Kai kurios lietuvių kalbos tarmių ypatybės (iš 1961 metų dialektologinių ekspedicijų)

LIETUVIŲ KALBOTYROS KLAUSIMAI, V LIETUVOS TSR MOKSLŲ AKADEMIJA SOME FEATURES OF LITHUANIAN DIALECTS1 (from the 1961 dialectological expeditions) E. GRINAVECKIENĖ I. FEATURES OF THE MŪŠA RIVER-BASIN DIALECTS Phonetics 1. Stress In examining the western part of the Mūša River-basin dialects, a gradual strengthening of stress retraction and ending shortening was observed as one moves across the dialect area from southwest to northeast. For example, at the Kirbaičiai survey point (Šiauliai district, Kairiai local administrative area, no. 164, surveyed by G. Galnaitytė), located about 10 km east of Šiauliai, stress is regularly retracted only from a short ending to the preceding long syllable, e.g.: kõrus ~ koriùs2, peĩku ~ peikù, rõnka ~ rankà, šaukù ~ šaukìu, drabužė́lus ~ drabužėliùs. Here stress is also retracted from a short ending to a short root (gãna, grãžus, šnẽku, tǫšti), but this retraction is irregular: alongside these examples, there are still many parallel instances in which stress remains at the end of the word (esù, pačiù ~ pačiù, senà, takù, trẽčė ~ trečià; dvarè, galè, miškè), especially when the word ends in a closed syllable (bitès, metùs, miškùs, ratùs, rugùs ~ rugiùs, šakàs, trėnùs). In the short penultimate syllable of polysyllabic words, stress 1 This article examines dialectological material collected for the “Atlas of the Lithuanian Language” in 1961 from the area of the eastern and central Aukštaitian (Mūša River-basin) dialects, as well as the northwestern Aukštaitian dialects. During the expeditions, a great deal of important and valuable dialectological material was recorded; however, because of its abundance, it is impossible to analyze or even mention all of it here. The article examines only that part of the material collected which either refines and supplements previously recorded instances of particular phenomena or is entirely new. 2 Dialect examples in the article are presented in the phonetic transcription established in the “Program for Collecting Material for the Atlas of the Lithuanian Language,” 2nd ed., Vilnius, 1956, pp. 105–118; only the mid tone indicates the half-long duration of stressed sounds. In addition, the tones of long vowels and the diphthongs ie, uo are distinguished here; cf. E. Grinaveckienė, “The Relationship between Consonant Palatalization and Ending Shortening in the Stegvilai Dialect” (hereafter — Prieb. mink.), “Questions of Lithuanian Linguistics” (hereafter — LKK), vol. 4, Vilnius, 1961, p. 180. The sound ę here denotes a short sound intermediate between ę and e. The ę that developed from the diphthong ai at the end of a word is not identical in quality to ę after a hardened l; it is somewhat more open than the latter and more similar to e, and is therefore represented as ę in phonetic transcription as well. The sound ǝ is intermediate between o and a. It is short only and more open than standard Lithuanian o. 147 is not retracted, e.g.: batelùs ~ bateliùs, balzgàną, daržėlius ~ daržėliùs, išeidamà, jurgìnis, kepaliùkis ~ kepaliùkis, negalì ~ negalì, pakurà, paliktà, ridikùs, sėnafve, sparneliù ~ sparneliù, tekìni, viščiùkis ~ viščiùkus. Sporadically, stress here is sometimes retracted from a long circumflex-ending open ending as well (except in the plural genitive), e.g.: gėrè ~ gerai, ląbė ~ labai “very,” nebòv ~ nebuvau, šakò ~ sakiai; however, in examples of this type, stress is nevertheless most often at the end of the word: gerę, labę, buvò, sakò. Proceeding about 10 km northeast from Kirbaičiai, at the Narušaičiai survey point (Šiauliai District, Narušaičiai rural district, No. 135, surveyed by B. Grakauskaitė), stress is regularly retracted from a short ending to the preceding short syllable, e.g.: (onto the root) bàla, dvėjus, kėlis, kròtu, mėtus, mėškus, nàmūs, rātus; (onto the suffix) afimėnę, baràkus, kubilòkus ~ kubilìukus, kiaušėnius ~ kiaušiniùs, meščòkė ~ miestùkė, šveikata, sesòtes ~ sesutės, tekėnius ~ tekìnius. Stress is also regularly retracted here onto the preceding long or short syllable from a long open ending in the following cases: a) in the plural nominative, e.g.: arklę ~ arkliai, ežerę ~ ežerai, karę ~ karai, kraštę ~ kraštai, ląnkę ~ lankai, mėškę ~ miškai, vaikę ~ vaikai, žògę ~ žiogai; b) in the first and second persons singular, e.g.: bėjà ~ bijau, bòvò ~ buvau, gànò ~ ganiau, gvàldò ~ gvaldau, iširòngò ~ išsirangiau; ištenè ~ ištinai, palòkė ~ palikai, paskàitė ~ paskaitai; c) in adverbs ending in -ai, e.g.: gèrė ~ gerai, ląbė ~ labai, mažę ~ mažai, retę ~ retai. In all remaining cases, stress remains on a long open ending, e.g.: duktė, teš-muò; arklių ~ arklių, trobų ~ trobų, varlių ~ varlių. Here, stress is likewise not retracted at all from a closed circumflex ending, e.g.: arklìs ~ arklỹs, drugìs ~ drugỹs, genìs ~ genỹs, kaplìs ~ kaplỹs, našlìs ~ našlỹs, dėnòs, dėmės, valdžòs ~ valdžiòs, naktìes, žuvìes; alaũs, medaũs; sparnės ~ sparnàis, velnės ~ velniais. A further 10 km northeast, at the Beinoraičiai survey point (Pakruojis District, Lygumai rural district, No. 107, surveyed by D. Čekanauskaitė), in addition to all the cases of stress retraction listed above, stress on a final long circumflex syllable is now retracted onto the preceding syllable in every case, e.g.: (from an open word ending) dòkte ~ duktė, tešmù ~ tešmuò; àkò ~ akių, giẽsmò ~ giesmių, kãpo ~ kapų, švẽčo ~ svečių, šẽšo ~ šešių, vaĩko ~ vaikų, žõlo ~ žolių; (from a closed word ending) bòrnos ~ burnõs, õgnės ~ ugnìes, àls || alaũs ~ alaũs, doñgaus ~ dangaũs; arklìs ~ arklỹs, gaidìs ~ gaidỹs-drògìs ~ drugỹs; arklès ~ arkliais, geinès ~ geiniais, õžės ~ ožiais, vakarès ~ vakarais. At all the survey points mentioned here (Kirbaičiai, Narušaičiai, Beinoraičiai), stress is not retracted from an acute ending, e.g.: gražòm, mergòm, šakòm (Kirbaičiai); arklėm, ievàm, žmònėm (Narušaičiai), vaikàm, žentàm, arklėm (Beinoraičiai)³. 3In the dialect of the Mūša river basin, there are instances in which, at the ends of words in the singular and plural (dual) dative of nouns and pronouns, unlike in standard Lithuanian and other dialects, the accent is pronounced circumflex rather than acute; see Prieb. minkšt. 180; see also the material in the Atlas of the Lithuanian Language from Nem. Radviliškis, Stegvilai, Gaižūnai, survey nos. 429, 603, 678, etc. The material presented from the Kirbaičiai, Narušaičiai, and Beinoraičiai survey points shows that in these cases the accent is pronounced acute; see the material in the Atlas of the Lithuanian Language, survey nos. 600, 679, 683. 148 Proceeding eastward from Beinoraičiai, at the Juknaičiai survey site (Pakruojis district, Vilūnaičiai local district, No. 136, surveyed by D. Brūzgaitė), in addition to cases of generalized stress retraction (balta, akìs, vaikė ~ vaikai, šokęs ~ sukiesi, kãktos ~ kaktõs, ãrklis ~ arklys, àls ~ alaus, tẽsmų ~ tẽsmuõ, kãte ~ katė), stress is also retracted from the dative plural ending, e.g.: žõsim dãvę lãsti; tõkiem vaikėm, laũkem, gaĩdžem, pàčom, mar̃žom. Proceeding north from Juknaičiai, at the Norvaišiai survey site (Pakruojis district, Vilūnaičiai local district, No. 108, surveyed by A. Žygytė), stress is retracted in precisely the same way as in Juknaičiai, except that here all old acute-accented word-final vowels and diphthongs have disappeared, e.g.: diẽn ~ dienà, šãk ~ šakà, tvõr ~ tvorà; kãt ~ katė, kãrv ~ karvė, kiẽm ~ kieme, õr ~ õre, vežẽm ~ vežime; mar̃t ~ martì, pàt ~ patì, gẽr ~ gerì, sèn ~ senì; vaik ~ vaikù, sen ~ senù, vẽs ~ visì, per̃k ~ perkì, pẽrk ~ perkù; bẽtės ~ bitės, kẽls ~ kelìas, par̃šoks ~ paršiukùs, vaikẽls ~ vaikelius. The circumflex-accented word-final -y has also disappeared here: ãrkal̃s ~ arklys, gaĩd̃s ~ gaidỹs, õžs ~ ožỹs; when unstressed, word-final u in an open syllable < un is reduced, e.g.: ãrklo ~ arklių, grūdõ ~ grūdų, šiaudõ ~ šiaudų.Stress retraction and shortening of endings occur very similarly to Juknaičiai also at other surveyed sites in the Mūša river basin: Gaižūnai (Pakruojis district, No. 77, surveyed by E. Grinaveckienė), Guostagalis (Pakruojis district, No. 78, surveyed by K. Vosylūtė), and Gailioniai (Pakruojis district, Lumbeliai local district, No. 110, surveyed by K. Vosylūtė). All the material presented here confirms the claim that, moving from the center of stress retraction and ending shortening in the eastern Aukštaitian dialects—the Mūša river basin (Linkuva—Pasvalys)⁴—toward the southwest, stress retraction and ending shortening gradually and uniformly weaken as one proceeds from northeast to southwest; by extending and supplementing this claim with specific examples, it demonstrates the pattern clearly. 2. Qualitative changes in the short vowels i, u In the dialect of the northern part of Pakruojis district, formerly Linkuva district (the local districts of Gaižūnai, Guostagalis, Vaškai, Bardiškiai, Šulaičiai, Pašvitinys, Megučionys, and Lumbeliai)⁵, a qualitative change is observed whereby the short vowels i, u, both on their own and in diphthongs with l, m, n, r, turn into other sounds. Here vowel u becomes somewhat more open and turns into o, an intermediate sound between o and a. Before a hard consonant, this o is more open; before a soft consonant, it is closer. When vowel i occurs before a hard consonant, it becomes more open and backed and, like u, turns into o; before a soft consonant it only becomes more open and turns into e, an intermediate sound between ė and e. The new vowels e, o arise only from the dialect’s short i, u. Short i, u occur in the dialect only in the following cases: a) Stressed with the ancient accent in the final syllable, e.g.: bòs ~ bùs, dù ~ dù, dvė ~ dvì, įgrs ~ įgrìs, įkròs ~ įkrìs, ilõs ~ ilìs, išõs ~ išsiùs, jòs ~ jìs, lòps ~ lįps, mǫ̀s ~ mùs, nulõs ~ nulùs, nupõs ~ nupùs, nutrõks ~ nutrùks, padarõs ~ padarỹs, pagadõs ~ pagadìnės, pašõs ~ pasiùs, pataisõs ~ pataisỹs, rasõs ~ rasỹs, sakõs ~ sakỹs, sò ~ sù, sugrõs ~ sugrìs, šòks ~ šùks, sukirmõs ~ sukirmỹs (supus), surõks ~ surùgs, tò ~ tù, įrõs ~ trīs. 4 Cf. V. Grinaveckis, Galūnių trumpėjimas lietuvių kalbos tarmėse, „Vilniaus Valstybinio Pedagoginio instituto mokslo darbai“, t. 8, Vilnius, 1959, p. 101, 103. 5 It is possible that the area of the phenomenon mentioned is larger than indicated here. This will be shown by future expeditions to the surrounding districts. 149 The vowels presented could have undergone a qualitative change because, only in this one case, when bearing the old accent, they remained short, whereas in all other cases they lengthened to half-long (: kišė ~ kišė, muš ~ mušą, ligė ~ ligą, šūk ~ šūk, viso ~ visą, višto ~ vištą, žūv ~ žūvi). In addition, their qualitative change may also have been influenced by the assimilatory effect of the hard word-final consonants in the same syllable with them, a feature characteristic of many other Lithuanian dialects as well⁶. The examples ilò, išõs, mulõs, mupõs, padarõs, rasõs... show that their i, u changed into ǫ relatively recently, after the old long word-final vowels were shortened, since here i, u < ī, ū. The vowels i, u, when bearing the old accent, also change their quality in a circumflex diphthong, e.g.: ilõnida ~ ilìnido, imõntrõ ~ imìnt rìa “strange, unheard-of”, jõni ~ jì, kònka ~ kìnko, kòr ~ kùr, krõnti ~ krìnta, lõnkavõ ~ Lìnkavą, mõrs ~ mìrs, paõnik ~ paùnika, põršto ~ pìršta, sõrk ~ sìrk, smõlkst ~ smìlksta, šõlts ~ šìltas, sõmìs ~ šìmìtas, võršom ~ vìršum; ìžgèrst ~ išgìrsti, kèrvė ~ kìrvis, rėnki ~ rìnkti, svėrpãl ~ svìrpì; bòrbols ~ bùrbulas, drõngans ~ druìngnas, põlks ~ pùlkas, stòlps ~ stùlpas; drõmžlės ~ drumžlės “dregs”, gõli ~ gùlti, gõrklė ~ gùrkliai, kòrčės ~ kùrčias, kòrk ~ kùrkia, šòrkščiõs ~ šiùrkščios. In this case, the falling-rising diphthong retains its quality, e.g.: pìlns ~ pìlnas, dùlkst ~ dùlksta. It follows that the i, u of circumflex diphthongs may also have undergone a qualitative change because of their shortness. b) With retracted stress, e.g.: àvǫž ~ avìžų, kõš ~ kišų, kòt ~ kitą, lõno ~ linų, lõg ~ ligą, lõp ~ lipù, mergõčk ~ mergìčkà (girl), stipõnė ~ stipinai, tõkrė ~ tikrai, võs ~ visą, võšt ~ vištą, võšts ~ vištas; lõp ~ lupų, mõš ~ mušų, plõt ~ plutą, põt ~ putą, sõk ~ sukì, sõl ~ sulà; kėš ~ kiši, kėi ~ kiti, mėšk ~ miškė, plėk ~ pliki, vės ~ visi; gòl ~ guli, kròt ~ kruti, sõk ~ suki, tòr ~ turi. In this case too, their shortness was most likely decisive for the qualitative change of the vowels i, u. The hard consonants occurring with them in the same syllable preserve this change better than the soft consonants; this is especially true of the vowel i. The diphthongs i, u+l, m, n, r, when bearing retracted stress, are pronounced in the dialect with a circumflex intonation. Their first component is also short and has most likely changed its quality for this reason (shortness), e.g.: kelõni ~ kelìntą, negėrõng ~ negėrìngą (one unable to drink intoxicating beverages), nukõrst ~ nukìrsta, nusipõrk ~ nusìpirkau, paìlg ~ paìlgą, pèlni ~ pìlni, pèlv ~ pìlvė, pèrtiš ~ pìrtis, rõmtė ~ rìmtai, sõrgã ~ sìrgau, šėrėds ~ šìrdìs; bòrnõs ~ burnõs, čõmp ~ čiùmpa, põrv ~ purvė, sõnk ~ sunkù. c) Unstressed. Not every short unstressed vowel i, u becomes ė, ǫ. Unstressed i, u always remain unchanged in pretonic and open syllables, e.g.: apsùkimõs ~ apsùkimas, bičkõrėlė ~ bičkõrėliai, kìtiem, kukìodava ~ kukìodavo, nukùstėję ~ nukùstėjo “went”, nutùka ~ nutùko, prìkiba ~ prìkibo, prìlipa ~ prìlipo, surìšim ~ surìšim, susilėžùvìot ~ susilėžùvìoti, susisùks ~ susìksus.Unstressed i, u change their quality in the dialect only when they occur before a word-final or stem-final consonant and are in the same syllable as it, e.g.: apsùnkõn ~ apsùnkina, àvǫžs ~ àvižas, bùrtinõks ~ bùrtinykas, čìėpõt ~ čìėpyta 6 Cf. E. Grinaveckienė, Mituvos upyno tarmės fonetika, LKK, vol. 1, Vilnius, 1957, pp. 159—161. 150 “grafted,” dėdõn ~ dėdyną “aunt by marriage,” įpõls ~ įpilas “funnel,” kárkọn ~ kárkina, kãjons ~ kãtinas, knìtọn ~ knìtina “teases,” nuskau̇dõn ~ nuskau̇dina, pãlokts ~ pãliktas, ródos ~ ró̇dys, sukirmìdos ~ sukirmýdins “will rot,” švė̇kõk ~ švė̇kink, tėkons ~ tė̇kinas, viršinõks ~ viršinýkas; čiėpėt ~ čiėpyti “to graft,” kárkẹn ~ kárkini, knìtẹn ~ knìtini, išnáikėt ~ išnáikinti “to exterminate,” išmókėt ~ išmókyti “to teach”; bė̇rštõls ~ Bė̇ržtulis (a stream), kė̇tǫrs ~ kėtúris, nedė̇gõls ~ nedė̇gulis, šáutovs ~ šáutuvas. The examples bū̇rtinõks, švė̇kõk… also point to a recent shift to ę, ǫ: their i changed to ę, ǫ after an unstressed i, į changed to. In this case, the qualitative change in the vowels i, u was evidently caused by their shortness and, due to the shortening of the ending, by their occurrence in a final closed syllable. Syllable closure in this dialect may also have contributed to the qualitative change in the vowels under discussion. In cases where unstressed short i, u occur in a non-final, open syllable, they, as we have seen, do not change into other sounds. However, this is not the case with unstressed short i, u in all the dialects of this area. In the dialects around Lygumai (Beinoraičiai survey point), i in every unstressed syllable has changed to ę; u to ǫ, e.g.: ãvežas ~ ãvižas, čuõžū ~ čiuožū, didelės ~ didelis, dõkterėla ~ duktėrėlė, gimėnęs ~ giminės, gė̇rdėję ~ girdėjo, ešmóketøy ~ išmókyti, ešnáikė̇t ~ išnáikinti, jė̇mė ~ imti, kętóriem ~ keturiem, kápas ~ kapūs, Lygumõs ~ Lygumus, márškėnõs ~ márškinius, mū̇žėka ~ mūzika, negálo ~ negaliū, nǫvargės ~ nuvargęs, nǫėję ~ nuėjo, ǫžėję ~ užėjo, sǫgávo ~ sugávo, sǫgíde ~ sugýdė, sǫrišim ~ surišim, sǫsėdūrė ~ susidūrė, sǫsėdráške ~ susidraš-kė, sǫsėkė̇rta ~ susikirto, sǫsėtika ~ susitiko, šėštė ~ šešti, trau̇kėnūka ~ traukinūka, ū̇kenėko ~ ūkininką, vė̇šė ~ visi. This difference in the change of the vowels under discussion in the Linkuva-area dialect on the one hand and the Lygumai dialect on the other may, at least in part, also depend on the differing degree of ending shortening in these dialects. The quality of the first component of unstressed i, u + l, m, n, r diphthongs which, due to ending shortening, have come to occur at the end of a word has also changed, as with monophthongs, e.g.: ãžondas ~ ãžindas, avikėrpės ~ avikirpės (plural accusative — avikirpės), kū̇nongs ~ kūningas “priest,” liė̇tongs ~ liėtingas, piñongs ~ pinigas “money,” šáutovs ~ šáutuvas. Morphology 1. Inflection a) Accusative dual In the course of studying the dialects of the Mūša river basin, an interesting and rare morphological phenomenon was observed. In the area Pašvitinys — Nemunėlio Radviliškis — Biržai — Pasvalys — Joniškėlis — Pakruojis — Linkuva, the use of accusative dual forms with the numeral *trys* ‘three’ was recorded for the first time, e.g.: rãdǫ trõs dǫbilėl po kė̇tǫrs lapelės ~ I found three little clovers with four leaves each; trõs glėbėl malko sukūrėna, kur neiškėps ~ three armfuls of firewood have been piled up, where it won’t burn through; sǫdėjǫ trõs šauj apinǫ ~ I put together three handfuls of hops; atnešk trõs bačk ~ bring three barrels; bãts panesėjo trõs dien ~ I wore the boots for three days; bìts šiemet láidė trõs spiė̇č ~ the bees produced three swarms this year; gavǫ trõs kelmė̇l jurginǫ ~ I got three clumps of dahlias; mūs brigad turi trõs piemen ~ our brigade has three shepherds; tǫr trõs dėd i trõs tetǫl ~ I have three uncles and three aunts; 151 trõs paršõk mažõt šimēt augīn ~ three little piglets are being raised this year7 and so on. Similar instances of dual usage with the numeral *trys* ‘three’ are also found in Latvian8. Moreover, throughout the area specified, the accusative dual is used only with the numerals du and trys; no instances of the accusative dual with the numerals keturi, penki… ‘four, five…’ were observed here. The final consonant of the accusative dual of dialect nouns with o stems, as the examples show, is pronounced hard: dvę, trõs bačk, diēn, tetõl. How can this ending be explained? After the final i < ie9 of these forms was lost, the consonant left at the end of the word was undoubtedly initially soft, as it still is in many Lithuanian dialects. Later it hardened in the dialects under study. The final consonant may have been hardened here under the influence of analogy with other cases (diēn ~ diēna, diēns ~ diēns…), which leveled the paradigm. The final consonant may also have hardened because of the long-standing tendency in these dialects to harden soft consonants at the ends of words10. Masculine nouns and participles whose stem ends in the consonant t or d more often have, alongside the usual form, a form without an affricate in the ending in the accusative dual, e.g.: dõ, trõs mažõj paršõk, gaid, jaut, med, svēt, perkõnči11 and so on. Such nouns and participles generally also lack an affricate at the end of the word in the nominative, dative and instrumental singular, and in the accusative plural11. b) Dative and instrumental of the dual The dative and instrumental plural and dual in this area also differ from those in standard Lithuanian and many other dialects. Here the plural dative is entirely indistinguishable from the dual dative. In this respect, only forms with final -m occur. As in Latvian, they are probably to be regarded as dual datives12, generalized also to express the plural dative, e.g.: akīm || akīm, beržēm || beržēm || beržām ‘to the birch’, gaidžēm || gaidžēm || gaidžēm ‘to the roosters’, jaučēm || jaučēm ‘to the oxen’, jaunom || jaunõm || jaunõm ‘to the young ones’, karčēm || karčēm || kartiem ‘to the carders’, katēm || katēm || katēm ‘to the cats’, lūpom ‘to the lips’, marčõm || marčõm ‘to the daughters-in-law’, mergõm || mergõm ‘to the girls’, naktīm || naktīm ‘to the nights’, pēm- pēm ‘to the lapwings’, pardūodõnčēm || pardūodõntēm ‘to the sellers’, perkõnčēm || perkõntēm ‘to the buyers’, penkõm || penkõm ‘to the five’, piētum || petūm || piē- tēm || pietēm ‘to the stomachs’, pīrtīm || pīrtīm ‘to the bathhouses’, saldžēm || saldēm ‘to the sweet ones’, sē- nõm || senõm ‘to the old women’, stalēm || stalēm || stalām ‘to the tables’, sūnum || sunum || sū- něm || sunēm ‘to the sons’, švečēm || švečēm || švečēm, šakõm || šakõm ‘to the branches’, vagīm || vagīm || vagēm || vagēm ‘to the furrows’, varlēm || varlēm ‘to the frogs’, vežīkem || vežīkam, vī- rēm || vīram; viščiūkem || viščiūkam (in words with ending stress, stress on the ending is more characteristic of the northeastern part of this area—Biržai and Nemunėlio Radviliškis—while elsewhere both forms are used in parallel, although the form with retracted stress is more frequent). The use of these forms is most clearly illustrated in the sentence: (Gaižū- 7 The examples are mostly taken from the Gaižūnai, Gailioniai and Guostagalis localities in Pakruojis District; see register no. 678, 686, 687. 8 See J. Endzelynas, Latviešu valodas gramatika (hereafter — J. Endzelīns, Gr.), Rīgā, 1951, § 314. 9 Žr. J. Endzelynas, Baltų kalbų garsai ir formos, Vilnius 1957, § 215. 10 Cf. Prieb. minkšt., p. 172. 11 See Prieb. minkšt., pp. 170, 176. 12 See J. Endzelīns, Gr. § 231. 152 nai) give fertilizer to those same fields, they’ll grow “give good fertilizer to those same fields, they’ll grow”; those little children’s parents let them do everything “the parents let those little children do everything,” if you give, give to both children “if you give, give to both children”; (Guostagalis) if you eat anything for dinner, then you must take some to the fairies too “if you eat anything for dinner, then you must take some to the fairies too”; (Nem. Radviliškis) this rain is also good for the gardens “this rain is also good for the gardens,” how much for the rye “how much is asked for the rye,” how much for the flour “how much is paid for the flour,” what’s for breakfast “what’s for breakfast,” milk twice “milk twice,” and so on. The examples given show that the plural and dual dative forms are completely identical. (i)a — kamienių daiktavardžiu, kaip pavyzdžiai rodo, lygiagrečiai vartojamos dvejopos dgs. (dv.) naud. formos: su galūne -ėm (po kieto priebalsio): daržėm || daržėm; -ėm (po minkšto priebalsio): švėčėm || švėčėm ir tokios kaip lk. (daržām, švėčēm ~ svečiam). Formos, sutampančios su lk., tarmėje retesnės. Galūnę -ėm greta kirčiuotos -iėm turi ir vyr. gim. būdvardžiai, skaitvardžiai, įvardžiai, dalyviai, pvz.: didelėm „dideliam“, mažėsnėm „mažesniam“, karčėm „kartiem“, pačėm „patiem“, pardūodọčėm „pard uodantiem“, stačėm „statiem“, trėčėm „tretiem“ (greta: gyvėm, mažėm, karčėm, pardūodọtėm). Tačiau kaip paaiškinti formų daržėm || daržėm, arklem || arklem, didelėm, plačėm kilme? Visų pirma formos daržėm || daržėm, gaidžėm || gaidžėm… savo kilme negali būti tapatingos su formomis daržām, gaidžēm… jau vien ir dėl to, kad jos abi tarmėje vartojamos greta. Be to, skirtingos šių abiejų formų galūnės nėra ir fonetiškai tapačios: galūniniai -ėm, -ēm šiose tarmėse fonetiškai negali būti išriedėję iš redukuotų -am, -iam, nes žodžio galo -am, -iam, kaip daugumas pavyzdžių rodo (pavyzdžiai daugiausia imti iš šiaurinės Pakruojo rajono dalies — Linkuvos, Gaižūnų, Stegvilių, Guostagalio, Gailionių punktų), redukuodamiesi gali išvirsti tik į -am, -em, pvz.: baltam, didelėm, juodam, naminėm, sōtam, surūgusėm ~ baltām, dideliam, juodam, naminam, sōčiam, surūgusiam (Gaižūnai); aukštam, brangam, drūtam ~ aukštām, brangiam, drūtām (Stegviliai). Iš kitos pusės, garsą ę čia gali atliepti tik lk. ai, o ę — ie, ei, iai, pvz.: sākę ~ sakai, vaikęs ~ vaikais, nešęs ~ nešies, nešeis, sākę ~ sakei. Turėdami tai galvoje, galėtume manyti, kad formų gaidžėm, plačėm ir t. t. galūninis -ėm fonetiškai galėtų būti kilęs ir iš galūnės -iem, būdingos gretimos latvių kalbos dgs. (dvs.) naudininkui ¹², nes toks -iem > ēm šiose tarmėse fonetiškai, kaip matėme, yra įmanomas (dar plg. latvių plašiem, pašiem, tūkstošiem). Tokiu būdu išeitų, kad minima šių formų galūnė (-ėm) galėtų būti aiškinama ir kaip fonetiškai pakitęs latvių kalbos morfologinis skolinys. Tuo atveju ją turėtume laikyti įsigalinu šių tarmių morfologiniu naujadaru, vartojamu šalia įprastinės dgs. (dv.) naudininko galūnės. Galūnė -em, kuriai atitikmenų latvių kalboje nėra, galėtų būti fonetiškai kilusi iš -ien, o tik vėliau sukietėjusi dėl visos a-kamienių daiktavardžių paradigmos išlyginimo (plg. daržs ~ daržas, daržūs; daržę ~ daržai ir pan.). Ar ši prielaida teisinga, parodys tolimesni ir išsamesni šios srities tyrinėjimai. Exactly the same forms as the plural (dual) dative are most often also used for the plural (dual) instrumental in this area. This is the case, for instance, first of all with (i)o-, ē-, ī-, (i)u-, and consonant-stem nouns, feminine adjectives, numerals, pronouns, and participles, for example: sų galvōm || galvōm “with the heads,” gėrklėm || gerklėm “with the throats,” marčōm || marčōm “with the daughters-in-law,” žėvėm || žėvėm “with the bark,” ākim || akim, ausīm || ausim “with the eyes,” nāktīm || nāktim “with the nights,” vāgīm || vagīm, sūnum || sunum “with the sons,” gyvōm || gyvōm “with the living,” frūm, tiem, dešimtīm. (i)a-stem 153 nouns and masculine adjectives, numerals, pronouns, and participles have only a dual instrumental form that is entirely identical to the plural (and dual) dative form used in these dialects, for example: žosūke lāk šo spārnem “the goslings fly with their wings”; šo tieni ākinēm kęp tik artī nemātat “with those glasses I can hardly see close up”; tōi vārga šo tiem dvėim (trīm) telūkėm (bet: ketuores telūkės) “I struggle with those two (three) calves (but: with four calves)”; jiė sėdž po tiem dvėim (trīm) beržem, klėvem, medžem, uosem (bet: po tiem || tęs didelės medžes, uoses, klėves, beržes) “they sit under those two (three) birches, maples, trees, ash trees (but: under those large trees, ash trees, maples, birches)”; ān mōtōn šo dvėim (trīm) vaikėm (bet: šo ketuores, ōses vaikės) “the mother is going with those two (three) children (but: with four, all the children).” The plural instrumental generally has its own stem endings, although forms of the dual dative are occasionally used alongside them, for example: sėdėję po tiem medžem “they sat under those trees”; labę pavargę šo tęš švėčės “I got very tired with those guests.” The material presented shows that forms such as galvōm || galvōn, žievēm || ževeri, ākim || akim, sūnum || sunum, dešimtīm, spārnem || sparnēm || sparnām, vaikēm || vaikēm || vaikām and so on are the old dual datives. They could have arisen in the instrumental case by exactly the same process as in Latvian¹³, or even on the model of neighboring Latvian dialects. c) Pronominal forms The pronominal adjectives, numerals, pronouns, and participles in the dialects of the Joniškėlis—Linkuva—Pašvitinys—Lauksodis—Vaškai—Pasvalys area have distinct case endings that differ from standard Lithuanian. This shows that the development of ancient sounds at the ends of words here must have been different from that in the rest of the Lithuanian dialect area. Differences in the individual cases of pronominal adjectives, numerals, pronouns, and participles are most clearly revealed in the paradigm. It is presented here: Singular Nom. storāšę brāngasę didisę storōj || storō Gen. storāję didžōję storōšęs Dat. storājēm didžājēm storājė Acc. storāj didžēj storājō Instr. storūoj || storūo didžūo storōj Loc. storājō Plural Nom. storēj || storė didie stórāsōs Gen. storūjō Dat. storiesēm stórāsōm Acc. storūōs Instr. storāisēs stórāsōm Pronominal a-stem and u-stem adjectives, numerals, pronouns, and participles have the generalized formant -asai in the singular nominative ending, e.g.: gerāšę ~ gerāsai, muš tāšę ~ muš tāsai, saldāsę ~ saldāsai “saldusai,” while ia-stem 13 See J. Endzelīns, Gr. §§ 233, 367. 154 -ysai, e.g.: virašnīse ~ vyresnīysai, gerešnīse ~ gerešnīysai. The formant -ysai alongside -asai is sometimes also used by the adjectives jaunas, mažas, senas, e.g.: jaunīse ~ jaunīysai “the young one,” mažīse ~ mažīysai “the small one,” senīse ~ senīysai “the old one.” In the other cases, the endings of all stems coincide. The old unstressed word-final clusters with an initial accent in pronominal forms -*jā, -*jie, -*juo have mostly disappeared in the dialect, as in Latvian¹⁴, e.g.: (sg. nom.) didžō, gerō, virašnō ~ didžōja, gerōja, vyresnijōja; (sg. instr.) didžō, piktō, savō ~ didžōju, piktōju, savōju; (pl. nom.) gerīe, naujīe, savīe ~ gerīeji, naujīeji, savīeji. The feminine pronominal form in the plural accusative coincides with the masculine plural accusative form, e.g.: išvalś storuōsś žārns “I cleaned out the large intestines,” išrōnkō geruōsś sėkls “I selected the good seeds.” Like storuōsś, geruōsś, the ending -uos is also found in the plural accusative of the pronouns ta, jī, ana, e.g.: tuōs dōrs “those doors,” tuōs gīrns “those querns,” tuōs kāts “those cats,” tuōs mergōcks “those girls”; juōs vōss “all of them” and so on. The presence of short a in the first component of the endings of pronominal forms (sg. acc.: stōraj “the thick one” (masc.); stōrājō “the thick one” (fem.); sg. loc.: stōrājō “in the thick one” (fem.); pl. nom.: stōrasōs “the thick ones” (fem.); pl. dat., instr.: stōrasōm “to the thick ones, with the thick ones”), of course, is also the result of the different phonetic development and shortening of final syllables in these dialects. In some of the cases given here, short a is also pronounced in neighboring Latvian dialects¹⁵. 2. Derivation Diminutive and endearing suffixes 1. -aičia. Formed from the stems of all parents’ surnames and used to denote the surnames of their adult unmarried daughters (girls), e.g.: báikaič ~ Báikaiťia (Baikaitė < Baika), beinōraič ~ Beinōraičia (Beinoraitė < Beinoras), krivickaič ~ Krivickaičia (Krivickaitė < Krivickas), lapšaič ~ Lapšaičia (Lapšaitė < Lapšas), lingaič ~ Lingaičia (Lingytė < Lingis), monkūnaič ~ Mankūnaičia (Mankūnaitė < Mankūnas), murauckaič ~ Murauskaičia (Murauskaitė < Murauskas), poželaič ~ Poželaičia (Poželaitė < Poželė), šimelūnaič ~ Šimelūnaičia (Šimelūnaitė < Šimelūnas). Surnames with acute-stressed roots and stems retain the accent in its original position when they take this suffix; in all other cases, the suffix is stressed. This suffix is not very common in the dialect. It is used more widely only by the older generation. The more commonly used suffix -iukė is gaining ground in its place, see p. 158. A few derivatives with this suffix are common nouns with a pejorative meaning, e.g.: plērpaič ~ plērpaīčia “a woman who makes herself famous by her laughter.” 2. -aitis, -aitė. Derivatives are rare, e.g.: kumelaitė ~ kumelaitė, mergaitė ~ mergaitė, obelaitė ~ obelaitė, ponaitis ~ ponaitis (also means ‘devil’). The suffix is stressed, and the tone is acute. The word žemaitis ~ žemaitis is pronounced here with a circumflex and has no diminutive meaning. 3. -ėkas. Derivatives are rare and also have a pejorative meaning, e.g.: pužbernēks ~ pus-bernēkas “adolescent.” 4. -elis, -elė. Derivatives are very common, e.g.: ašēla ~ ašēlė, begēls ~ begēlis “little rascal,” brūkšnēls ~ brūkšnēlis “little herd,” brōlāls ~ brōlēlis, dēnēla ~ dienēlė, 14 Cf. J. Endzelīns, Gr. § 321. 15 Cf. J. Endzelīns, Gr. §§ 321, 322. 155 galvėla ~ galvėlė, genėls ~ genėlis, glebėls ~ glebėlis, gerėls ~ gerėlis “lamb,” grudėls ~ grūdėlis, gronėla ~ grandėlė “iron ring, buckle,” gurklėls ~ gurklėlis, kalnėls ~ kalnėlis, kelāls ~ kelėlis, klugėlė ~ kliugėlai “switches,” kresnėla ~ kresnėlė “small sweet cherry,” kripšāls ~ kripšėlis “tiny speck,” kuinėls ~ kuinėlis, lingėla ~ lingėlė, lonėlta ~ lentėlė, ligėla ~ ligėlė, medėls ~ medėlis “fine kindling,” mojėla ~ mojėlė “mother, mommy < moja,” paukštėlė ~ paukštėliai, pedėls ~ pedėlis, plumkšnėles ~ plumkšnėlės, rėbėls ~ rėbėlis “woven cage for catching sparrows,” roštėla ~ ruoštėlė “preparation,” ropikėla ~ rankėlė, saulāla ~ saulėlė, senėls ~ senėlis, senėla ~ senelė, skarėla ~ skarelė, skiltėla ~ skiltelė, slonkšnėls ~ slenksnėlis “small threshold,” sprōndėls ~ sprandelis, šakėla ~ šakelė, ōrelā ~ uorėlė “little cart,” upėls ~ upėlis, tačkėls ~ tačkėlis “little spot,” vadėles ~ vadėlės, virvēla ~ virvelė, žabėlė ~ žabėliai, žaunėla ~ žiaunelė. There are derivatives with this suffix denoting things, objects, etc. intended for a specific purpose, for example: avėla ~ avėlė “sheep,” daržēls ~ daržēlis “flower garden,” enėlės ~ ienėlės “the spokes of a spinning wheel,” karvēls ~ karvēlis “pigeon,” ōžēls ~ ōžēlis “grasshopper,” panēlēs ~ panēlēs “the small rods of a spinning wheel,” sesēla ~ sesēlė “sister,” žmogēls ~ žmogēlis “man, husband,” žvirblāls ~ žvirblēlis “a small spindle on a chain link to prevent the chain from twisting,” varlāla ~ varlēlė “two crossed sticks placed on a rekezis. In the game, the task is to knock the little frog down with a stick.” Place names and personal names are also formed with this suffix, for example: kirvėls ~ Kirvėlis (a pond in the village of Gaižūnai), plikėlė ~ Plikėliai (village in the Gaižūnai district, Pakruojis district), pūdels ~ Pūdelis (a dog’s name), šilāla ~ Šilėlė (bushes in the village of Gaižūnai), trakēlė ~ Trakēliai (bushes at the end of the village of Diržiai), trakēlų miškas ~ Trakēlių miškas (a 50-hectare forest east of the village of Gaižūnai), tīrels ~ Tȳrelis (a quagmire in Kūkai Forest), dūčo tīrels ~ Dūčių Tȳrelis (a 170-hectare marsh south of the village of Gaižūnai). Derivatives with this suffix most often belong to accent paradigm II. 5. -ėlis, -ėlė. Derivatives with this suffix are very numerous in the dialect. They occur not only in songs but also in everyday speech. The suffix is added to simplex and compound words, for example: ančakėlė “eyebrows,” apsukēls ~ apsukēlis “a small round area,” daržinēla ~ daržinēlė, grēžinēls ~ griežinēlis “a slice of bread cut from the corner of a loaf, with upper and lower crust,” grōžgalvēla ~ gražgalvėlė “a little bird that keeps turning its head, a pretty-head,” jōdumēla ~ juodumėlė, kirstojēls ~ kirstojėlis “little cutter,” košvirēls ~ košvirēlis “a pot-bellied clay cup,” kuliņēlė ~ kūlyņēliai “little bushes,” nabašnikēls ~ nabašnikēlis “deceased person,” padaikšēlė ~ padaikšēliai “little seedlings,” patinēls ~ patinēlis, pevokšnēls ~ pevokšnēlis “meadow,” pušmergēla ~ pušmergēlė, ronkenēlas ~ rankenēlės, samanēlas ~ samanēlės, seniukēls ~ seniukēlis “grandfather,” vaikeseēls ~ vaikeseēlis “boy, hired hand, vaikesas,” velanēls ~ velenēlis, verdēnēla ~ verdenēlė “spring,” vidurēlė ~ vidurēliai, virbalēls ~ virbalēlis, viršunēla ~ viršunēlė, vognēla ~ vagonēlė “a rectangular wooden container with a lid, used for taking food out to a shepherd in the fields, a wagon,” žaburēlė ~ žaburēliai “small forked branches for kindling.” There are derivatives with this suffix that serve a specific purpose and denote things or objects characterized by certain features only (they do not seem to have diminutive-affectionate meanings), for example: ašarēla ~ ašarēlė “a pink little flower that blooms in early spring,” bitinēla ~ bitinēlė “queen bee,” bruzdukēls ~ bruzdukēlis “the small wheel for raising or lowering millstones,” dagilēla ~ dagilēliai “such prickly grasses and such speckled little birds” 156 dilginėla ~ dilgynėlė “stinging nettle,” motinėla ~ motinėlė “queen bee,” paminėlas ~ paminėlės “the supports of a spinning wheel,” statinėls ~ statinėlis “the stick to which the distaff is tied,” šakumėla ~ šakumėlė “a small fork attached to a scythe for cutting summer crops,” voverėla ~ voverėlė “chanterelle.” A few derivatives with this suffix have a diminutive and derogatory meaning, for example: kabalėla ~ kabalėlė “a cripple,” keraužėls ~ keriaužėlis “a short, unimpressive little man.” Derivatives with the suffix -ėlis, -ėlė can sometimes also have a diminutive meaning, indicating that the thing or object has very little of the properties mentioned, for example: those apples still have a little bitterness; they are not yet ripe. There are few adjectives derived with this suffix in the dialect, for example: bičkorėlė ~ bičkorėliai “curled up like a honeycomb cell”; mažukėlis, -la ~ mažiukėlis, -lė “tiny”: mažukėls vaikels, “a tiny child”; tvorinėla ~ tvorinėlė “fence-side”: galu lauka daržinėla ir ta pat tvorinėla (l. d.), “at the end of the field there is a little barn, and that same fence-side one”; jodberėls ~ juodberėlis: vai ėre ėre, mana mielas ėre: vienu širmu žirgu, ontru jodberėliu (l. d.). There are derivatives with this suffix that are nouns of both genders, formed from the past active participle of prefixed verbs. Such derivatives denote persons, agents, usually characterized by derogatory qualities. The suffix itself does not seem to have a derogatory meaning in this case; rather, that meaning usually lies in the lexical meaning of the verb itself. Therefore, not all verbal derivatives with this suffix are derogatory, for example: padėgėls ėžols ~ Padėgėlis ąžuolas (a burned oak trunk in Stegviliai Forest at Stukai, where shepherds drank beer at Pentecost), pali̇̀nkėls beržėls ~ Palinkėlis beržėlis (a leaning birch growing in Stukai, by which shepherds would make a fire during overnight grazing), apsiminėls -la ~ apsimynėlis, -ė “someone who is dirty,” prasikaltėls ~ prasikaltėlis, padūkėls, -la ~ padūkėlis, -lė, pajūodėls, -la ~ pajūodėlis, -lė, išvirkėls, -la ~ išvirkėlis, -lė, nusprógėls, -la ~ nusprógėlis, -lė “someone who is shriveled and thin.” 6. -ėsė. Derivatives are rare and have a derogatory meaning, for example: mergėsė ~ mergėsė “girl”: tę mergęsė palika nāms ~ tai mergesei paliko namūs, “they left the house to that girl.” 7. -ička. Derivatives are rare and perhaps have a somewhat derogatory nuance, for example: mergõčk ~ mergičkà “teenage girl.” 8. -ylis, -ylė. Adjectival derivatives with this suffix are rare in the dialect. They are formed from adjectives and used with a distinguishing meaning, like definite adjectives, for example: jaunīls, -la ~ jaunýlis, -lė, mažīls, -la ~ mažýlis, -lė. The diminutive-affectionate meaning of these derivatives most likely lies in the lexical meaning of their roots. 9. -inis. Derivatives are very rare. These are probably borrowings from Latvian, for example: tėvinš ~ tēvinis “daddy.” 10. -iokas, -iokė. Derivatives with this suffix are rare in the dialect. They are formed from the fathers’ surnames across all stem types and denote the adolescent sons and daughters of families, for example: baikščioks, -ė ~ Baikščiokas, -ė (< Baikštys), klušõks, -e ~ Klusiokas, -ė (< Klusas), lapšiõks, -e ~ Lapšiokas, -ė (< Lapšys), lopečõks, -e ~ Lopečiokas, -ė (< Lopeta), požėlõks, -e ~ Požėliokas, -ė (< Požėlė). There are a few affectionate derivatives with this suffix formed from common nouns, for example: kačiõks ~ kačiokas “kitten,” senõke ~ seniõkė “grandmother,” virõks ~ vyrõkas “fellow.” 11. -ytis, -ytė. In this dialect, this suffix is most often used to form feminine endearing diminutives, but it is not very productive, e.g.: avitė ~ avytė, 157 ausitės ~ ausytės, akitės ~ akytės, dulkitė ~ dulkytė, lupitės ~ lūpytės, mergitė ~ mergytė, mojitė ~ mojytė, tutitė ~ tutytė (< tutė “aunt”), višitės ~ vi štytės. Masculine formations are considerably rarer, e.g.: kripšlitis ~ kripšlytis “little fragment,” ragįs ~ ragytis “little horn,” žosįts ~ žasytis. Much more often, formations with the suffix -elis are used instead; cf. pp. 155—156. A few formations with this suffix occur in place names, e.g.: viršis ~ Viršytis (a stream flowing into the Beržtulis). Adjectival formations with this suffix are also rare, e.g.: mažītė, -ė ~ mažytis, -ė, trumpītis, -ė ~ trumpytis, -ė. The suffix -ytis, -ytė is also added to derived nouns that already have a diminutive and endearing meaning. In this case, the meaning of the new formation acquires an even stronger nuance of smallness, endearment, and minuteness, e.g.: butelītės ~ butelytės, dulkelītė ~ dulkelýtė “little speck of dust,” kutelītė ~ kūtelýtė “little cowshed,” laždelītė ~ laždelýtė “little stick,” mažutītis, -ė ~ mažutytis, -ė “very little one,” muselītė ~ muselytė, senelītė ~ senelytė, šaudelītis ~ šaudelytis, žmonelītė ~ žmonelytė “little woman.” 12. -okšnis. Formations are very rare, e.g.: upokšnis ~ upokšnis “streamlet.” 13. -uiītis, -uiītė. The suffix is added only to roots denoting animal young, e.g.: gegutiītis ~ gegutiītis “young cuckoo,” karveliūtis ~ karveliūtis “young pigeon,” kregždžiūtė ~ kregždžiūtiai “young swallows,” kumeliītis ~ kumeliūtis “foal,” pečlindžiūtė ~ pečlindžiūtiai “young pečlinda birds,” pempuītis ~ pempuītis “young lapwing,” pūzgegutuītis ~ pūšgegutuītis “adolescent cuckoo,” silkūtės ~ silkūtės “little vendace,” siratuītis ~ siratuītis “orphan,” starkūčė ~ starkūčiai “young storks,” špokūčė ~ špokūčiai “young starlings,” varnūītis ~ varnūītis “young crow,” žurkūčė ~ žiurkūčiai, žvirblūtis ~ žvirblūtis “young sparrow.” These formations have fixed stress, with an acute accent. 14. -(i)ukas, -(i)ukė. The suffix is productive and common in the dialect. Its formations are: a) Common diminutive and endearing nouns, e.g.: akmenūks ~ akmeniūkas, avinūkė ~ aviniūkai, burbulūks ~ burbuliūkas, beržūks ~ beržiūkas, daržūks ~ daržiūkas, dončiūkė ~ dančiūkai, dobilūks ~ dobiliūkai, gėrūkę ~ geriūkai “lambs,” kailinūkė ~ kailiniūkai, kūilūks ~ kūiliūkas, muilūks ~ muiliūkas, oškūkė ~ ožkiūkai, ožolūks ~ ąžuoliūkas, paukščūkis ~ paukščiūkas, paršūks ~ paršiūkas, pilvūks ~ pilviūkas, seniūks ~ seniūkas, snapūks ~ snapiūkas, telūks ~ teliūkas, ošūks ~ uosiūkas, varlūks ~ varliūkas, velnūks ~ velniūkas, viščiūks ~ viščiūkas, žosūks ~ žąsiūkas, žvirblūks ~ žvirbliūkas. b) Common nouns with a distinctive, specific meaning, e.g.: kapstūks ~ kapstūkas “garden weeder, hoe,” kvečiūkė ~ kviečiūkai “spring wheat,” smakūkė ~ smakiūkai “snapdragons, flowers of this kind.” c) Diminutive surnames for children, formed from all parental surname stems, e.g.: bajelūks, -e ~ Bajeliūkas, -ė (< Bajelis), beinorūks, -e ~ Beinoriūkas, -ė (< Beinoras), baikščiūks, -e ~ Baikščiūkas, -ė (< Baikštys), balčiūnūks, -e ~ Balčiūniūkas, -ė (< Balčiūnas) dulevčiūks, -e ~ Dulevičiūkas, -ė (< Dulevičia), dumbrūks, -e ~ Dumbriūkas, -ė (< Dumbra), gaigalūks, -e ~ Gaigaliūkas, -ė (< Gaigalas), klušūks, -e ~ Klusiūkas, -ė (< Klusas), lapšiūks, -e ~ Lapšiūkas, -ė (< Lapsas), pakalnūks, -e ~ Pakalniūkas, -ė (< Pakalnis), peželiūks, -e ~ Peželiūkas, -ė (< Peželis), poželiūks, -e ~ Poželiūkas, -ė (< Poželė), šiliūks, -e ~ Šiliūkas, -ė (< Šilka). Among young people's surnames, the suffix -iukas, -iukė is particularly productive, becoming established in the dialect 158 instead of the suffixes -aičia, -iokas, -iokė, see p. 155. It was also noted that, alongside the suffixes -iukas, -iukė in young people’s surnames, those used in standard Lithuanian, -aitis, -aitė, -ytis, -ytė, are gradually becoming increasingly established (although they are not yet characteristic of the dialect). Derivatives of this suffix also occur in the dialect’s place names and nicknames, e.g.: martinaitis našliuks ~ Martinaitis Našliūkas, tirele kelūks ~ Týrelio keliūkas (the road from Gaižūnai to Dučiai Tyrelis). The suffix -iukas, -iukė is also added in the dialect to derived nouns that already have a diminutive-affectionate meaning, e.g.: lapelūke ~ lapeliūkai, nagelūke ~ nageliūkai, virbalūke ~ virbaliūkai. One or another rarer derivative of this suffix is an adjective with a distinguishing meaning, as do pronominal adjectives, e.g.: graičūke žirne ~ greičiu-kai žirniai “early peas,” mėlyniūke žirne ~ mėlyniūkai žirniai “blue peas,” juodžūke vōšt ~ juodžiūkė višta, raudžiūke kārve ~ raudžiūkė kārvė, žalūke kārve ~ žalūke kārvė, jaunužūke kāune ~ jaunužiūkė kiāunė. 15. -iūkštis, -iūkštė. Derivatives are rare, e.g.: berniākštis ~ berniākštis, vočiūkšte ~ vočiūkštė “little sore.” 16. -ulis, -ulė. Derivatives are rare, e.g.: pundūla ~ pundūlė “old: an earthenware pot wrapped in birch bark for keeping feathers,” tetūla ~ tetūlė “father’s sister,” tātula ~ Tātulė (a valley in Stegviliai village), pirmula ~ Pirmulė (a cow’s name), krigūls ~ krigulis “bend,” skridūls ~ skridulis “circle”: obole skridūls, dubūls ~ Dubūlis (a stream flowing into the Beržtulis). 17. -ušis, -ušė. Derivatives are rare and occur in folk songs, e.g.: tetūš ~ tetūšis “dear father: raši mani jāuno tetūše dvareli.” 18. -utis, -utė. The suffix is most often added to adjectives, e.g.: jaunūtis, -e ~ jaunūtis, -ė, laibūtis, -e ~ laibūtis, -ė, mažūtis, -e ~ mažūtis, -ė, nedidūtis, -e ~ nedidūtis, -ė, neaukštūtis, -e ~ neaukštūtis, -ė. Some of these diminutive adjectives are used as nouns in the dialect, e.g.: bērūtė ~ Bērūtė (Bėroji), gerūtė ~ Gerūtė (a cow’s name), rainūtis ~ Rainiūtis (a cat’s name). This suffix is somewhat less frequently found on diminutive-affectionate nouns, e.g.: galvūtė ~ galvūtė, gegūtė ~ gegūtė, bačkūtė ~ bačkūtė, alūtis ~ alūtis, nagūtė ~ nagūčiai, slegūtis ~ slėgūtis “little oppression.” Place names and personal names are also formed with this suffix, e.g.: gedūčo mińks ~ Gedūčių miškas (a forest adjoining Gedūčiai village), lapūte ~ Lapūtė (a cow’s name), šilūte ~ Šilūtė (a 3-hectare marsh in Gaižūnai village). Syntax 1. Expressing a hypothetical action In complex subordinate sentences in these dialects, a hypothetical action is more often expressed not by third-person forms of the subjunctive mood, but by third-person forms of the present tense, e.g.: (subordinate subject clauses) mān parūpa, kat nemūsaun jā; ke ōms lābe špiri, bais, ka kārve nepāršpiri vēdra ir: tik bais, ka ta vēter nāmo neapvērsto; (subordinate object clauses) bijōje, kat jū nemūžda; žurēk, ka ta kilp tik neistrūkst; bējo, ka tas šōv pamētęs nemūlāk; bējo, kat neuzmiēg visai; kō gal žinō: tōks sens žmōgs, kat nenumarist; žurēk, kat neiškrent ōgaņs; žurēk, kat nesusilkūoji aš tāmsē tō stiklinē; ain i grīv, ain i grīv: bējo, kat galvo 159 neprasiškė; (subordinate clauses of time) lig tik jōn būtų sudāvus, būčō netilėjęs; lik tik man pamatīto, ōmto verkti, lik tik izgerto stikline āls i susōrkto; (subordinate clauses of cause) áidavo so šviēs ing nāms: bijōdavo, kat neprādėd ṗonāičē (velniai) vedzōt; āš skūbinos āī, ka tās šoferēs nepāmet man; mās klāusēm tāmstos, kat nenupjāunam sēklīno āvōžo; mēsk ing pēčo, kat neusikrec; vālgikim silkō, kat jōs nepasēnst; žurēk, susitvārīk, kat neprapōl taū kas; reik užgesit, kat neusideg; uždārō kiētē, kat neiškrent; nusigrēž ing mārō, kat par lāngō kas nepažīžūr; āš skūbōn vīf, kat nepasiveluoj piētō ir: so šlūot suslāuk grīds, kat šāudgalo nebūtō; skērsmēdže padēt, kat akēčps neisiklukito; pāsk sēkdav, kat ne- pamatīc givātēs; (subordinate clauses of condition) kat māšon būtō prisēst žmōnō, tē neteip mētos; kat nelīo liēts, galētumim āī ing miškō; kat norētō, tē turētō; kat negērō, tē gērē giventō; kat nebūtō buvęs tīnginīs, būtō sēne bagōts buvęs. The examples show that a hypothetical action in a subordinate clause is expressed in the present tense only when the predicate of the main clause is a form of the indicative or imperative mood and the action is performed by a third person (there are cases when the action is performed by persons of other numbers as well, e.g.: reikės mān pasispāusfi, ka tō manēs nepraleńk). Similar syntactic constructions are very common in Latvian, e.g.: man bailė, ka viš neatbrauc; man bailė, ka viš nenomirst, cf.: mān bais, kat jōs neatvazō; mān bais, kat jōs nenumīrst “I am afraid that he might not come; I am afraid that he might not die.” Our river-basin dialects, especially their northern part, being situated on the southeastern border of the Latvian-speaking area, most likely borrowed this feature of Latvian. 2. On the use of cases and prepositions In these dialects, instances of case and preposition use differing from standard Lithuanian have also been noted. For instance, instead of the accusative with the preposition už in standard Lithuanian, the verb mokėti here always governs the nominative, e.g.: septīņ šōmtē būva mōkēts šāutovs; kiek mōk tāva kārvē; kiek mōk tōks švarkūks. The verb tikėti in the speech of older people here invariably governs the genitive, e.g.: jōn tū būrtō tik, but alongside the genitive, younger dialect speakers (probably under the influence of standard Lithuanian) use the accusative with the preposition ing, e.g.: āš tēk ing diēve i vēlnē neīšžad. The accusative direct object with a half-participle is very common here, e.g.: ōmkīt, kō pasiekdamos; prašōm vālgīt, kō matīdam; nēšēm, kō nuvērdamos. In the singular, the preposition ligi here governs only the instrumental, e.g.: lig sāules laid ravēj; lig trēc valond pāršidauže; kātra susilaika lig laik, tōj gēr meig; atēje vānd lig tvōr; ibroda ing vāndēn lig kakl; atēje skaudōls lig širō, and in the plural, only the genitive, e.g.: mōss ikōnda lig kraujō; mu kūtēs lig kulino. The construction kas per ‘what kind of’ always governs the accusative, e.g.: kas tau par vargo ‘what kind of trouble for you’, kas par rūpestī ‘what kind of worry’, kas par gērimo ‘what kind of drink’, kas par paukši ‘what kind of bird’, kas par grāje ‘what kind of playing’ and so on. Probably following the Latvian pattern, the dative of quality is widely used here instead of the genitive, e.g.: apuōk galv kē katēs, jam kōjōs apžēle, jam snapūks sulēnkes ~ apuōku galvā kaip katēs, jam kōjōs apžēle, jam snapūkas sulinkęs and so on 160 II. FEATURES OF THE NORTHWESTERN HIGHLAND DIALECTS Phonetics 1. Stress In the area of the Northwestern Highland dialects around Lūpaičiai (Šiauliai district, Meškučiai local district, No. 106, researched by J. Keliotytė), Valdomai (Šiauliai district, Gruzdžiai local district, No. 104, researched by Ž. Urbanavičiūtė and P. Katinaitė), and Bridai (Šiauliai district, No. 105, researched by Ž. Urbanavičiūtė and P. Katinaitė), which belongs to the zone of generalized stress retraction, as in the Samogitian dialects, after stress is retracted, final stress is also clearly audible at the end of a word. It is especially prominent in a long final syllable and at the end of the second element of compound words, e.g.: dėrmės juosta “rainbow,” našlės ~ našlýs, rùduõ ~ ruduõ, rùgū̃ ~ rugiũ, sakãu ~ sakãu, vaikũ ~ vaikũ, varškė ~ varškė, vėžys ~ vėžỹs, žaltis ~ žaltys, žinai ~ žinai, Nōrupis ~ Norupỹs (stream), vienakart, vōrtinklis ~ vōrtinklys. The old stress is less audible in a short final syllable mãžà, pùti, rùsà, šakà. It is hardly noticeable at all when stress is retracted from a short ending to the preceding long syllable juõda ~ juodà, rankà ~ rankà, trumpùs ~ trumpùs. In this feature, the Northwestern Highland dialects mentioned approach the Samogitian dialects. The dialect material collected from the Northwestern Highland dialects first of all refines the isoglosses of the clusters le and lė. Recently, the cluster lė (except in participle forms) has sporadically undergone hardening east of the line: Skaistgirys (Žagarė district, No. 22, researched by A. Jonaitytė), Kyburiai, Taliočiai (Joniškis district, Tali o čiai local district, No. 50, researched by A. Jonaitytė), Valdomai, Bridai, Šapnagiai (Šiauliai district, Ginkūnai local district, No. 134, researched by I. Erm anytė), e.g.: klė́tis || klėtis, lė́kti || lėkti ~ lė́kti, plė́šti || plėšti ~ plėšti, pelės || pelės, kaũlas ~ kiaũlės, avėlas ~ avėlės, vaĩla ~ varlė, jerubėla ~ jerubėlė. East of this line, the cluster lė in loanwords is also hardened, e.g.: blėka, kalėdas, kalėjims. It may be concluded from this that the hardening of the cluster lė here is a relatively recent phenomenon, spreading from east to west. East of the line mentioned, the cluster le is also sporadically pronounced hard, e.g.: lãda || lėda ~ ledà, lắk || lėk ~ lėkia, lãs || lės ~ lesa, lạšt || lėst ~ lėsti, nusiláide || nusilėide ~ nusilėidė. The cluster le in the root (< *lē) and (< *lē ~ lē) at the end of an unstressed word is sporadically hardened in the western part of the Northwestern Highland dialect area, as far as Žagarė (No. 7, researched by A. Jonaitytė), Dilbinai (Žagarė district, No. 21, researched by A. Jonaitytė), Dameliai, Juškaičiai, and Tali o čiai. Here, for example, people say: laišė || lėišė, laš || lėst ~ lėsti, laigvas ~ lengvas, lạc || lėc ~ ledas, lañta ~ lentà; kumėlė ~ kumėlė, mergėla ~ mergėlė, sáula ~ sáulė, kañlem ~ kiaulėm, kaũlas ~ kiaũlės, but: išlėkė, lėlė, negalėje, tilėje. The material presented shows that the characteristic feature of the Central Highland dialects—the wave of hardening in the clusters le and lė—has moved westward and spread through the northern part of the Northwestern Highland dialect area. 2. Pronunciation of the diphthongs ei, ou (au) In the northwestern Aukštaitian dialect, in the Smalininkai area of Jurbarkas district, in the stem of a word—except in the diminutive-affectionate suffix -ėlis, -ėlė (motinėlė ~ motynėlė, kepurėlė ~ kepurėlė, šileinėlei ~ Šilenėliai (a village of this name), vainikėlis)—one does not hear at all 11. Lietuvių kalbotyros klausimai, V 161 the standard-language vowels ė, o. In their place, the diphthongs ei, ou are regularly pronounced here, e.g.: (stressed) bėiga ~ bėga, dėive ~ dėvia “wears”, gėirims ~ gėrimas, išėida ~ išėda, kėilau ~ kėliau, meisa || mėsa ~ mėsa, pusėt inai ~ pusėtinai, sėiklas ~ sėklas, apsiėridės ~ apsirėdės, šėinis ~ šėnis “sled runner”, žėibe ~ žėbė “potatoes boiled with their skins on”, žėibiti ~ žėibinti “boil with the skin on, unpeeled”, apžėlė ~ apžėlė; bėiris ~ Bėris (a horse’s name), galbrastėine ~ galbrastėnė (from Galbrasčiai), lubėinai ~ Lubėnai (a village name), šilėinai ~ Šilėnai (a village name), trapėingiris ~ Trapėngiris (a forest name); brōškštas ~ brōkštas, dvėjōpū ~ dvėjōpų, kōsuli ~ kōšulė, kōušė ~ kōšė, nōuksta ~ nōksta, žōubris ~ žiōbris “a fish of this kind”, dōuyidiene ~ Dōvydienė (Dovydas’s wife), dvīlōuje ~ Dvylōja (a cow’s name), Dōuvas ~ Dōvas (a name), Oūbras ~ Obras (a name), šventōuje ~ Šventōja (a river name); unstressed: leikīks ~ lėkikas “airplane”, meinītis ~ mėnutis “moon”, meisa ~ mėsa, seīdėisu ~ sedėsiu, sākėiva ~ sākėva “we two (masculine/feminine) said”, švėirėjis ~ svėrėjas, teivīne ~ tēvynė “homeland”, teivū ~ tēvų, veisūms ~ vėsūmas; beigūne ~ Bėgūnė (a cow’s name), milkėirūks ~ Milkėriūkas (Milkeris’s son); atōduogei ~ atōdogiai “summer rye”, boubāusei ~ bobāusiai, koupūštai ~ kopūštai, šōkinėk ~ šōkinėk, īriobū ~ triobū, žmounā ~ žmōnā, soukācėi ~ Sokāčiai. As the examples show, the diphthongs ei, ou in place of the vowels ė, o in the word stem are pronounced here not only in a stressed syllable with a falling accent, as has been claimed until now, but also in a rising-accented or unstressed syllable, both before and after the stress. Diphthongs ei, ou in the word stem in place of standard-language ė, o are relatively rare. As is known, this phenomenon is not peculiar to the dialect under investigation alone. Examples of this change, admittedly few, have been recorded in the now-extinct Striukiai dialect, neighboring the Smalininkai dialect, as well as around Viešvilė¹⁶. No such change has been established elsewhere, although isolated examples are occasionally found around Jurbarkas (northwestern Aukštaitian) and Sudargas, Kiduliai (Veliuona dialect), where o, instead of the usual form, is pronounced ou (au), e.g.: bauboužis || baubažiš ~ baubōžis, broukštėlis || braukštėlis “butter churn”, koupūštai || kaupūštai ~ kopūštai, toūli ~ toli, saukācėi ~ Sokāčiai. In very rare cases, the diphthong ou is also pronounced in place of o in the Zietela Lithuanian dialect¹⁷. The emergence of the diphthongs ei, ou in place of ė, o can most likely be explained by the subsequent development of the vowels ė, o in these dialects. In both stressed and unstressed diphthongs ei, ou, both elements are clearly audible. To the ear, the first element of the diphthong ou seems less tense than standard-language o, and more open and broader than it. In timbre, it seems to come close to the vowel a. Thus at times the impression arises that the diphthong ou is more like au than ou. This is heard most clearly, in particular, in words such as barzdōuts ~ barzdōtas, kōuts ~ kōtas, oulā ~ olā, ōura ~ ōro, skoulā ~ skolā, vīžōuc ~ vīžōtas, etc., where a hard consonant follows the diphthong. The diphthong ei (< ė) generally does not differ in pronunciation from standard-language ei; however, before the semivowel j it is somewhat narrower and less clearly audible, e.g.: nou-rėjėi ~ norėjai, pašisnėkėjom ~ pasišnekėjome, sėijims ~ sėjimas, sėjau ~ sėjau, 16 Cf. The Lithuanian Fishermen’s Dialect in Prussia, compiled by J. Gerulis and Chr. Stangas (hereafter LŽTP), Kaunas, 1933. 17 See A. Vidugiris, Some Features of the Zietela Dialect (hereafter Ziet. t. yp.), LKK, vol. 2, Vilnius, 1959, p. 198. 162 véjie ~ vėjo, vėja. In this case, only its narrowed first component is pronounced more clearly, while the second seems to merge with j. Sometimes the diphthong ei is also pronounced instead of standard Lithuanian e (mostly in words of foreign origin), e.g.: adeile ~ Adėlė (Adelė), amėirika ~ Amėrika (Amerika), pakėita ~ pakėtą “the package,” sibėrijė ~ Sibėrija (Sibiras), štakėtai ~ štakėtai “such a fence”; ėisam ~ ėsame “we are.” The diphthongs ei, ou in the word stem are also pronounced in place of unstressed standard Lithuanian ie, uo, e.g.: deigėlei ~ diegėliai, geidoujims ~ giedojimas, keimėlis ~ kiemėlis “small village,” keimūs ~ kiemūs “villages,” pasileiktū ~ pasiliektū, šėinavė ~ šienavė, veináip ~ vienaip, veinókuei ~ vienókie, žėiminei ~ žieminiai, leibgirei ~ Leipgiriai (name of a village), leipalóta ~ Leipalóta (a meadow), vitkeimei ~ Vitkiemiai (name of a village); dounūtė ~ duonūtė, noudai ~ nuodai, noudū ~ nuodų. Such a correspondence of the aforementioned diphthongs may also be very ancient. The diphthongs ei, au (in this case, not ou, but a clearly audible au) in this dialect are also pronounced in place of the old *an, *en in word stems of circumflex origin, corresponding in standard Lithuanian to ę and en (the latter before d, t), e.g.: áužuols ~ ą́žuolas, aužuolū ~ ą́žuolų, aužuolijė ~ Ąžuoliją (a village), įkáus ~ įkãs¹⁸, spáustai ~ spą́stai, sáunarūs ~ są́narius; gabėiti ~ gabėnti, gabėis ~ gabéns, givėidava ~ gyvėndavo, givėiti ~ gyvėnti, givėikie ~ gyvėnkie, givėikite ~ gyvėnkite, kūrėis ~ kūréns, kūrėiti ~ kūrėnti, mekėiti ~ mekėnti. The development of the old circumflex diphthong an into au in this dialect is recorded here for the first time. Such a development had not previously been attested in Lithuanian dialects. Until now, apart from ą, only its development into ai¹⁹ was known. The data from current research reveal another new variant of the old an developing into au, important for the history of the language and for dialectology. The development of the old circumflex diphthong en into ei is likewise a relatively rare phonetic phenomenon in dialects, now found in few places²⁰. Such correspondences of the old word-stem diphthongs an, en most likely arose as the second component of the diphthongs an, en was disappearing, and have survived to the present day. In the word ending, circumflex-origin an, en have in all cases developed into short a, e, as in standard Lithuanian, e.g.: su rankà, su kárve, šakàs, pelès. The old diphthong an of circumflex origin in the word stem has developed into ā (ą), as in standard Lithuanian, while unstressed at the end of a word it has shortened to short a, e.g.: anādien ~ anādien, tāšik ~ tāšyk, žāsū ~ žąsų; bālta ~ bāltą, vaika ~ vaiką, vīra ~ vyrą. The old diphthong en of circumflex origin has three different correspondences at the unstressed end of a word in this dialect. Ordinarily, the old unstressed en at the end of a word has developed here into short e, e.g.: kāte ~ kātę, kārve ~ kārvę, medine ~ medinę; however, at the open word ending of participles it has developed into the diphthong ie: būvie ~ būvę, apāugie ~ apāugę, rādie ~ rādę, turėjie ~ turėję, apžėlie ~ apžėlę, while at the closed ending it is the vowel e: ārės ~ āręs, āugės ~ āugęs, dirbės ~ dirbęs, givėnės ~ gyvėnęs, išsimokūnės ~ išsimokęs, pėrsitikridavęs ~ pėrsitikrindavęs. A narrow e is also pronounced in the genitive singular ending of reflexive and personal pronouns: manės || manės || monės “me,” tavės “you,” savės “oneself.” 18 No metatony of accent in the third person of the future tense of verbs was observed. 19 See LŽTP, p. 11; Žiet. tr. yp. p. 198, footnote 7. 20 See LŽTP, p. 9. 163 The development of the old circumflex diphthong en, occurring at the end of an unshortened open word, into the diphthong ie, and into ė in a closed syllable, had likewise not yet been described. During the 1959 dialectological expeditions, its development into ei21 was newly recorded in Šilutė District, while this year’s dialect studies provide two further new variants of this diphthong’s reflexes. This is most likely also the result of the loss of the second component of the diphthong en. Morphology 1. Past frequentative tense In the dialect area between Bridai, Valdomai, Lūpaičiai, Narušaičiai, and Kirbaičiai, an uninflected form of the verbs’ past frequentative tense with the suffix -davai (reflexive -davaisis) was recorded, for example: (Bridai) kas megėjės, gaudavai izgėrį; į briką sudėdavai friždėšimt įris gūbas; aš šėnberniu skaičau, ale toks virūks nėka būdavai; nōns į nepatogūs būdavai tie sijōnai, ale ka māda, tai i grāžu; męs pasigaudavai žōgą i sakīdavai: žōgai žōgai, dūk degūta, kat nedūosi sūksim rāga; (Valdomai) mūdu su vīru dainūodavai: aš viena pūnkta, jis kita; mergaites māni vaišīdavai; mūsu senūte nusakīdavai apė lāžus; jie māni mīldavai; ateidavai lig to klōjima, pastōv pastōv švėsikes; (Lūpaičiai) sūknės pirmą nepakėldavai: pākulnė iššausdavai i dėvėdavai, vilkdavāsis sijōnai: kat išėdavai rugū rišt, nepērībdavai par pēda; (Narušaičiai) jie būlbu nepļaudavęs; žuvies sugāudavę daugenibė; kė jaunī būvam, šōkdavę, gērdavę, balavōdavę; (Kirbaičiai) aš kāda nueidavę, tāda i veikdavę; kė pradėdavę čir, niēks neprīžiūrėdavę tū vaikū; nēšdavę i skarūtė bātus susirišę. The suffix -davai (reflexive -davaisis) most likely consists of the past frequentative tense suffix -dav- and the postposition -ai(-aisis). As the examples show, such a compound, uninflected suffix is attached to all singular and plural persons of the past frequentative tense. In the area indicated, the postposition -ai may also be added to the stem of the past simple tense, e.g. jam nerūpėjėi ritėlį kėlti, žirgėlį šėrti etc. (Bridai). In neighboring Samogitian dialects (Kelmė District) and other northwestern Aukštaitian dialects (the southern part of Šiauliai District), the postposition -ai is often added to all present-tense stems, e.g.: (Pakapė, Šiauliai District, No. 196, researcher D. Skurkaitė) giestai ‘sings’, išbirnai ‘spills out’, nenūrai ‘does not want’, pākėlai ‘raises’, sūrisai ‘cheeses’, stūovai ‘stands’, tūrai ‘has’²². In the northwestern Aukštaitian dialect around Šakyna and Žagarė, the postposition -ai may be added to all inflected and uninflected parts of speech²³. Syntax24 1. Position of the predicate in the sentence In the dialect of the Smalininkai area, unlike standard Lithuanian and other dialects, the predicate of declarative sentences occupies a fixed position at the end of the sentence. This is particularly true of the predicate complex in compound and derived predicates, e.g.: māna darbai atlikti irā; viskas išārdita tāpo; jau 21 See E. Grinaveckienė, Collection of Dialect Material for the Atlas of the Lithuanian Language, LKK, vol. 3, Vilnius, 1960, pp. 195—196. 22 See also LKK, vol. 3, Vilnius, 1960, p. 198. 23 See A. Jonaitytė, The Šakyna Dialect, candidate’s dissertation, Vilnius, 1962 (manuscript), pp. 266—268. 24 The syntax subsection indicates only some characteristic syntactic constructions of the Smalininkai dialects (Jurbarkas District). 164 now everything is different, found there; the splinter has already come out of the tree there; that tale is from olden times there; the birch is very crooked there: Such a fixed position of the predicate has most likely arisen under the influence of German, which for a long time was the official language for the people in these places. And this kind of nonfree predicate is precisely characteristic of German. Moreover, in this dialect the present-tense copula is used almost always, whereas in Standard Lithuanian and other dialects it is usually omitted, e.g.: the starling is a migratory bird: it disappears in autumn and reappears in spring. 2. Accusative under negation In this dialect the genitive under negation is not used at all. Here it is replaced in all cases by the accusative under negation, e.g.: she had not a single tooth; I did not see the car at all; mother, when it was written, understood only those words; they were unable to fulfill that wish. This, too, has undoubtedly arisen under the influence of German. 3. Instrumental of the indirect object with a preposition Instead of the instrumental of the indirect object, the instrumental of the indirect object with the preposition su ‘with’ is very often used here, following the German pattern, e.g.: everything is overgrown with mushrooms; those mountains are overgrown with large, magnificent forests; the mole catches beetles and feeds on them. 4. The conjunction o To join homogeneous sentence parts, the conjunction o is widely used here instead of the conjunction ir, e.g.: jie gėire ou linkšminousi; lakštingãlas mažas ou pilks; vakar bùva apšùkusi ou veisi; pėrnai ou šìmet jis pas ją gyvenà; tas ant laũka dirbà ou valga pietùs; meškinis (degtinė su medumi) susided į galvà ou į kóujes. 5. The preposition prim The preposition prim is used with a temporal meaning instead of the preposition prieš. It governs the genitive and is common in the dialect, e.g.: tas prim tūkstančė metų bùva; jie isigėrs prim pinigų dalinimà; prim toũ važáva vienc bagoũc poũnc. 6. Ką instead of kiek Here, instead of the pronoun kiek, the accusative form ką of the interrogative pronoun kas is used, e.g.: ką kaštùo svārs cūkraus; ką prékeva rugėi turguj; ką sveikàtas mana ištraukė tie darbai. 7. The preposition į with the accusative Instead of the inessive case, the preposition į with the accusative is often used here, most likely on the model of German, e.g.: senóuvė gėrdava paščiūkų (a second type of beer) į šilumà; kóujes šiltas bùdava į višas. SOME FEATURES OF THE LITHUANIAN DIALECTS (Based on material collected by dialectological expeditions in 1961) Э. ГРИНАВЕЦКЕНЕ Summary In 1962, dialectological materials for the “Atlas of the Lithuanian Language” were collected from the dialects of the eastern, central, and northwestern Aukštaitians. The collected materials allow certain previously noted phenomena to be described more fully and the boundaries of their distribution to be clarified. Some features of the aforementioned dialects were identified for the first time. 1. a) In studying the dialects of the eastern and central Aukštaitians in the Pakruojis and Šiauliai districts, it was established that, in this area, stress retraction and the reduction of endings gradually increase from southwest to northeast. These phenomena are most pronounced in the Pakruojis district, in the vicinity of the town of Linkuva. The material presented in the article supports the view that these places are centers from which the aforementioned phonetic features arose and spread further throughout the Lithuanian language area. In the northern part of the Pakruojis district, certain qualitative changes in the vowel sounds i, u have been established. It was noted that the vowel sounds i, u undergo qualitative changes only when short and in diphthongal combinations, in unstressed position or under stress with rising intonation. Their qualitative changes also depend on their position in the word: if such an i (alone or in a diphthongal combination) has long been in the final syllable or in a syllable followed (or formerly followed) by a syllable with a back vowel (a, o, u), it always turns into the vowel o, intermediate between the vowels a and o, e.g.: fròs, Standard Lithuanian tris ‘three, of three’, rašòs, Standard Lithuanian rašỹs ‘will write, they will write’, ilȯnda, Standard Lithuanian ilindo ‘climbed in, singular feminine, plural’, šȯlts, Standard Lithuanian šiltas ‘warm’, lõpo, Standard Lithuanian linū ‘flax’, võsts, Standard Lithuanian vištas ‘chickens’, nusipirko, Standard Lithuanian nusipirkau ‘I bought, singular feminine’; if such an i occurs in a syllable followed by a front vowel (i, y, e), it always turns into the vowel e, intermediate between the vowels e and ė, e.g.: mėšk, Standard Lithuanian miškė ‘in the forest’, plėk, Standard Lithuanian plikì ‘bare’, vėš, Standard Lithuanian viši ‘all’, šėrdas, Standard Lithuanian širdàls ‘heart’, pėrìs, Standard Lithuanian pirtis ‘bathhouse’, šmòkėi, Standard Lithuanian išmokyti ‘to learn’. The short vowel u, under conditions for qualitative change, always turns into the vowel o, e.g.: nulõs, Standard Lithuanian nulùs ‘will break off, they will break off’, põlks, Standard Lithuanian pulkas ‘regiment’, gõlt, Standard Lithuanian gulti ‘to lie down’, põt, Standard Lithuanian putà ‘stump’, sõk, Standard Lithuanian suki ‘you turn’, bõrnos, Standard Lithuanian burnõs ‘of the mouth’, põrvì, Standard Lithuanian purvė ‘in the mud’, kėtõrs, Standard Lithuanian kėtūris ‘four’. The article proposes that the mentioned qualitative change of the short vowels i, u is a relatively late phenomenon, occurring in the dialects under study after the shortening of unstressed ancient long vowels ī, ū. 166 b) In the Pakruojis, Pasvalys, and Biržai districts, in the area lying between Pašvitinys—Nemunėlė Radviliškis—Biržai—Pasvalys—Joniškėlis—Pakruojis—Linkuva, the use of accusative dual forms with the numeral “three” was recorded for the first time, e.g.: mús brigãd tùf fròš piemẽn, standard language múšu brigadã tùri tris piemenis “there are three shepherds in our brigade.” Similar uses of the accusative dual forms have also been attested in Latvian. In this very same area, plural dative forms coincide with dual dative forms. On the basis of comparison with neighboring Latvian, the article proposes that the plural dative forms used in this area developed from the corresponding dual forms, which came to be generalized in the meaning of both numbers. Nouns with stems in a, ia, all adjectives, numerals, pronouns, and masculine participles in the plural and dual dative, alongside the usual ending, more often also have forms with the ending -ėm (after a hard consonant) and the ending -ęm (after a soft consonant), e.g.: daržėm, standard language daržam “to the gardens,” svėčėm, standard language svečiam “to the guests,” karčėm, standard language kartiem “to the bitter ones,” pãčėm, standard language patiem “to the very ones,” trėčėm, standard language tretiem “to the third ones,” pardūodopn-čėm, standard language pardūodantiem “to those selling.” The article states that the endings in question may have developed phonetically from the ending -iem, as in neighboring Latvian dialects. The forms used in the studied dialects in the plural dative are also used in the plural and dual instrumental; however, nouns with stems in a, ia retain these forms here only in the dual, while in the plural they more often have forms like those of the standard language. Pronominal adjectives differ from the standard language both in their forms and in their origin, and partly approximate the forms of Latvian pronominal adjectives. Eighteen suffixes with diminutive-affectionate meaning were recorded in the studied dialects. Some of these suffixes do not occur in standard Lithuanian or are used with different meanings. The examples given for each suffix include not only common nouns from the dialects but also proper names: personal and animal names, surnames and nicknames, geographical and hydronymic names, and others. c) In complex sentences, an unreal action is most often expressed here not by the subjunctive, as in the standard language, but by the present indicative, as in neighboring Latvian, e.g.: mãn baisu, kad kárve neparšpìr viėdra, standard language: mãn baisu, kad kárve neparšpirtų viėdro “I’m afraid the cow might kick the bucket.” Some differences in the use of cases and prepositions are also noted here: the verb tikėti “to believe” most often takes the genitive here (jōn tū bùrto tīk, standard language: jì tiki burtais “she believes in witchcraft,” 167 the preposition ligi “up to” takes the instrumental in the singular and the genitive in the plural) atėję vandu lig tvorõ, standard language atėjo vanduõ ligi tvorõ “the water reached the fence”; įbrõd ing vánden lig kėlių, standard language įbridai į vándeni ligi kėlių “you waded into the water up to your knees,” and so on. II. a) In the dialects of the northwestern Aukštaitians, located in the northwestern part of Šiauliai District—that is, in the zone of complete stress retraction—it has been established that when stress is retracted from an ending onto preceding syllables, in addition to the primary retracted stress, a secondary final stress is also pronounced at the end of the word, as in neighboring Samogitian dialects. It is especially pronounced in a long final syllable and in the ending of the second component of compound words, e.g.: žáltis, standard language žaltys “snake,” võftãklis, standard language vorãtinklis “spiderweb.” Material collected during expeditions in Šiauliai, Joniškis, and Žagarė districts also refines the isogloss of hardening in the combinations le, lė. Hardening of the combinations le, lė is known to be characteristic of the Central Aukštaitian dialects. The numerous materials collected to date show that the combination lė is sporadically pronounced as hard also in the territory of the Northwestern Aukštaitians, westward as far as the line Skaistgirys (Žagarė District)—Kiburiai—Tolėčiai (Joniškis District)—Valdomai—Bridai—Šapnagiai (Šiauliai District); the isogloss of hardening for the combination le extends even farther west, reaching the line Žagarė—Dilbinai—Dameliai—Juškaičiai—Tolėčiai. The westward advance of the wave of hardening in the combinations le, lė in the territory of the Northwestern Aukštaitians is a phenomenon established by us for the first time. In the Northwestern Aukštaitian dialects that preserve the standard-language stress position (in the vicinity of Smalininkai in Jurbarkas District), the vowel sounds of the standard language ė, o do not occur in the word stem (except in suffixes). They are regularly replaced by the diphthongs ei, ou, e.g.: béiga, standard language bėga “runs, they run,” mėita, standard language mėta “mint,” kõušė, standard language kõšė “porridge,” žõubris, standard language žióbris “vimba,” teivine, standard language tėvynė “homeland,” žmounà, standard language žmona “wife,” Trapėingiris, standard language Trapėngiris “forest near Trapėnai,” Õbras, standard language Obras “male name,” Beigūnė, standard language Bėgūnė “cow’s name.” The examples given show that the vowels ė, o here become the diphthongs ei, ou not only under stress with falling intonation, as was recorded in some neighboring Lithuanian dialects that have disappeared, but also under stress with rising intonation and in unstressed position. The pronunciation of the diphthongs ei, ou in place of standard-language ė, o is a very rare phenomenon. It can most likely be explained by the further development of the vowel sounds ė, o in these dialects. The diphthongs ei, ou also occur in the word stem in place of the unstressed diphthongs ie, uo, e.g.: keimài, standard language kiemai “villages, farmsteads,” dounùtė, standard language duonìtė “small loaf,” noudài, standard language nuodai “poison,” Vitkeimei, standard language Vitkiemiai “name of a village.” This correspondence between the diphthongs in question may also be very ancient. The diphthongs au, ei in the dialect under study are pronounced in place of the ancient strongly initial diphthongal combinations án, én (standard language q; en before 168 t, d), e.g.: āžuols, literary language āžuolas “oak”; aužolijė, literary language Ąžuoliją “name of a village”; įkāus, literary language įkās “to bite”; givėikie, literary language gyvėntkie “live”; kūrėiti, literary language kūrėnti “to fire”. We have recorded for the first time the transformation of the ancient strong-initial diphthongal sequence an into au. The article suggests that this transformation of the diphthongal sequences in question may have occurred as their second component was disappearing, and that this is how they have been preserved to the present day. The ancient diphthongal sequence en (literary language ę) usually becomes a short e at the end of a word in the dialects under investigation; in participles, however, unlike in the literary language, a different phenomenon is observed: at an open word ending it becomes the diphthongal sequence ie, while at a closed ending it becomes the narrow monophthong ė, e.g.: bùvie, literary language bùvę “former ones”; bùvės, literary language bùvęs “former”. This phenomenon, too, is recorded here for the first time. The article explains it as the result of the second component disappearing differently than in the literary language. b) In the dialects of the Šiauliai district, covering the area between Bridai—Valdomai—Lupaičiai—Narušaičiai—Kirbaičiai, past habitual tense verbs occur, unlike in the literary language and other Lithuanian dialects, in an invariant form with the suffix -davai (reflexive form -davaisis), e.g. pākulnė išāusdavai i dėvėdavai, vilkdavaisis žemė sijonai: kat išėdavai rugių rišti, nepėrlibdavai per pėda, cf. literary language pākulinio išāusdavo ir dėvėdavo, vilkdavosi žemė sijonai: kad išėdavo rugių rišti, nepėrlipdavo per pėdą “They had woven and worn homespun cloth; the skirts trailed along the ground: when they went out to bind the rye, they could not step over a sheaf.” c) In the dialect of the Jurbarkas district, spoken in the vicinity of Smalininkai, unlike in the literary language and other dialects, the predicate is usually placed at the end of the sentence, e.g.: tà pāsaka nou senóvės laikù irà cf. literary language tà pāsaka vrė senóvės laikù “This is a tale from ancient times.” This is most likely due to the influence of German. Some other syntactic features are also noted here. To coordinate homogeneous sentence elements, the conjunction o “but” is widely used instead of the conjunction ir “and”, e.g.: jiė gėrė ou liūksminosi cf. literary language jiė gėrė ir liūksminosi “they drank and had fun”, and so on.