHOCTAX skroaa IIIsynaii nu x tory or Hero (ITakame, Ksayuopsii, Keasme, Kpaxsii, IlakpaxKahtue, TuryBenai, lllunysa), a Takxe okoso ropona Buxkait inopenne OTTAHYTO H3 KpaTKOro OKOHYaHHA BCer/la, HNp. : saidsa Saka~sausa Saka 'cyxas BerBb' (Keabme), sais Sak 'To xe' (Bupxait). Ha Bceit ocranbhoh 1eppHTOpHH NEeHCTBHA 3aKOHA OTTSKKH YHapeHHSI C KPAaTKOrO OKOHUAHHA ynapenHe OTTSHYTO TOJIbKO B TOM CJiyuae, ECJIH MPeanocjeHHH CJIOT JOJTHI, HOP. : salsa 'cyxas', Ho Saka 'BetBb' (Buaykne, Usikumike, Monasa, Ykmepre.- ..). IOro-Bocrouxas rpaHuua OTTSIKKH YJLADEHHA C KpaTKOTO OKOHYAHHSA NPOXOAUT IpHOJIH3HTEJIbHO TO CJIEJĮVIOLILHM MectaM: Ynuua, Hemakusii, Buaykae, llnmkaiiuai, Apérana, Usknmke, Kyasa, Teasonail, Tnenpaitusii, Mouneraii, Jlsnonaii, Buxyonoc, Ceenacaii, Kamasii, Kpaysoc. B XemalTCKMX roBopax NpH OTTsSKKe yJAapeHHsi CHJia rojioca pacrpeJlensieTcsi Ha BCe CJIOTH CJIOBA, HNp. : yesterday~yesterday 'AeHvp', yesterday~yesterday 'BeuepoM'. Takoe Ke pacnpejjeJieKHe yaapeHHs Ha BCE CJIOTH HMeeTcsl H B ayKuITaKTCKHX TOBOpaXx, CONMPHKACAIOLIMXCS C JKEMAaNTCKHMH, a TaKXe [0 TeM MeCTaM, rje HAeT IPaHHLUa OTTAXKKH AKYTOBOTO H aKyTOBO-- LUHPKYM- (daekcHoro ynapenus. OcraTKH ylAapeHHs B KOHIIE CJIOBA MPH OTTSKKE y/apeHHs Ha HavyaJo CJIOBA CBHAETEJNbCTBYIOT O MOCTENEHHOCTH NMepeABHIKEHHS yAapeHHs ¢ KOHIla CJIOBA Ha ero HauaJlo. B XeMaiiTCKHX roBopax yaapeHue OTTSHYTO Ha NepBEbIH CJIOT, a B ayKLiTAHTCKHX —Ha npeanocjaefHuil (C HeGOJIbIIHMH OTKJIOHEHHSAMH). H3 BaXKHeHIIHX (paKTOPOB, OČYCJIOBHBINHX HCYE3HOBEHHE yjaapeHHS B KOHIle CJIOBA, fIBJISIETCA PeAyKUHS APEBHHX CHJIbHOHAYaJbHBIX OKOHYaHHi, HNp. : *sausd>sausd>sdusd (B KeMaWTCKUX rosopax) >saūs (Gaccet pekn Myma), IlosroMy MOHATHO, YTO MpoLECC HCUE3HOBEHHS yaapeHHS B KOHIE CJIOBA HauaJcs B KPaTKUX (H MO NPOHCXOXKAEHHIO AKYTOBĖIX) OKOHuYaHusX). PaHblle Bcero oTTsKKa yJaapeHusi HauaJjach Ha ceBepo-3amnaAe KeMaHTCKuX ropopoB H B 6acceiiHe peku Myla B ayKIITaiTCKHX T'OBOpax H OTCIOla PacnpoCTPaHHJIACh HA OCTAJIbHYIO CETOAHSIUIHION TEPPHTOPHIO pacnpocrpaHeHHA perpakuuu ynapeHus. Takum o6Gpasom, B CBOeM Hayaje OTTAKKa ylapeHHsi Mesa Ba LleHTpa (CeBepo-3amaj KeMalTCKHX rOBOPOB h Gacceiin pekn Mya), Koropbie, NO-BHAHMOMY, He CONpHKOCHYJIHCb OJIHH € APYrHM, H TOJIbKO BIMOCJEACTBMH HX pacnpocTpaHeHHA TeppHTOpHM KeMaHTCKOH H ayKIITAHTCKOH OTTSDKKH YAApeHHS COCJHHHJIHCb. 135 kąsti 'kycHTb') H HaoGopoT: ecJiH MOCAeyAapHbIH CJIOT TIpOH3HOCHJICH € UHPKYM(]JIEKCHOH HHTOHAlHeK, TO B GOJBLUIMHCTBE H TEIEpb 3TOT CJIOT MOj nepeHeceHHbIM YjJĮapeHHeM TNpOH3HOCHTCS C CH/IbHOCpe/IHHHOH HHTOHALHeH (Hanp.: parsėgėnda ~ pdrsigando “HcnyraJica- *, cp. išsigaūdo ‘ro xe’, ligūoje ~lygiojo < *ligjūja “poBHoro"), KOTOpoe NPOHUCXOAUT H3 HHpKYMOJIeKCHOR. H3 aroro cienyer, uro nenecceHHOe, Kak H OTTAHYTOe, yAapeHHe BO3HHKJo ewe A0 OGOOuILEHHA AKYTOBOĖ KHHTOHALHH B nocjeyaapHeiX CJIOTaX H UHPKYM(DJIeKCHOH —B mpeAyAapHbIX CJIOTraxX (Kak B JIATHILCKOM A3bIKe). Takoe pasJinune HHTOHALHĖ B CJIOTAX C rnepeHeCceHHbIM yJįapeHHeM HMe- €TCsl TOJIbKO B CeBep0-XeMaHTCKHX TOBOpax; GoJIee K IOTY HHTOHAIHKA IEpeneceHHoro yaapenus BCcerJla ObiBaeT NnpepbIiBHCTOH. ITO NOKAa3bIiBaeT HA TO, YTO ceBepe Ha »xeMAHTCKHX TOBODpOB MNepeHOC VjJLApeHHS I'm not sure. I'm not sure. I'm not sure. JlaThILICKOMY 53BIKY TOXKe CBOMCTBEHHBI MOGOYHBIE yAapeHHs, KOTOpHe B GOJILIIHHCTBE CJIy4aeB TaKxXe COXpaHHJIH ĮpeBHHe HHTOHALMH, HNp. : aclié: nuT. blind 'ciiensie', ciemins: UT. neighbour ‘cocen’. 4TO mpolecc COOpMHpOBAHHA CHCTEMELI aKLeHTyauHH (c yAapeHHeM Ha HayaJjie CJIOBA)' Obl CXOJĮHLIM (HJIH MOXOXKHM) H B JIATBINICKOM S13bIKE, H B CeBepPHbIX TOBOpaX JIHTOBCKOTO S13bIKA. Retraction and transfer of emphasis in Lithuanian dialects V. GRINAVECKIS Summary I. Retraction of emphasis Retraction of emphasis from the end of the word to the beginning encompasses the entire north-western territory of the Lithuanian language. But the laws of this retraction are not the same throughout the territory. In the north, even near the Latvian border, in the vicinity of the towns of Akmenė, Joniškis, Žeimelis, the emphasis is always shifted from the end of the word to the beginning, i.e. from a short ending such as vién ~ viena —‘alone, one’, from a circumflexed ending such as laiške ~ laukai ‘the fields’, and from an acutely emphasized ending such as vaikam~vaikdm ‘to the children’. This retraction is found in the northwestern part of the Lithuanian language territory and in the vicinity of Klaipėda. In the south-eastern direction of the above mentioned territory, the emphasis on the first syllables is only transferred from a short ending ū (also of an acute and Zirkumflex). This is the law of retraction of the engraved-circumflected Emphasis. | 137 Die südėstliche Limit of Distribution of this Law of the The coast of the Curonian Gulf, where the river Minija flows, covers approximately the following areas: Žemaičių Naumiestis, Pajūris, Upyna, Vaiguva, Kurtuvėnai, Kužiai, Šiauliai (nordlich), North Carolina, United States (sūdostly), Vabalninkas and west of the City Biržai reaches you the Latvian Border. Sūdwūrts and eastern of the erwidhnten line will be the Emphasis retracted only by a short ending (and by origin from an acute), but this retraction can be twofold. In the vicinity of the city of Šiauliai, to the south of it (Pakapė, Kiaunoriai, Kelmė, Kražiai, Pakražantis, Tytuvėnai, Šiluva), as well as around the city of Biržai, the accent is always retracted by a short ending, e.g. saūsa Saka ~ sausa šaka ‘dry branch’ (Kelmė), saūs šak ‘id.’ (Stocks). In the remaining territory, which is under the effect of the law of retraction of a short ending, the accent is retracted only in the case when the penultimate syllable is long, e.g. satisa ‘dry’, but šakė ‘the branch’ (Viduklė, Čekiškė, Jonava, Ukmergė..- .). Sūdėstinė border of retraction of a short ending occurs safely in the following areas: Upyna, Nemakščiai, Viduklė, Šimkaičiai, Ariogala, Čekiškė, Kulva, Gelvonai, Giedraičiai, Molėtai, Leliūnai, Vyžuonos, Svėdasai, Kamajai, Kriaunos. In Low Lithuanian (Žemaitijos) dialects, in the case of retraction of the accent, the strength of the voice is distributed to all syllables of a word, e.g. déina ~ diena ‘the day’, vakaré ~ vakarė ‘in the evening’. Such distribution of accents is also found in Upper Lithuanian (Aukstaitian) dialects, which come into contact with Lower Lithuanian dialects. This is also found in those areas where the border of the retraction of the acute and engraved-- circumflected accent goes. The remnants of the emphasis at the end of the word in the process of the retraction of the emphasis to the beginning of the word testify to the fact that the retraction of the emphasis from the end to the beginning of the word occurs all the time. In Low Lithuanian dialects, the accent is retracted to the first syllable, but in High Lithuanian dialects it is retracted to the penultimate syllable (with a few exceptions). One of the most important factors in the disappearance of the accent at the end of the word is the reduction of the ancient acute endings, e.g. *sausd > sausa > sdus? (in the Low Lithuanian dialects) > sadis (in the basin of Flufš Misa). Therefore it is reasonable that the process of disappearance of an emphasis from the end of a word in short endings (and according to origin in acute endings) began. Somewhat earlier the retraction of the accent began in the northwestern Lower Lithuanian dialects and from there it spread over the former territory of the retraction of the accent. Thus, the retraction of the accent at the beginning had two centers (north-eastern Low Lithuanian dialects and the basin of Fluf3 Mūša), which apparently did not come into contact with each other, and only in the consequence of the spread of their territories they united the Low Lithuanian and High Lithuanian retraction of the accent. 138 The retraction of the emphasis could only be observed after the shortening of the ancient acute endings, i.e. after the 13th century. century appear. The shortening of long endings occurred somewhat earlier in Latvian than in Lithuanian. In the opinion of J. Endzelin, the accent in the Latvian language is primarily from the end of the word to the beginning of this in words recalled, in which the endings were short (Gr. 33—32). It follows that since the Latvian language once had only the retraction of an engraved accent and only in its further development (in the process3 of analogous generalization, as well as the in In the Lithuanian language (and other dialects of the Lithuanian language) the contradictory system of emphasis, i.e. emphasis on the first syllable, has also been formed in the Latvian language. If the Procedure Retraction of the Emphasis on the first Syllable of both in Latvian language, as also the Lithuanian in dialects was the same, also causes of this retraction are to be the same —the reduction of the (long) Endings. Da the long endings frither shortened, should also the Retraction of the emphasis much more freely than es in Lithuanian Languages of the Fall was. Da no linguistic appearance suddenly all over territory may emerge, but be formed by one or several centers spread, is so the Retraction of the Emphasis, as Result there Reduction of acutely stressed endings undoubtedly came to in north-western territories and into northern dialects of Lithuanian language from Latvia, after which it also inherited a larger territory. The above-mentioned centers of the emergence of the retraction of the accent on the territory of the Lithuanian language apparently stood a close in Contact with the ancient Latvian dialects. II. 1998-1999 Transfer of the Emphasis Celebrate the Lower Lithuanian For mouths, with the exception of the retracted accent, the transfer of the accent is characteristic, i.e. the accent that has arisen after an accentuated syllable, e.g.: karė ~kdtei, der Katze (D.)’. With shifted emphasis, all long (sometimes also short) syllables that follow an emphasized syllable are pronounced. The cause of the creation of the shifted emphasis was apparently the retraction of the emphasis. Since after the retraction of the emphasis many words were already pronounced with the emphasis on all syllables, the power of the voice in these words, which the retraction of the emphasis had not affected, should also be distributed. The second cause of the transfer of the emphasis is the reduction of the long circumflex endings. This is proved in the following way: in the paradigm of declinations or conjugations, the shifted emphasis is in those forms in which the last syllable was long and circumflexed, e.g. šėlėne < *šūlinė ~ $uliné ‘the well, N. sing.’ šdlėnes <*Sulinés ~ šūlinės “G. "Soundtrack: "Sweet Home Alabama"". Sing.' $0/éAu < *šūlinjuji ~ šūlinių “G. PL’, but šd.lenge <*$ulinén ~ šūline ‘with the well’, §d.lenes < ~ šūlinėns ~ šūlines ‘Akk. PL" The age of the shift of emphasis is shown by the intonation with which the words with a given emphasis are pronounced. If the emphasized 139