Lietuviškos kilmės leksika Lietuvos paribio baltarusių šnektose

LIETUVIŲ KALBOS SPECIALIOJI LEKSIKA LIETUVIŲ KALBOTYROS KLAUSIMAI, XXII (1983) E. GRINAVECKIENĖ LITHUANIAN-ORIGIN VOCABULARY IN THE BELARUSIAN DIALECTS OF LITHUANIA’S BORDERLAND The Belarusian dialects of Lithuania’s borderland, spoken in the Vitebsk, Minsk, and Grodno regions of the Byelorussian SSR, in the Švenčionys, Ignalina, Vilnius, Trakai, and Šalčininkai districts of the Lithuanian SSR, and in the vicinity of Daugavpils in the Latvian SSR, constitute an important center of Lithuanian–Belarusian linguistic contacts and a rich storehouse of language treasures, continually yielding new spoken-language material that illuminates the complex contact situation in this territory over the course of history. To this day, during dialectological expeditions, one can daily hear from people’s lips a considerable number of words of non-Slavic origin and usage, among which borrowings of Lithuanian origin are plentiful. Most of them have generally become well established in the Belarusian dialects, adapted to the entire system of the Belarusian language, integrated into it, and conformed to its laws. Their form is wholly Slavic: they have a Slavic ending, suffix, and prefix; only the core of such words—their root (especially its consonantism)—as well as their meaning, which have remained relatively stable, make it possible to discern their original Baltic form and establish their close relationship with the corresponding Lithuanian words. There are also Lithuanian-origin lexemes whose semantic connection with Lithuanian words of the same root is unquestionable, although present-day Lithuanian has not always preserved direct equivalents or the word forms that Lithuanian once had, from which the Belarusian dialects borrowed them and which gave rise to those loanwords.1 This article presents a selection of Lithuanian-origin vocabulary from Belarusian dialects which may, to some extent, contribute to a clearer resolution of the problem of Lithuanian–Belarusian linguistic contacts. The article supplements and continues material previously published on this subject2. The material was drawn chiefly from our own field notes3, from published, forthcoming, and manuscript dictionaries of Belarusian dialects and their card indexes4, and from several publications devoted to the vocabulary of Belarusian dialects5. 1For example, all the Belarusian (as well as Polish) dialects of Lithuania’s borderland discussed here have well preserved the rare old name of our capital, Vilnius, Vīlnia (Вільня), found in our dialects; e.g., быў у Вільні; ехаў да Вільні; Вільня вельмі далёка, and so on. 2See Гринаве́цкене Э., Мацкевич Ю. Ф., Романович Е. М., Чеберук Е. И. Бытовая лексика литовского происхождения в Западной Белоруссии. — LT (LKK, t. 16), V., 1975, p. 163—195. 3For the settlements from which we collected the Belarusian dialect material used here during dialectological expeditions, see СБГ, т. 1, с. 15—19, т. 2, с. 6. 4СБГ, т. 1—3; т. 4 (in press), and the card index for the same dictionary, held in the manuscript archive of the Dialectology Section of the Institute of Linguistics of the J. Kolas Academy of Sciences of the BSSR; also Сялянковія Т. Ф. Слоўнік Гродзенскай вобласці. Вып. 2. — Гродна, 1975 (manuscript held by the author). Settlements from which the studied lexemes were taken from T. Сцяшковіч’s dictionary are indicated by an asterisk in the abbreviation codes appended at the end of the article, following the precise location of each settlement. 5See NL, ŽS, NS. 182 All this vocabulary is presented in the article in alphabetical order. Each entry examines a separate lexeme, gives its meaning and localization, and provides an illustration. In identifying a lexeme’s root, an effort is made first of all to find a possible Lithuanian source from which it may have been borrowed, and to demonstrate the relationship between the borrowing and its Lithuanian equivalent. When necessary, in individual cases the existing etymology of one or another such Belarusian lexeme is sometimes reconsidered: evidence is presented that may cast doubt on it, and arguments are often put forward in favor of proposing a new one. або́рка ‘a little cord, a tie’: Аборкай завяжы курпцы лапы і нагі. Jan., cf. also Belarusian або́рса from the same root, ‘hempen cord’: Прынясі аборсу мяшкі завязаць. Kuch., або́ра ‘a tie for bast shoes’ < абовора (СБГ, 1,38). The words are of Lithuanian origin; cf. Lithuanian apvarà < aparà, apvarstė, vérti; see also ЭСБМ, 1, 55–56. абдзі́ртус, абдзі́рксе ‘a ragamuffin, someone who tears and wears out clothes’: Не дам адзежы абдзі́ртысу гэтаму. Mik. На істым абдзі́рксе ніякая адзежа не ззярыцца. Žod. Although this root is independent in both Lithuanian and Belarusian (cf. Belarusian абдзі́раны ‘ragged’ Grauž.; абдзіра́нец ‘a ragamuffin’ Bak.; Lithuanian dirti ‘to tear, to wear’), абдзі́ртыс, being a participle in meaning, is formed not according to the Belarusian method of participle formation but according to the Lithuanian one; cf. Lithuanian apdiṙtas ‘torn, worn out’ and Belarusian абдзі́раны. In view of this, there is reason to think that this entire lexeme was borrowed from Lithuanian. The same is certainly true of абдзі́ркс, cf. Lithuanian dirikas ‘someone who tears clothing’. The undoubtedly related Belarusian lexeme абдзі́ркус ‘someone who quickly tears off clothing’ is classified in ЭСБМ, 1,46 as an artificially Latinized (штучная лацінізаваная) form. Since this assumption has not been substantiated in greater detail, it is quite doubtful. In our view, the morphology of the lexeme абдзі́ркус, like that of абдзі́ртыс, is most likely purely Lithuanian. абду́лейка ‘a braggart’ Kalan. ЭСБМ, 1, 46 associates the lexeme semantically either with the participle абду́лы ‘swollen’ or with Lithuanian apdūjelis (should be apdūjelis) ‘fool’. However, neither of these conjectures is well founded, since the original form of this lexeme was not taken into account in the etymological analysis. In fact, абду́лейка arose through metathesis (probably for ease of pronunciation) from *адбу́лейка, which is Lithuanian; cf. atbulėika. абманта́чнъ ‘to mow around with a scythe, cutting off the edges’: Сусім абмантачну́ міне сусед. Šil. The lexeme is undoubtedly related to Belarusian абмянціць ‘to beat someone black and blue’ (СБГ, 1,63), мянціць ‘to sharpen a scythe’ Мсс., Гем., мянта́шка ‘scythe sharpener’ Дан., мянта́шанне ‘scythe sharpening’ Уш., мянта́шчыць ‘to sharpen a scythe’ Вас., памянта́шчыць ‘to smash (dishes, furniture)’ Сел., мянціўка ‘scythe sharpener’ Алч., мянці́ла ‘scythe sharpener’ Ад. is related. All these words are of Lithuanian origin; cf. Lithuanian menītė, mentė ‘a mixing paddle; a scythe sharpener’ męšti ‘to beat, to mix’. In view of all this, we consider unfounded the proposed connection between the related Belarusian lexeme адмянціць ‘to beat severely’ and Polish miać ‘мяць’ or тесzyć ‘мутыць’ (ЭСБМ, 1, 87). ако́та ‘fishbone’: Як ступыш ажурой, то ако́ты няма. Rag. The source of the lexeme is Lithuanian akuotas, with the same meaning; see also СБГ, 1, 73. 183 alėč ‘a marsh, a spring-fed meadow’: Заўтра бацька поӣдзя на алёсе касіць. На альсе ужо даўно скосілі сена. Berš. Кажды нот⁶ на альсе сена рабілі, а нэты нот на санажацці далі. NS, 40, cf. альсавое сена. Mal. The words are derived from Lithuanian alaušai ‘wet places’; cf. alėti ‘to flow, to run’; see СБГ, 1, 78. For au: o, cf. Belarusian kròuša < Lithuanian kraũšis, nón-ki < paũtai. In the paradigm, alėč follows Belarusian phonological laws in exactly the same way as avėč. Thus, in our view, the derivation of this lexeme from Lithuanian alksnis proposed in ЭСБМ, 1,106 should be ruled out. апока ‘a lazy person’: Уся дзяруўня ведаець, што Іван апока. NS, 84. Hi ляжы, як апока, схадзі хоць другой ужні. NS, 132. The word has a figurative meaning. In our view, etymologically it could be related to Lithuanian апіокаѕ ‘half-wit, blockhead, fool’, though cf. ЭСБМ, 1, 129. бальзені ‘crossbars of a sledge’ Kaun. The lexeme is clearly a borrowing from Lithuanian balžienai, balžienos ‘the same’. баляні ‘small pools’: Над балянямі стаяў туман. Аст., cf. Lithuanian balaitės, balaitės. бальнюк ‘a woolly milkcap, a kind of mushroom’: Балюцокоў назбірала ў лесе. Pag., cf. Lithuanian balčiūkas ‘something white in color’ (the mushroom’s color is also grayish white). біжуковаць ‘to search for lice, to delouse (someone’s head)’ Bast., cf. Lithuanian bužinėti ‘to delouse’, bužė ‘louse’, bužiukė ‘little louse’. Regarding root u > i, cf. the dialect words of local Lithuanians in the environs of Rodūnia and Pelesa (Varanavas district), influenced by Belarusian: sūvežė, žūmušė ‘killed’, pronounced Rōdūnia as sūvežė, žībmušė, Rōgūnia, and so on; see also Мацькевич Ю. Ф., Романович Е. М., Чеберук Е. И., Гринявяцкене Е. Й. Новый случай депалатализации в литовском говоре белорусско-литовского пограничья. III sąjunginė baltų kalbotyros konferencija 1975 m. rugsėjo 25–27 d. Pranešimų tezės. V., 1975, p. 123–124. бūkštį⁷ ‘branches of juniper or spruce deliberately submerged in water to attract fish’ NS, 33. The lexeme is undoubtedly of Lithuanian origin; this is especially evident from the suffix -št-, cf. its Lithuanian cognate pūkšta, pūkštas ‘a wisp of straw used to mark a boundary or a prohibition on passage’. The voicing of initial p in the Lithuanian word and its change to b in the Belarusian dialect is phonetically possible because the word’s semantics have become blurred; cf. the analogous Belarusian бібба́мы < вібба́мы (< Lithuanian virbti ‘to become pointed’) ‘bent down’ (LT, 166), and other cases. важыняцца ‘to ride around’: Дзеці важыняюцца на санках. Dub.; cf. also паважыняцца from the same root, ‘to have a ride’: Ён любіць паважыняцца на машине. Mak.; figurative заважыняцца ‘to lodge (grain)’: Заважыняйся жыта ад ветра. Rak. The stem важын- of these words is of Lithuanian origin; cf. Lithuanian važinėtis. вакарушки ‘evening gatherings’: Вакарушкі былі, танцавалі. Masc., cf. Lithuanian vакарuš-kos. варголы ‘boiled water—a very poor person’s meal’ ŽS, 80, cf. Lithuanian vargulys ‘a stunted wild plant, an unripe apple or currant picked prematurely’. візікаўць ‘to look, gaze’: Візікайць ён на дзеўку. Akač., cf. Lithuanian vyzėti < vyzdėti, veizėti, veizolai ‘eyes’. 6The Belarusian fricative r in the examples is denoted by the Latin letter h. 7The author is grateful to V. Svečinski, a research fellow at the J. Kolas Institute of Linguistics of the Academy of Sciences of the BSSR, for drawing attention to the possible Lithuanian origin of this lexeme. 184 вѣдаря ‘tripe’: Вѣдаря смачна. Až, cf. Lithuanian vėdaras, vėdarai. вянцерка ‘small dumpling’: Вянцерка рыбы. Klad. The precursor of the diminutive form is Lithuanian virtinė, from which it arose by metathesis; cf. analogous cases of metathesis: Belarusian абдулейка < абулейка, Lithuanian lātrankis < rātlankis, Raulynas < Laurynas, and so on. габаля ‘clods’: Габаля зямлі. Užat.; cf. Lithuanian gabalaï. галунька ‘an addition to a barn for fodder’ Tur., cf. Lithuanian gālas, galūninis ‘situated at the end’. гальва ‘plough regulator’: Трахтар не працуя, ба не спраўлена гальва. Kar., cf. Lithuanian galvà (e.g.: galvà visą kūną valdo). галымя ‘abundance, multitude’: Галымя часу ў мяне. Pug., cf. Lithuanian galýbė. The word form may have changed through semantic adaptation. гаргара ‘a large, ungainly animal’: Гэто ні карова, а так гаргара некая, тольки многа есьць. NS, 50, cf. Lithuanian gargāras ‘a large animal, person, or some object’. гібі гібі ‘a call to a rempė’: Гігі гігі крычыць кнігайка — мы жывым пітаіць. Juod., cf. Lithuanian gyvi gyvi ‘and the like’. гіжушчы ‘angry, irritated’: Гіжушчо дзяцей усюды лезя. Barš.; гіжлівы ‘restless’: Гіжлівы малец. Parch.; загіжэнь ‘to return, become sullen, feel uncomfortable’: Чаго ты загіжэла. Vav., cf. Lithuanian gįžti ‘to be angry’, gįžlūs ‘nervous, restless’. гіле́сам ‘during calving, at the time when cows calve’: Гіле́сам цяшко каровы пасвіць. Pa., cf. Lithuanian gylùs ‘the time of calving’, cf. also LT, 172. глума ‘half-wit’: Глума што ты робіш. NS, 92, cf. Lithuanian glūmas ‘fool, halfwit, blockhead’. грабы ‘bones’: Сухі — адныя грабы. Sal. СБГ, 1,472 the word is used figuratively to mean ‘hands’: Сховай свае грабы. We derive it from Lithuanian gróbai ‘ribs, bones, skeleton’. грумжа ‘a small lake fish’: Поўна вядро грумжы. Mich., cf. Lithuanian gramždė, gramždė > dialectal grumzdė, grumždė ‘gudgeon, gudgeon fish’. груткі ‘grains’: У крахмале груткі. Dzian., cf. Lithuanian grūdas. гбунць ‘to die’ Var., cf. Lithuanian geibti. гэзлы ‘weak’: Гэзлы хлопчык. Bis., cf. Lithuanian kėžas ‘weak’, kėžlys ‘wimp, simpleton’; for k: g compare клямпы: глумбы. дагілъ ‘thistle’: Дагілъ яшчэ горш за асот. Су̌с. The word is a direct borrowing from Lithuanian dagilis ‘the same’. даржнік ‘day enclosure’: У даржнік у дзень кароў заганяем. Mir. Даржнік is small. Vais. Alongside it, a related form with the same meaning is also found: до́ржник: Выпусці парасятак на до́ржник... NS, 57. The lexemes are associated with Lithuanian daržas, daržinykas ‘day enclosure’ (see also ДАБМ, 232, LKA, 1, 46, Urb., 56–57, Nepok., 188). дзевулюк, дзевалюк ‘southernwood’: Дзевулюк (дзевалюк) ат пуда. Žod., Malk. A variant in form is also used alongside it, дзівэк ‘the same’: Дзівэк — кусцік такі. Laip. The words are derivable from Lithuanian dievuliukas, dievuliakas, dievūkas ‘southernwood’. дзёмядзь ‘southernwood’: Дзёмядзь добры пах маець. Malk., Juod., cf. Lithuanian diemedis. 185 дзядзяшым ‘wild garlic’: Дзядзяшым кладуть у кілбасы, ён пах мая, зімняня часнок. Kud. The word is related to Lithuanian dedėšrė ‘the same’, dedėšvà. дзяшары ‘potato sausages’: Дзяшары пяклі, елі, і как укусяна. Rag., Malk., Juod.; ‘large intestine’: Дзяшары не скрабуць. Rakaus.; дзямарны ‘thick (of intestines)’: дзямарныя кіuki. Rag. The lexemes derive from Lithuanian dešrà ‘potato sausages’, cf. dešžarnė (< dešžarnė) ‘thicker intestine for stuffing sausages’. дрыпаць ‘to walk with slow steps’ Cham.; ‘to dance with slow steps’ Al.; задрыпа ‘a slovenly person’: Ты задрыпа, ты пуд нною носиш на сябе, сябе не абмыеш. Kud. The root дрып- may be related to Lithuanian drýb-čioti ‘to jump’, drib-čioti ‘to shake, to hop about while jumping, to run clumsily, to walk with a lurching gait’, drib-kus ‘a slouch, a slovenly person, a lazy person’. For a possible alternation of root b: p cf. Lithuanian dripinė ‘a trot’ alongside dribinė, dribina ‘the same’; cf. also trýpčioti ‘to stamp intermittently’. жагарас ‘a certain water bird’: Жагарас у лесе ля паки водзіцца. Су́ч., cf. Lithuanian žùgara ‘black heron’, Latvian žugure, žuguris ‘stork’. жвяле́йшы ‘more alert, more nimble’: Жвяле́йшы лепей жыець. Zb., cf. Lithuanian žvalùs. жвянькаць ‘to talk nonsense, to laugh rudely’: Чаго ты жвянькаеш. Az., cf. Lithuanian žvengti ‘to joke around, to grimace’. get drunk ‘get intoxicated (with alcohol)’: I так нажлугіліся як свіні. Loz. A figurative meaning from Lithuanian žlūgtas ‘a wet place, laundry being washed’ (cf. We came back soaked like laundry), žlūgti ‘to soak’, įžlūgti ‘to soak oneself, absorb’, prižlūgti ‘to imbibe, get drunk’, cf. also get drunk ‘get intoxicated (with alcohol)’: I дзе ты мox так get drunk. Michail.; gulp ‘to drink greedily’: Ён gulps vodka, gulps water. Lag., cf. also Urb., 60. The latter lexemes may have rendered their root u as a in Belarusian dialects because such alternation of unstressed vowels is phonologically possible there; cf. Belarusian u вынлядаваць: вынлядуваць (СБГ, 1, 348), выпастак: выпустак (СБГ, 1, 362), казюра: кузўрка ‘a small lump’, etc. See also СБГ, 1, 352; СБГ, 2, 353, 559. жлёмаць ‘to sob’: Як пачаў жлёмаць, то і канца няма. Kem. The word probably derives from Lithuanian žliùmbti, pronounced žliùmti in dialects through assimilation. жо́маць ‘to chew’: Што ты жомаеш сухі хлеб. Dak. The word entered the dialect from Lithuanian žiaumóti; cf. also žiaumoti, and further compare alėc. жыбі́нтняй ‘upright wall lamp’: Жыбі́нтняй добра свеціць. Malk., Juod., Rakaus., cf. Lith. žibìntas ‘lamp’. The word is old in the dialect and probably derives from the form *žibint-jus (> žibinčius ‘one who lights’). жылыві́ца, жылыві́це̌, жулыві́ца ‘osier’: Лісты жылъві́цы бляшчаць. Bistr.; Жылъві́це нарэжац i пляцеш кошык. As. Жулыві́ца крохкая, лісты раскідзістыя. Ind., cf. Lith. žìlvtis, žìlvy tė, see LT, 176. The ы: у alternation in the root of the lexemes is possible, cf. Lith. žiburỹs: žiuburỹs, Bel. выка́пываць: выка́пуваць (СБГ, 1, 354). жырбу́ль ‘chain-link twister’: Звязала жырбу́лём тужэй. Gol. The lexeme derives from Lith. žvirblis ‘chain-ring twister’; cf. also Latv. zvirbulis ‘sparrow’. For the loss of root v, cf. other analogous examples, e.g.: Bel. або́рка < аво́рка ‘tie’, Lith. aparà < apvarà ‘the same’, apyniai < apvyniai. жу́рда ‘tormentor, someone who constantly nags’: Журда еты: бубніць і бубніць; Надзядайць – не баба, а некая журда. Miš., cf. Lith. žùrdyti ‘to kill, torment’. 186 žėgerys ‘fence rails’: Cena сушым на жэгеры. Masc. The lexeme may most likely have arisen in the dialect through contamination of Lith. žaginiai, pronounced in Belarusian as жэгіні, and žagarai (cf. also Urb., 59–60). завалка ‘door/gate latch’: Зачыні дзверы на завалку. Dak. Над вапо-там завалку закладзі. Gal.; завалка ‘a hair threaded through a horse’s skin, through which pus-like fluid caused by an illness drains’: Пры нарыцы даешца завалка: каню пад скурай уводзіш волос, і вада сцякае па воласу. Achr.; завалкі ‘tonsillitis’: Баліць у горле — завалкі ў яе. Malach.; завалкі ў горле. Mer. The root вал- is most likely of Lithuanian origin; cf. valkė ‘door bolt’ (LKA, 1, 40); vilkti ‘to thread’, valka ‘pulling’ (e.g. valką per kaminą); už-vilkti ‘to draw closed’, ap-vilkti ‘to cover’, valkius ‘a film over the eye or gooseberries’. Belarusian валіць, like завал, вал, is connected with the meaning ‘to overturn’, not ‘to drag, pull’. зайнглівы ‘restless’: Конь зайнглівы, хоць ты пад хвост ялаучыну накладай. Рас. The root цінг- is undoubtedly borrowed from Lith. ting-ūs, dialectal cing-ūs. закаблук ‘wooden hoop for catching and pulling out a net rope under the ice’: Закаблук — абруч у неротах. Malach.; ‘wooden hoop on a plough for hooking the crossbar’: Дзераўняная саха была абведзена драўляным закаблуком. Alchouc. The lexeme has direct cognates in both root and meaning in Lithuanian—kablys ‘wooden hoop for catching a net rope under the ice’, kabliukas ‘hoop attached to a wooden harrow to hook the crossbar’—and derives from kab-inti. In view of this, the etymological explanation given for the already related Russian каблук ‘arc, bow’ (ЭСРЯ, 2, 151) becomes doubtful, in our opinion. збліндацца ‘to get entangled, to get involved with someone’: Ён збліндаўся з другой. Val., cf. Lith. blęsti ‘to confuse, mix’, blendimas ‘mixing’, blendinti, dialectal blīndinti ‘to confuse, mix’; cf. also Urb., 50, ЭСБМ, 1, 162–163. звайкаваць ‘to be henpecked’: Цябе дзёўчата звайкуюць, хоць ты жаніўся. Sur., cf. Lith. už-vaikyti. згамжоны ‘crumpled’: Згамжона пальто. V. Baj., cf. Lith. gamžuotis ‘to crumple oneself’, and also glamžyti ‘to crumple’. згойшыць, згэйшыць ‘to spoil’: Згэйшала сукенку што брытка лядзец. Stuk. Ён згойшыў цілігізар. Вес. Дзеўка згойшыла сваю красату. Alchouc., cf. Lith. gaišinti ‘to spoil’, geišama ‘end, death’, geišis ‘scythe’. зло́пату ‘in a hurry’: Злопату так зрабіў. Grauž., cf. Lith. lapatái, lapatioti ‘to run in leaps’. зміганы ‘confused, bewildered’: Ён такі зміганы. Sin., cf. Lith. su-mizgęs ‘the same’. змясяціцца ‘to gather together’: Ужо пчолы змясяціліся ў кучку. Val., cf. Lith. susimesti ‘the same’. івалка ‘the throat of a fish trap’. Bak. The root вал- of the lexeme is borrowed from Lith. vilkti, valka ‘dragging’; cf. also įvilkti ‘to pull in by dragging’, įsivilkti ‘to get in by dragging’. viksva, viksvá ‘viksva’: У балоце іксва расце. Kur., Laip., Malk.; іксва жост-кая. Pan., cf. Lithuanian viksva. The initial v was probably lost in the Belarusian dialect environment because of possible semantic bleaching; see also СГІ, 1, 309, Urb., 52. vingiarykštė, vingiarykštis ‘vingiarykštis’: Інгірынчца ў балоце расце. Malk.; інгірынчік — ліст як рабіна, сцябло высокі і кветка белая. Gem., cf. Lithuanian vingiarykštė, vingiarykštis. The initial v was lost and the form distorted (simplified) in the Belarusian dialect environment because the meanings of the components of the Lithuanian word were not understood. 187 to hammer in ‘to drive in’: Trèba yamu dobra with a mallet y holavu. Nek., cf. Lithuanian į-kálti. flail handle ‘flail staff’: Трымай hold the flail handle! Kat., Krev.; ‘flail head’ Žod.; ‘pestle’ Kir., cf. Lithuanian keltùvė, keltuvė, keltojà ‘flail staff’ (LKA, 1, 117, cf. also Urb., 61). to live ‘to live, to stay’: Чаго ты кампусия тут. Bast., cf. Lithuanian corner ‘place, shelter to live in’, tenant ‘lodger’. bud ‘bud’: Kampurća ў жорнах. S. Trak. The lexeme is a Slavicized and distorted derivative of the Lithuanian variant bud bud (LKA, 1, 140), cf. another closely related Slavicized variant – pumpŕica < pumpur-ica (LKA, 1, 140). The initial k of the lexeme under investigation instead of p must have arisen irregularly as a result of semantic fading, after it had actually fallen out of use and its name had been forgotten. Its root diphthong am indicates that, alongside the form bud and bud, it may have been used more widely in Lithuanian dialects. kapáyka ‘a dirty sleeve’ Lap. In meaning and form, the word kapáyki ‘dirty laundry’ Uchv. is related to this lexeme. The root kap- is most likely a distortion of Lithuanian kar-óti ‘to protrude, hang down’. kapáč ‘cloth; towel with fringe’ Alchouc., Malk. The initial s of the lexeme was most likely lost because of semantic bleaching or ease of pronunciation (cf. the analogous cases of Belarusian lámki < сладкі ‘sweet’ Sem. and others), and it is a direct counterpart of Belarusian скапа́ч (cf. also скарачка ‘towel with fringe’ Кэм.) and a borrowing from Lithuanian skarà, skarinys, skárti; see also LT, 189, Urb., 152, Nepok., 195. karkalína ‘crooked tree’ Lisn.; karkalʹ ‘crooked tree’ Vec.; ‘a knotty, bent birch’ Kir.; karkalísty ‘crooked, spreading’ Lisn.; karkalínца ‘to grow bushy, spread’ Val. In our opinion, these lexemes could be related to Lithuanian karklas ‘a tree or shrub of the willow family’ (the tree is usually crooked); cf. also karkalai ‘willows’, karklónas ‘stick’. karkáty ‘crooked’ Lisn.; kartanócy ‘bow-legged’ Gem. The lexemes are etymologically related to Lithuanian kárka ‘the bend of the leg, an animal’s hock’, karkanošis ‘bow-legged’. In the first component of Kaptanócy, m may have irregularly arisen in place of k through dissimilation or semantic bleaching. karnáty ‘sturdy’ Dak.; karnáč ‘one who does not grow, who is sturdy’ Kir., cf. Lithuanian kernà ‘one who is sturdy, short in stature, does not grow’. karólʹ ‘the part of a ham by which it is hung’ Pac., cf. Lithuanian karulỹs ‘one who hangs’. karšnėcʹ ‘to grow old, age’ Malk.; karšėcʹ ‘to make old’ Bal., Val.; karšinėh ‘old man’ Gem. Semantically, the lexemes are identical to Lithuanian káršti, karšinti, karšinčius and are to be regarded as borrowings from Lithuanian. 8 From the function performed by pumpùrės (pumpùrės), it seems to us inaccurate to derive it from pamp-pti, pùmpti ‘to swell, to dam up’ (LEW, 667), since in the millstone opening it is merely a fixed, immobile iron (formerly wooden) crosspiece, with a slightly raised central part, mounted on the spindle. Thus it itself neither swells ‘inflates’ nor dams up the grain by swelling in the millstone opening. It is most likely related either to pámpa, pùmpa, pùmpis ‘a small elevation, a lump’ (which is indeed found in the middle of the crosspiece!), or to pampáras ‘a hanging device, something hung or mounted’, pampárioti ‘to fasten, tie, mount’. The second hypothesis is more reliable. 188 kęmša ‘a fat, clumsy woman’ Rud. Astr., cf. Lithuanian kepšys ‘someone good for nothing’, kepša ‘a lout, fool’, kepėsa ‘someone clumsy in dressing, fat’ kėpat ‘the threshing machine’s gear’ Rud. Astr., cf. Lithuanian kėrė ‘the turnip of a spinning wheel’. kilíčka ‘wagtail, icicle’: Kilički you won’t be allowed to pass. M. Pug., cf. Lithuanian kielė. kílna ‘trap, snare’: У кілне сідзеў харошы ліс. Gaz., cf. Lithuanian kilpa. kímca ‘a hummock in a bog’: Адні кімцы ў балоце. Кімца мхом абросшы. Skrud., cf. Lithuanian kimsas, kėmsas ‘etc.’ kirápla ‘a clumsy person’: Не знаю, як такой кіраплай на яблыні залезць. Juod., S. Trak., cf. Lithuanian kerėpla, cf. also Zd., 341, Nepok., 195. klaišanóbi ‘a person with a crooked leg’ Pr.; klíši ‘crooked legs, figuratively: legs’: Раставіць свае клішы, ды сядзіць на сонцы. NS, 35; клыша́вы ‘bow-legged’: Клыша́вы двацка клышавата ходзіць. Mag.; …клыша́вы ходзіў неяк, непенкна… NS, 10; кліша́вы ‘etc.’: Такая яна ужо клішавая урадзілася…NS, 35; клыша́вы ‘etc.’ NL, 109; клышні, кло́шні ‘crayfish claws’: Клышні ў рака. Kur. Клюшні рак астаўляець. Sal.; see also LT, 179. All these lexemes are undoubtedly from the same root. They have numerous unmistakable counterparts in Lithuanian (e.g.: klaišas ‘lame’, klaišioti ‘to limp’, kleĩšas ‘whose legs are crooked’, kleĩšis, kleišys, kleiškóji ‘a person who walks with a limp’; klišė ‘a limp, crooked leg’, klišas, klišius, klišis, klišys, klišti, etc.). Therefore, we are inclined to regard them as having arisen from derivatives of Lithuanian roots. The fact that they occur in Ukrainian dialects and Polish writings (in J. Karlowicz’s dictionary, according to his own statement—SGP, II, 382—they were recorded in Lithuania), as well as F. Sławski’s inconclusive discussion of their possible origin (SEJP, 2, 228—229), does not alter our opinion. The relationship between клышуни and клюшуни is, in our opinion, probably the same as that between Belarusian сура́жеска and сураге́ска ‘dwarf elder’. Thus клышуни, клюшуни, too, are undoubtedly of one root—derivatives of the root клышу-, with the form клышуни being primary. It is in fact difficult to explain the pronunciation difference between the forms клышу- and клюшу-. However, considering the Belarusian pronunciation Лынтупь of the Lithuanian name of the stream and town Liñtupis (< Leñtupis) BTSR (i.e., with the hard cluster ль), or the Lithuanian išlįsti, pronounced išlįsči in the Lazūnai dialect under Belarusian adstrate influence, one may suspect that the hardening of every Lithuanian cluster li is the result of Slavic influence on Lithuanian words, reinforced by the pronunciation of the Lithuanian cluster ль (< len) in eastern and southeastern Lithuanian dialects. On this basis, one may surmise that forms with клину- may have been borrowed considerably earlier than the emergence of the Lithuanian cluster ль. клаўца ‘someone who listens to nonsense’ Mag.; клаўчо́к ‘someone who pretends not to know anything and keeps asking questions’ Gem.; клаўчі́чка ‘someone who uses the catchphrase “listen”’ S. Smilg. The lexemes are of Lithuanian origin; cf. Lithuanian klausai ‘interrogation’, klausis ‘someone who listens to nonsense and believes it’, klausìukas ‘a participant in the 1863 uprising who kept asking where the tsar’s army was; someone who likes to listen in on what others are saying’, klausyk, klausai ‘listen’. кле́мпы ‘footwear with wooden soles, leather uppers, and heel counters’ Mer.; кле́мбы ‘same’ Tuch.; клу́мбы ‘same’ Grik., S. Trak., Šiaul., S. Smilg., Malk.; клюмо́бы ‘same’ Žod., Krev., Bak., Gl.; глу́мбы, глу́бы ‘same’ СБГ, I, 450. All these lexemes are undoubtedly of Lithuanian origin and are to be connected with Lithuanian klùmpės, klùmbė, klùmbiai; cf. also LT, 178, Urb., 61. The substitution of g for k at the beginning and in the middle of the word may have arisen through the assimilatory voicing influence of the sonorant l following k, or through semantic bleaching of the word. 189 кліба́ты ‘bandy, lame’ Kir., Pac., S. Sel., Sap.; клыба́ч ‘bandy-legged, lame’ Pal.; клібаць ‘to limp, hobble’ Kir., Sal., S. Smilg., Asip., Rud. Astr.; кліба́ ‘a lame person’: Kliba незграбны ў хадзьбе, клібаіць klibza. Per.; клі́пца ‘bandy-legged, lame’ Malk., ŽS, 24. The lexemes are undoubtedly of Lithuanian origin and are related to Lithuanian klibas ‘crooked, knock-kneed’, klibis ‘bandy-legged, lame’, klibinda ‘someone who is lame’, klibinėti ‘to hobble’, klibzas ‘lame’, klibzis ‘a lame person’, klibzėti, klyžuoti (<klybžuoti) ‘to limp, walk with a limp’; klipšas (<klibšas), klipšis (<klibšis), klipšius (<klibšius), klipščiúoti (<klibšiúoti) ‘to limp’. Regarding the relationship between the roots кліб- and клы́-, compare клайшано́бі; for the metathesis bz: zb, compare Lithuanian klibzas: Belarusian кнізба, and compare the analogous case in Lithuanian dialects Maksva, Belarusian Масква, Russian Москва. Thus, as Lithuanian klibzas became Slavicized, the metathesis of the consonants in the middle of the word under discussion must have occurred, giving rise to Belarusian кнізба. кліпаць ‘to hobble’ Žil., Mir.; клы́паты ‘frail, infirm’: Ён сільна клыпаты. Vec. The lexemes are of Lithuanian origin; compare Lithuanian klýpióti; klýpinti ‘to go away hobbling’, klýpuoti ‘to hobble’; klipyá, klipata. Regarding the relationship клин – клам, compare клайшано́бі. кля́мша ‘someone who walks with difficulty; bow-legged person’ Malk.; кля́мшаць ‘to walk slowly and with difficulty, to trudge’ Malk., Juod. The lexemes are of Lithuanian origin; compare Lithuanian klẽmšius, klẽmšis, -ė ‘someone who walks with difficulty’; klẽmšti ‘to walk with difficulty’. кні́жыць ‘to cry, fret’: Дзіця кніжыць. Krev.; кні́жэць ‘to swarm’: Myxi кніжыць над каструлей. Nist. The lexemes are of Lithuanian origin; compare Lithuanian knigždėti, kningždėti ‘to cry’; knužėti ‘to gather, crowd together’, knežėti ‘to swarm’; compare also gniužėti ‘to swarm’. княўчыць ‘to meow plaintively’ Gem., compare Lithuanian kniaukčioti. The medial k may have been lost as the word’s semantics became blurred. койрачка ‘left, left-hand’ Malk., compare Lithuanian kairýs. комсць ‘palm’: Земля прамокла на комсць. Дощч пеўна на комсць землю прамачыць. Kir., compare Lithuanian dialectal kùmščia, dzūkų kùmščia. The Lithuanian equivalent of the root variant кумшчо́к ‘a lump’ (: кумщок шэрсці, паперы. Суч.) is kùmštis ‘a hand clenched into a fist’; see also LT, 181, Urb., 63. ко́рстатца ‘to romp, play boisterously’ Msc., compare Lithuanian kárstytis ‘to climb, jump about, romp’. ко́сіць ‘to dig’; Курпцы косяць градкі. Kur., compare Lithuanian kàsti ‘to dig around’. кра́пштаць ‘to scratch (with claws)’: Кот крапштаць дзверы. S. Trak.; ‘to putter about, tinker, toil’ Malk., S. Smilg., compare Lithuanian krapštýti ‘to scratch with the claws; to toil’; see also LT, 179. крашулі ‘clots’ Laip.; крашэць, крышэць ‘to clot’: Кроў пачала крашэць; кроў скрышэўшы, кроў крышэць. Malk., compare Lithuanian krešuliai, krešėti. кро́пелькі ‘small grains, specks, droplets’: Кропелькі тлушчу наверху — вот малако жирнае. Juod. Although Lithuanian kriúpos is a direct equivalent of Slavic крупа, the lexeme кро́пелькі, as its semantics show, was probably borrowed from Lithuanian kruopėlės (in this case, the suffix -ka- does not give the word a new meaning, but merely marks its Slavicization). The meaning ‘a gully (steep-sided, ravined, eroded)’ is expressed in Belarusian dialects by the widespread lexemes: кро́пла Gem.; кро́ўж Kur., Malk.; крэш NL, 35. Alongside these, кра-ўжысты ‘steep-sided, with high gullies’ Kur. and краўча́сты ‘same’ Malk., Rakaus. are also used. Although the words have heterogeneous phonetic forms (such irregular distortions 190 (could most likely have arisen through semantic bleaching), are to be derived from Lithuanian kriaušis, kriaušas ‘cliff, bank’; kraužlys ‘crust’. кружня ‘heap, pile’: Кружня як. Mer.; крушняк ‘in heaps’ Krb.; крушинка ‘small heap’: 3 крушинки на крушинку perabenala lasička. Kir. The words are to be derived from Lithuanian krūšnis; see also LT, 180, Urb., 62. The form кружня ж may have arisen irregularly instead of c either through semantic bleaching or owing to the assimilatory influence of the consonant n, cf. Lithuanian gniaubtis: kniaubtis ‘to hunch up’ and analogous cases of voicing after n; cf. also Nepok., 171. кугакала ‘mischievous child’: Дай жа, божэ, мне кугакала, яно ж бы мне заплакала… ŽS, 82; cf. Lithuanian kūgis ‘mallet’ + kalti ‘to hammer’ (for the formation, cf. dalgakotis < dal-gis + kótas); cf. also Jurbarkas-area kūgakojis ‘mischievous child, a child who runs about stamping’, e.g.: Ir tau dá reikėtų tokio kūgakojo; O tu kūgakoji (said of a small child, praising its ability to stamp its feet). кумша ‘moss’: Усё кумшою зарасло. Juod.; cf. Lithuanian kamša ‘boggy place’. курмель ‘small, round river fish that stays by bottom stones or buries itself in gravel or sand’: Дзяцвара курмелі лапаюць і кошке адаюць. Жырны як курмель. Juod., Achr., Kur., Lisn., Val., Psn., Miš., Rag.; cf. Lithuanian kurmtis ‘to burrow’, kurmoti ‘to dress warmly’, and also kiarmis; see further Laum., 97–98. кусныкэ ‘thin onion roots’ NS, 79. Although the phonetic form of the lexeme has changed and become distorted, possibly through semantic bleaching or for other reasons, in our view it derives from Lithuanian kasnykai ‘ribbons’. кушла ‘someone dressed thickly’: Накрыў многа нанучой і ходзіць як кушыла. Gem.; кушлы ‘weak, insignificant’ Čuč.; кушла́ты ‘crested’: Кушлата курица. Gem., M.Auc.; кушла́ценъки ‘crested’: Кушлаценъка курица. Gem.; куш-мак ‘overgrown genitals’ Malk.; кушёт ‘coarse marsh grass, tufted hair-grass’ Navas. The lexemes are undoubtedly derivatives of the Lithuanian-origin root kuš-; cf. Lithuanian kušla ‘someone overgrown, shaggy; something poor, insignificant, small’, kušlas ‘overgrown, shaggy; poor, insignificant’, kušenos ‘poor-quality flax fiber; remnants left after raking’, kušņė ‘winter fur hat’, kušažolė, kušgauriai ‘coarse marsh grass’. In borrowing into Slavic, they retained the Lithuanian stem unchanged, with Slavic suffixes added to it (cf. also LT, 181). кя́блы ‘weak, feeble, debilitated’: Я ужо кяблая: тут баліць, там баліць. Malk.; гя́блы ‘poor’ Krb.; cf. Lithuanian kėblas ‘awkward, clumsy; poor, insignificant, weak’; see also Urb., 60. The alternation g: k is possible in both Lithuanian and Belarusian dialects; cf. Lithuanian gnaibyti: knaibyti; Belarusian клу́млы: глумбы ‘clogs’. ла́габс ‘marsh cinquefoil, a herb’ Vait.; cf. Lithuanian legėsis, dialectal lagėsis. лампе́ка ‘piece of wood’ S. Smilg.; cf. Lithuanian lampėkas ‘damp, moist wood’. ла́кты ‘perches’ S. Smilg.; cf. Lithuanian lãktos. лапе́за ‘someone clumsy, awkward’ Achr; cf. Lithuanian lepėža ‘same’. лапіне́к ‘small patch’: Лапінек палатна. Vug.; cf. Lithuanian lopiniukas ‘same’. The meaning ‘pile of branches in the forest’ is attested in Belarusian dialects as лаўж Juod.; лоўж Pas., Az., M. Auc., Bag., Niz., Vec., Rud., Rud. Astr., Pl., Lap., Uchv.; лаўшпы Mač.; the meaning ‘dirty laundry’ — лоўж Bag., Pas., Az., Vec., Rud.; лаўжо Gruz.; ‘old clothes’ — лаўжо Kur.; лоўж Sal.; ‘animal’s lair’ — лаўжо Mer.; лаў- 191 жу̂чча Kur., Val.; лоўжышча V. Nest.; ‘a pile of something’ – лоўж Az., Vec., Rud.; ‘a board beside a beehive’ – лаўжо́ Gl.; ‘a lazy, sluggish person’ – лаўза Dzmit. All these lexemes derive from Lithuanian láužas and correspond to analogous meanings of the latter: ‘a pile of brushwood, branches, wood scraps; an animal’s lair; a heap of discarded things; a slovenly person’; see Urb., 64. The form with stem-final š (ąžuvė) may have arisen from the more frequently used singular nominative form with devoicing of final ž; the form ažysa has been especially affected by Slavic influence; cf. also Apaš., 33, Nepok., 187. lémza ‘a muddlehead, a dimwit’ S. Trak., cf. Lithuanian lémza ‘a mute, a lout’. lė́ukì ‘inflammation of the glands in a pig’s neck’. Лёўкі свиной схвации. Gem.; ‘mumps, a similar human illness’: Лёўкі ат прастуды бываюць. Juod., cf. Lithuanian liaukos ‘inflammation of a pig’s neck’. лю́бня ‘a sleigh with a support’ Masc.; любянька ‘a holiday sleigh’ Malk., cf. Lithuanian lubnia, lūbnios ‘a work sleigh with a support’. лукит ‘water lily’: Лукит белы і жоўты. Juod., cf. Lithuanian lūkštas ‘the same’. лу́кшты ‘husks, chaff’: Лукшты — высейкі ад грэцкай мукі. S. Smilg.; лу́кшчынь ‘to crack, to shell’ Bistr., cf. Lithuanian lūkštas ‘husk, shell’, lūkštinti and Dzūkian < dzūkų lūkščyt ‘to crack’. люн ‘quagmire’ Malk., Čyč., Rag., Achr. (лун, лўні); люны ‘fallow land beside a lake’ Malk., Juod.; люна ‘a deep whirlpool in a river’ S. Trak., cf. Lithuanian liūnas ‘a yielding layer of moss near rivers or lakes that are becoming marshy; quagmire, bog’, lūnas ‘the crust of fallow land’. лэйдацца ‘to set off, to run’ Zb., cf. Lithuanian léidinti ‘to let one another go somewhere’, léistis. лю́рба ‘a thick splinter’ Gem., S. Trak., see also LT, 182; ‘a wide clod cut from a ploughed furrow’ Gem.; ‘a thick piece of bacon’ Gem.; ‘a plump muzzle’ (derogatory, of a person): Як дам у люрбу. Bis. Considering the semantic components ‘thickness, fatness, clumsiness, plumpness’ and the like, which occur in all the meanings of the word лю́рба listed here and overlap and connect with one another in them, we are inclined to think there is no basis for treating these meanings as homonyms. The lexeme is clearly related to Lithuanian liùra ‘someone very fat, obese’, liùrba ‘a thick splinter; a clumsy person; an ignorant person’, liùrius ‘a sleepyhead’. ля́мша ‘a puny little person, a nobody’ Lisn., cf. Lithuanian lamšelis ‘someone despised and pushed around by everyone; a pushover’. ля́пша ‘a weakling, a spineless person’: Сядзіць як ляпша. Malk.; ляпшук ‘a little weakling, a kind of mushroom’ Šved., Malk.; лапшук ‘a little weakling’ Rak., cf. Lithuanian lepšė, lepšiukas. мазю́ка, ма́зя ‘a crybaby’ ŽS, 156, cf. Lithuanian mažius, mažė, mažiukas ‘a small child’. маргуле́ ‘spots before the eyes’ ŽS, 144, cf. Lithuanian margulys ‘flickering (before the eyes); poor eyesight’, márgti ‘to have one’s vision grow blurred’, márgaliuoti ‘to flicker’, cf. also Urb., 65. ма́ршка ‘a warm blanket’ Sl., cf. Lithuanian márška ‘a blanket woven from thick yarn’. маўпа ‘duckweed’ Gem., cf. Lithuanian maurai. мéлnič ‘a miller, the shaft of a hand mill’: Мелніч устаўляе ў лапку. S. Smilg., cf. Lithuanian mìlinys, mìlinis (LKA, 1, 137). 192 міндзіць ‘to trample’: A person tramples their own fate міндзіць. Kur., cf. Lithuanian mindyti. міргацець ‘to shimmer’: The stars shimmer in the sky. Klad., cf. Lithuanian mirgėti. мінтаць ‘to tread, to walk’: He walks about aimlessly all the time. Krab., cf. Lithuanian minti. мішкінь ‘red pine mushroom’: There are plenty of red pine mushrooms. Golm., Kud., S. Trak.; мяшкінь ‘same meaning’ Meg., cf. Lithuanian miškìnis ‘lepšė’. мне́я ‘a woman who treads’: The woman who treads gathered the hay. Žid., cf. Lithuanian mynėja. мэнтаць ‘to rummage’: She rummaged and rummaged but did not buy anything. Salen., cf. Lithuanian mėšti, menčia, menėte ‘to rummage, to root around’, mentalas ‘chaff, mixture’. нерамасць ‘unease’: I feel uneasy. Rūdņ.; не́рмасьць ‘same meaning’: At немрасьці she roared. Mal., cf. Lithuanian nėrimastis; see also LT, 184. няўвала ‘lazy person’: A lazy person is an idle person. S. Smilg., cf. Lithuanian nėvala ‘sloven’. нямуны ‘honey mushrooms’: Honey mushrooms are tasty. Malk., cf. Lithuanian nemunės ‘same meaning’. няшы ‘shoulder-yokes’: Shoulder-yokes for carrying water. Mag., cf. Lithuanian nėšiai ‘same meaning’. павідлівы ‘envious’: An envious person. Pas., Rud.; ‘greedy’: A greedy cow. Rud., Bag.; павідны ‘envious’: An envious lad. Rac., cf. Lithuanian pavydūs. пагаля́шка, пагаля́шына ‘stick’: He took a пагаляшку and hit him on the back. Look, what a пагаляшына! Mal., cf. Lithuanian pagalys. падгэрысты ‘one who drinks heavily, likes to drink’: Her husband is a heavy drinker. Č. Sel., cf. Lithuanian gerti, gėrėjas ‘someone who likes to drink’, gėrėti ‘to drink a toast’, pāgerimes ‘drinking party’, pageriantys ‘heavy drinkers’. паділба ‘one who walks with eyes lowered’: They call a dog паділба. Mal., cf. Lithuanian padilba. пажлубінаць ‘to slurp’: Mag., cf. Lithuanian žlėbanoti, žlebenti. паклыпнуць ‘to stumble’: She паклыпнула, nearly fell through. Kur., cf. Lithuanian klipti, kliptelėti. пакуль ‘tow made of flax tow’: Пакуль — скручаная анучка падпаліваць, што. Rud. Astr., cf. Lithuanian pākulos ‘the same’. пакупінець ‘to dig out’: Пшолы трэба пакупінець. S. Smig., cf. Lithuanian kopinėti. пакурэць ‘to run off, to flee’ Пакурэу ў хату. Šč., cf. Lithuanian pakūrti ‘to run off, to flee’. паляўкі ‘dewclaws’: Свіні на паляўкі хварэюць. Kud., Gem., Rūdņ., Malk., cf. Lithuanian paliaukės. памот ‘foundation’: Прыміян на памоце. Vostr., cf. Lithuanian pāmatas. панціна ‘horny protuberance’: Панціна — костка ў ніжняй часці нагі ў каня. Msc., cf. Lithuanian pentinas. пасоўгаць ‘to protect’: Пасоўгай дзіця. Ug., cf. Lithuanian pasáugoti. пі́мпа ‘lapwing’ Gaz., cf. Lithuanian pėmpė, dialectal pímpė. пі́мплі ‘feathers’: Пімплі растуць, як куры ліняюць. Laip., cf. Lithuanian pim̃pòlas ‘wart, protuberance’, pim̃pis ‘pimple’. 7. 1019 193 nīparì ‘survey’: Бацькі едуць у пі́рагі. Ryb., cf. Lithuanian regėti and the semantic equivalents of the lexeme under discussion, peržvalgos, peržiūros, perveizos. по́геладзь ‘frost, cold snap’: Погеладзь спала. S. Smilg., cf. Lithuanian pagelatis, pagėlas, pagelà ‘frost; cold, biting weather’. подзі́нка ‘pot’: Подзінка ад малака. Malk., cf. Lithuanian puodynė. плоўшы ‘bran’: Плоўшы ад грькі. S. Smilg.; Плоўшачкі ад ячменя. Par., cf. Lithuanian plaišos. по́йсы ‘soot, grime’: Пойсы на невымытый рубанцы відны. Val., cf. Lithuanian raišos. по́ршак ‘piglet’: Поршак — a weak piglet. Rud. Astr., cf. Lithuanian paršas. по́ткі ‘eggs’: Яго поткі відны — які срам. Par., cf. Lithuanian pautai. по́шань ‘splinter, thorn’ Priv., cf. Lithuanian pašinas. про́га ‘gap, unclosed opening in a fence’: Гані коні ў прогу. NL, 144; cf. Lithuanian próga ‘gap’, próguma (< spróguma) ‘opening’. праману́ць ‘to pierce’: Праманула карова карову. Msc. The lexeme is probably a phonetic variant of *праману́ць, whose root is to be derived from Lithuanian màuti ‘to pierce, stab, strike’. прышчу́ць ‘to sting, itch’: Прышчуць паляў. Vostr. The lexeme most likely arose from *піршчу́ць, *пяpričýць through metathesis, and is therefore to be derived from Lithuanian peršėti, perštėti; cf. also прышчу́ць ‘to sting’, of the same origin. Gruz., Mag., Juod. пу́нктамі, пу́нтамі ‘intermittently’: Пунктамі хмары ідуць. Žid.; Пунтамі нава-рыць добра, а пунтамі бунтуецца. Bak., cf. Lithuanian pùnktais, pùntais ‘the same’. пу́тра ‘gruel’ Achr.; путрьяный ‘thick’ NL, 36, cf. Lithuanian putrà ‘thick food’; see also LT, 187, Urb., 149. пуціна ‘guelder rose’: Пуціна смачна зімой. Kad., Alch.; пуцінка ‘small guelder rose’ Dak.; пучына ‘guelder rose’ Kir., cf. Lithuanian pùtinas. пя́да ‘foot’: Пядою наступіла на шышку. Such., cf. Lithuanian pėda. пя́лька ‘cranberry’: У пяльке журавіны. Such., cf. Lithuanian pélkė. раго́йшы ‘ragaišis’ (a kind of bread): Рагойшы we baked. S. Trak., cf. Lithuanian ragaišis; see also Urb., 149. рагу́ці ‘little sled’: My father will put moss on the рагу́ці. Malk., cf. Lithuanian rãgutės. рэплі ‘crayfish claws’: Раплі of a crayfish. Skrud., cf. Lithuanian rẽplės. раўсці ‘to weep’: He раўсці will start now. Kad.; раўдлівы ‘abundant’: Раўдлівы grandson. Baj.; роўма < роўдма ‘to weep’: He роўма cried loudly. Padv., cf. Lithuanian ràustėti ‘to weep’, ráusta ‘weeps’. ру́нклі ‘beets’ Dubr., cf. Lithuanian ruñkliai < ruñkeliai. Variants with a pýn- root are found with the meaning ‘caring’: рупатлівы (<probably from рупастлівы) in Liub. and рупеслівы (<рупестлівы) in Sur. Other derivatives: ру́пінец ‘worry’ Ap.; бязру́паты ‘carefree’: Бязрупаты he is like that and will live that way. Liub.; зару́піцца ‘to take care’: If you зарупіся, you will have some. V. Baj.; ня ру́піцца ‘does not care’: He does not care about going to his mother. Sinš.; пару́піцца ‘to take care’: She took care to get up. Malk. The root is of Lithuanian origin, cf. Lithuanian rūpà, rū̃pas, 194 rūpē, rūpeniā, rūpestē, rūpesnis ‘care’, rūpas, rūpingas ‘caring’, rūpēti, rūpautis, rūpotis, rūpinti; see also LT, 188, Urb., 149. урымсціць ‘to calm down’: The son just will not calm down. Gur., урымсціцца ‘to become calm’: It did not calm down for him. Sam., Dak., ŽS, 176, cf. Lithuanian rimstyti ‘to calm’, rimstùs ‘calm’; cf. also Urb., 150. The lexemes found with the meaning ‘meal eaten after pig slaughter’ are: сквярству́не Dziag.; сквярсты Šveil.; скярсту́ля Daug.; with the meaning ‘lunch made from offal’—сквярста́ Masc. The words derive from Lithuanian skerštuvės, but owing to semantic fading, the phonetics of most of them have been irregularly distorted. ско́рсы ‘crossbars of a sled’ Kaun., cf. Lithuanian skérsis, skersinė ‘transverse’ (LKŽ, 1, 103). скрэбата́ць ‘to scrape’: The mice are scraping. Krap., cf. Lithuanian skrebėti ‘to rustle, scrape’. спа́сты ‘traps, snares’ Dain., cf. Lithuanian slāstai. смі́лкинис ‘temple’ Priv., cf. Lithuanian smilkinys, see also LT, 189. смэрглі ‘snot’ Kalan.; шмэргла ‘snotty-nosed, immature young man’: He is such a snotty-nosed lad; I would not marry him. Achr., cf. Lithuanian snarglys, snarglius. The phonetics of the lexemes are irregularly distorted, probably owing to semantic fading. снаўда́лі ‘sleepy flowers’: ‘Snaudalės are very tiny flowers.’ Such., cf. Lithuanian snaudalės ‘ditto’ со́мцік ‘small fish scoop net’ Berš., cf. Lithuanian sámtis, samtùkas ‘ditto’ спаділо́ба ‘from below’: Паглядзеў спаділоба. Rym., cf. Lithuanian iš padilbų. спрындзіцца ‘to climb up, get on top, clamber up’: Кот спрындзіўся на стул і спіць. S. Dal.; спрэндзіцца ‘to raise its flowering head’; Mak спрэндзіўся. Lit.; заспрэндзіцца ‘to tense up, brace oneself’: Яму поткі (= pautai) заспрэндзіліся. Par.; Другі танцуя — нічаро, а другому — і заспрэндзіца. Kur., cf. Lithuanian įsispręsti ‘to brace oneself, tense up, force one’s way in’, pasi-spręsti ‘to rise’. спрындлява́ць ‘to cut into large slices’ Maš., cf. Lithuanian sprindis, sprindinis ‘a span long’, sprindžiuoti ‘to make something by laying out hoops’. сто́ці ‘upright’: Сто́ці стабіліся упоры. Mag.; сто́ць ‘same’: Ён упаў стоць на-лавой. Kur., cf. Lithuanian stačiai, dialectal stačiai, stačiai. стрымбу́ль ‘thickened onion stalk’: Цыбуля ў стрымбулях. Kasc., Kales.; стрымбу́лік ‘bud’: Набраў букет стрымбулякаў. Buik., cf. Lithuanian strimbo-kas ‘small end of an object (e.g., a sausage)’, strimbilas ‘piece of wood’, strimbu-las ‘stump’, strimbė ‘cow with a docked tail’. стугу́р ‘a raised and lowered shelter for loading hay or straw, attached to four poles’: Стугур сена. Val., cf. Lithuanian stūguras ‘backbone, stalk, post’, stugurys ‘stub, handle’, stūginti ‘to tighten, strain’. стума́ ‘torso’: От жонка — ні хараства, ні стумы. Pug., cf. Lithuanian stuomuo, stūomas ‘same’. стумбе́ль ‘stump, stalk’ Суч., cf. Lithuanian stambas. су́валка ‘weed that draws plants together into a clump’: Сувалка ціснула ячмень. Mer.; У бульбы шмат сувалкі. Laz., Padv., Berd., cf. Lithuanian sūvalka, dialectal sūvalka ‘a heap gathered or drawn together’, vilkti. 7° 195 суво̄рка ‘a girth, a strap around a horse’s belly used to fasten the harness tightly’; cf. Lithuanian sąvara ‘a tightening part, a coupling’. сугро̄кі ‘gathered with a rake’: Пойсавалі сугро̄кі. Mag., Rakaus.; cf. Lithuanian sūgrēbos. сужджэць ‘to rustle’: Хмара сужджэць, будзе дошч. S. Smilg.; сушчэць ‘the same’: Хвощи сушчэць. Sol.; cf. Lithuanian šūgždėti, šūžėti ‘to rustle’. сукрава̄ты ‘curly’ Malk.; сукро̄сты ‘curly, covered with curls’ Lisn.; сӯкраўіцы ‘curls’ Kaun.; сӯкараткі ‘the same’ Rud. Astr., Rud., Alb., Mač., Kur.; cf. Lithuanian sukrūs. сӯспары ‘rafters’ Malk.; cf. Lithuanian sąšparos, dialectal sūšparas. сӯтра ‘someone who is dirty and slovenly’: Баба брудная, ходзіць як сутра. Pal.; cf. Lithuanian sūtros < srūtos; sutrā < srutā ‘a slovenly person’, Nepok., 183. сутыкаць ‘to meet’: Пашоў з поезду сутыкаць. Sol.; cf. Lithuanian sutikti. сцібкілі ‘chaff’: Сцібіклі сыплюцца ад льна як трэплем. S. Smilg.; ‘needles’: Сцібіклі хваі і ёлкі. S. Smilg.; ‘dry stalks’: Сцібіклі — вырасты пераў послі лінкі. S. Smilg.; cf. Lithuanian stibiklis ‘needle; bone, stalk’, stibikas ‘point’, stibilas ‘stem, stalk’; cf. also LT, 190. сцібіцьца ‘to stretch upward’: Чaho ты сцібісся. S. Trak.; cf. Lithuanian stiebtis. The lexemes used with the meaning ‘a plant stem without leaves’ are: сцімбір: Сцімбір stands leafless. Juod.; сцімбіро̄к: Сцімбірок in a triangle. Achr.; сцімбӯр: Сцімбӯр is the stem of herbaceous plants. Stral., Sol., Dak.; Сцімбуры have dried up. Gem.; сцімбӯро̄к: Сцімбурок in the grass. Stral.; Сцімбурок of beets. Ind.; цымбӯр: Цымбуроў the cows do not want to eat. Alchouc.; Цымбурэ she broke off from the beets and cooked. Mir.; Only one цымбурэ remained. Malach.; The leafless potato plant is цымбур; Цымбур on which tobacco grows. Dzian., ŽS, 176; цыбӯре̄: Цыбурэ is good for pigs. Karob.; with the meaning ‘the hard shaft of a feather’—сцімбір Juod.; сцімбӯр Rag.; with the meaning ‘leaf stalk’—сцімбӯр Gem., Mas.; ‘stem with a flower’—сцімбӯр Gem.; цымбӯр: Цыбуля ў цымбуры пашла. Met.; Шчаўя мабыць ужо ў цымбуры палезла. ŽS, 176; ‘thistles’—сцімбурэ Gem.; ‘shoots’—сцімбуры: Пусціла сцімбуры картошля. Asip., Masc., Сцімбуры шпарага. Gem.; ‘cords’—цымбӯр: Цымбуром выцяг яго. Alchouc. All these lexemes share the same root and are of Lithuanian origin; cf. Lithuanian stīm-bas ‘thick stem’, stīmbaras ‘stubble’, stīmbarỹs ‘cord’, stīmberas ‘beet stalk’, stīmbaras ‘stem, stalk’; braid of hair, stimbiras, stimburỹs ‘stem, stalk’, stimbirys ‘feather shaft’, etc. The changed phonetics of some of these Belarusian lexemes is most likely the result of adapting a foreign word. For the possible loss of word-initial s in forms with цымб-, cf. karāč, lāmki < skābki; in forms with цымб-, и has arisen from į because of the preceding hard ц. тарляцца ‘to dawdle’: Не тарляйся, рабі, што нада! Kaun.; cf. Lithuanian terliōtis, terlà. трупчэць ‘to crumble’: Трупціць збан, ба трэскуў. Sinš.; Трупціць шклянка. Gut.; cf. Lithuanian trupėti. трыңкаць ‘to play the piano’: Ён трохі трынкая, но не скажу, што добра граіць. Sil.; cf. Lithuanian trinkinti ‘to do something with a clattering, clanging sound’. тӯпча ‘pattering about’: Тупча каля гэтае печы наш ногі адбірая. NS, 24; cf. Lithuanian tūpčius ‘one who keeps squatting’, tūpčioti, tupinėti. 196 цёрнуць ‘to go numb’: Цернуць рукі. Ras.; цёрнуць ‘same meaning’: Цернуць ногі. Krev., Bak., Vostr., Žil., cf. Lithuanian tirpti. цікаваць ‘to lie in wait’: Котка цікуе мышы. Skrud., cf. Lithuanian týkoti. цінцель ‘mashed potatoes’: Цінцельтаўклі і бульбу цікалі таўкачём. Juod., cf. Lithuanian činčėlius ‘same meaning’; see also LKK. — V., 1966, vol. 8, pp. 169–172. цынцаль ‘tassel’: Абригаўшыся спадніца, цынцалі вісяць, от баба ніраха. S. Smilg.; Новы матэрыял і абрыгаўся, сколькі цынцалёў. Achr.; Цынцаль атары, а то вісяць. Juod.; цынцыліць ‘to idle about’: Цынцыліяць дзень пры дні, нівець дзе. Цынцыліяць з хаты у хату… ŽS, 161, cf. Lithuanian tìntalas ‘something that dangles’, činčalas, činčolas ‘swaying ornament’, činčiliuoti ‘to wander about’, činčilija ‘a garden flower whose blossoms dangle like little bells’. чыкі́лда ‘an awkward person’: Якраz з чыкі́лдою нэдакай прыдзяш у нас. NS, 40; зачыкі́лдаць ‘to begin limping and walking awkwardly’: Зачыкі́лдаю: нана баліць. Alchouc.; пачыкі́лдаць ‘to walk away slowly and awkwardly’: Ужэ пачыкі́лдала Алена ў кра-му…NS, 116, cf. Lithuanian čikilda ‘a coarse, ill-mannered woman’. The sentence given in LKŽ, 2, 107 to illustrate the meaning of čikildos—Tokįa tę iš jos merga — čikilda, o ne merga—suggests that the lexeme’s meaning is characterized more by a nuance of inferiority than of ill manners. The lexeme is undoubtedly an onomatopoeic compound, < *čik-kilda (cf. klibilda < klib + bilda; cf. also čiukčiūoža ‘dragging one’s feet’, čiukėnti ‘to walk in short steps’; kildakōjis ‘a lame person’, kildīkšt (of a lame person’s gait), kiūldinti ‘to walk slowly and unsteadily, to shuffle along’. For the possible relationship between čik-: čiuk- and kild-: kild-, cf. šilta: šiulta, etc. Its true cognate (notwithstanding earlier etymological conjectures) is most likely also Russian щеколда (ЭСРЯ, 4, 500). чыршкулі ‘cracklings’: Каша з чыршкулямі. Achr., Juod., cf. Lithuanian čirškuliai ‘same meaning’. шална́ ‘hoarfrost’: Дзісь шална — усё бела бела. Meg., cf. Lithuanian šalnà. швэ́пля ‘a slovenly person’ Sal., Bak.; швэ́пла ‘same meaning’: У цябе вельмі непрыстойны від, ходзіш як швэпла, NS, 138. We agree that the lexemes should be connected with Lithuanian švėplas ‘speaking indistinctly’, švėplė ‘a woman who lisps’. шкіле́нда ‘skilandis’: На палудзень узялі шкілэнды кавалак і хлеба абяртню. NS, 15; шкіле́ндзік ‘same meaning’ Gaz.; шкіле́нда ‘same meaning’: Шкіле́нды ў гэтым годзе паелі да лета… NS, 48; шкіле́нда ‘blood or potato sausage’ Čech.; шкіле́ндра ‘same meaning’: Шкіле́ндра з чэртай бульбы смачнейшая чым з крупамі. NS, 138; шкіле́ндра ‘same meaning’ Bak.; шкіле́нда dialectal ‘lip’: Адсвеіў шкіле́нду. Mir. The lexemes derive from Lithuanian skilandis; see also Urb., 156. Their variant forms and shades of meaning suggest that such variation may have arisen because the referent had in practice fallen out of use, and in connection with its differing adaptation in various Belarusian dialects. шло́кшыны ‘bast’: Шлокшыны дзёрам з ляшчыны. S. Trak. The lexeme derives from Lithuanian sluoksną ‘same meaning’; cf. LT, 189. шлу́бы ‘lame’: Ён даўно шлу́бы. Skrud., cf. Lithuanian šlìbas. шуплава́ты ‘somewhat clumsy’: Ён такі шуплава́ты. Kir., cf. Lithuanian žiòplas. шурпулі ‘shudders’: Шурпулі ідуць па спіне. Skrud., cf. Lithuanian šiurpuliai. шынтыклюр ‘a long old-fashioned skirt with folds widening toward the hem’: Шынтыклюр не каждая насіла, не ў каждай быў. V. Baj.; In former times, in the shi- 197 мытыклорų the women used to go to kasčėl. It is clear that, since the realia has long since fallen out of use and the lexeme is brought back from oblivion only in recollections of old people about times past, the word itself is unclear and its formation opaque. Moreover, its true form may also have been somewhat forgotten and therefore distorted. We have been unable to find words of similar or parallel formation and meaning in Belarusian or in the languages of their neighbors, Russian and Polish. Semantically and formally, шынтыклёр resembles Lithuanian compounds such as šimtaklōstis (or the hybrid šimtakvōldis), šimtasiūlis, šimtasklypis, šimtasā̃kis, šimtaziedis. Lithuanian also has words such as skliūras ‘strip, piece of material, remnant’ and kliūrmas ‘piece’, whose semantics and form, one might say, almost coincide with the second component — клоп. Its first component, шынты-, likewise strongly resembles Lithuanian šimtas, especially its distorted form šīntas, cited by Vaižgantas as an authentic feature of Lithuanian colloquial speech9. Consequently, there are sound grounds for considering Belarusian шынтыклёр a lexeme of Lithuanian origin, derived from Lithuanian šimtas and skliūras (or kliūrmas), and distorted through the adaptation of a foreign word in Belarusian dialects or through its being forgotten. Similar distortions of the forms of some words also occur in Lithuanian. For example, take the words of a well-known riddle: čimčiūbis dešimčiūbis, a water bird with one leg (a cabbage), where čimčiūbis is in fact none other than šimtsūbis ‘wearing a hundred coats’, while dešimčiūbis is dešimtsūbis ‘wearing ten coats’. юдзіць ‘to hurt’: Трошки юдзіць, п’еш лядное зеле. Alchouc.; юдыты ‘to lead astray’: Куды ён юдыты. NL, 99; з’юдзіць ‘to persuade someone to do something bad’ Alchouc.; Узью- дзіцца ‘to become agitated’: Узьюдзілася дзея сянодня, цэлы дзень нідзе нікому спакою. ŽS, 97–98. The lexemes are borrowed from Lithuanian jūdinti ‘to hurt, ache; to move emotionally, stir; to prompt someone to do something’, jūdinys ‘commotion, confusion’. з’юдзіць ‘to blacken, vilify, slander’: Зюдзила яна яно. Bagr., cf. Lithuanian jūdinti ‘same’; jūdėti ‘to turn black’. юдра ‘flax weed’: Юдра — як лён, только калючая, вяршок коліцца. Rag.; юдрыца ‘same’: Юдрыца расце і ў жыце, зярнюшка нібальшое, мякіны многа. Bal., cf. Lithuanian judra, jūdrė ‘flax weed’. юрдька ‘a group of mischievous children’: Юрдька — так наворяць у нас на малых дзяцей, калі яны зьбіраюцца грумадой. ŽS, 19, cf. Lithuanian jūrdinti ‘to tease, stir up, incite, urge, set on’, jūrytis ‘to rage’, jūršti ‘to stir up, muddle’, jūrštvas ‘thicket’, jūrti ‘to churn, become stirred up’. яя ‘a shed extension for drying flax’ Čyč., cf. Lithuanian jāuja, see also Urb., 58–59. яура ‘jaura’: Яура — як ныліна: на яўры слаба расцець. Яўра сіняватая, ні то белая, ні то жоўтая. Achr., Juod.; яўура ‘same’: Явура — земля нянілістая, а такая падзолістая, цяжкая, да ей бог садзілі і ячмень сеялі. Mag., яўрысты ‘jaura-like’: Яўрыстая зямля. Achr., cf. Lithuanian jaura, jāurinis. The article examines about 300 words of Lithuanian origin currently used in northwestern Belarusian dialects and indicates their geographical distribution. Most of them have not previously been known or mentioned in any detail. On the basis of the material presented, certain conclusions can be drawn: 9 See History of Lithuanian Literature. — V., 1961, vol. 3, part 1, p. 270. 198 1. When Lithuanian words enter Belarusian dialects, they adapt to them and conform to their rules, acquiring a Slavic ending, suffix, or prefix. However, the root of such a word remains unchanged the longest, resists this leveling most strongly, and often retains the dialectal phonetics characteristic of Lithuanian dialects for longer (cf. грумэца, кумида, нимна, сӯспары, сӯтра, etc.). In general, however, the phonetics, as well as the morphology and semantics, of loanwords are constantly changing. This change gives rise to certain more pronounced regularities. Among the more notable changes, it has been observed that the form of words that have become Belarusianized is often simplified. First, the root vocalism narrows: Lithuanian a becomes o (pašinas — pōшань), ai — oi (paišos — pōйцы), am — om (samtis — сомчик), ar — or (daržas — дорж); root diphthongs are monophthongized: ei — э (geibti — гэбнуць), uo — o (akuotas — akōma); a consonant in a diphthong is dropped (stimbaras — цыбурэ); an initial consonant is lost (viksvà — іксва); a consonant in a consonant cluster is omitted (žvirblis — жырбуль); voiced consonants become voiceless (laužai — лаўцы); voiceless consonants become voiced (kėblas — гэблы); consonants or individual syllables switch places (virtinė — вянцёрка), and so on. As it changes in this way, the vocalism of the Lithuanian word creates entirely new, previously unfamiliar and atypical Baltic–Slavic vocalic patterns. Among these, particularly noteworthy is the monophthongization of Lithuanian au to o (kriaušis — кро̄па, pautai — pōмки, alaušai — алёц). As a Lithuanianism becomes Slavicized, individual vowels in its root are often changed to their regular Belarusian equivalents: Lithuanian u becomes i (bužinėti — біжуковаць), i — ы (klišas — клышавы; cf. also Lithuanian Liūtupis < Leñtupis and Belarusian Лынтупы). 2. The stress of such words most often adapts to Belarusian accentuation rules (cf. ikcva, kampryčia, kėniua, kinicka, kūšla, pūntra); however, when Lithuanian accentuation does not conflict with Slavic accentuation, the lexemes retain their original Lithuanian stress (įvalka, kilna, kipāna, kórpstauna, kōcių, kėblų, láktų, márika, próga, rácų, stumá, šimérgla, etc.). 3. Morphology also undergoes significant changes: the grammatical gender of a word often changes (pentinas — панціна, stuomuõ — стума́), as does its number (ragaišis — рагойшы), and so on. In Belarusian dialects, the morphemes of a borrowed word lose their morphological meaning and are no longer perceived or treated as separate parts of the word. As a result, the entire stem of such words is perceived as a root, to which Slavic morphemes are attached; however, these do not always give the derivative a new meaning and sometimes serve merely as an indication of its Slavicization (cf. кrópelki < krūopėlės + ki). The root understood in this way generally loses its connection with other words in the same word family, becoming isolated and solitary, and becoming detached from its meaning. In connection with this, such a root may begin to undergo irregular distortions. 4. Sometimes an entire prepositional phrase is borrowed, and in the soil of Belarusian dialects it forms a single lexeme (: зло́паны, снаді́ба́). 5. The semantics of words also undergo certain changes: a word’s meaning sometimes changes. For example, šveplas, ‘one who cannot pronounce certain sounds’, has become шевеля in Belarusian dialects, with the meaning ‘someone who is untidy’, and so on. 6. On the basis of the root phonetics of certain loans in Belarusian dialects, it may be inferred that lexemes with analogous roots may also have been used earlier in Lithuanian dialects. 199 forms and more widely (cf. камтрыца < памтрыца < ратмірэ + ica; cf. also LKA, 1, 140 and map no. 70). 7. Some Belarusian words discussed here, along with their phonetic variants, allow other words in Belarusian (in our view, related to them), including those used in their literary language, to be reinterpreted and etymologized in a new way (: клюшни). 8. The article encounters cases in which loans from Belarusian dialects provide new material that makes it possible to reconsider the etymologies of individual Lithuanian and Russian words (: pumpurė, liūrba; узелода, каблук ‘дуга, лука’), and cases in which their phonetic variants allow conclusions to be drawn about the different dates at which such variants were borrowed (клишывы, клышавы). All these and other language-development processes taking place in the area under study shape new patterns of adaptation for Baltic–Slavic loanwords10. Abbreviations Асm. — Аўмінава Навагрудці р.* Achr. — Ахрэмаўцы Браслаўскі р. Ad. — Адэльск Гродзенскі р.* Akač. — Акачы Слонімскі р.* Al. — Алексічы Бераставіцкі р.* Alb. — Альба Нясвіжскі р. Alch. — Альхоўка Навагрудскі р. Alchouc. — Альхоўцы Ляхавіцкі р. Ap. — Аміта Іўеўскі р. Араш. — Арашонкава Г. У., Грынаўецкене А. І., Мацкевіч Ю. Ф., Рамановіч Я. М., Чабярук А. І., Шаталава Л. Ф. Лексіка балтыйскага паходжання ў беларускіх гаворках. — В кн.: Беларуская лінгвістыка, Мінск, 1973(3). с. 27–37. As. — Асаевец Вілейскі р.* Azir. — Асіпаўцы Воранаўскі р.* Az. — Азьяраны Рагачоўскі р. Až. — Ажэлішкі Воранаўскі р. Bag. — Багушэвічы Бярэзінскі р. Bagr. — Багранайцы Шчучынскі р.* Baj. — Баярск Смаргонскі р.* Bak. — Баціш Іўеўскі р. Bal. — Валожын Даўгіло р., Lat. TSR Bast. — Бастуны Воранаўскі р. Berd. — Бердаўка Навагрудскі р.* Berš. — Бершты Шчучынскі р.* Bis. — Біскупцы Лідскі р.* Bistr. — Быстрыца Астравецкі р. br. — Belarusian Buik. — Буйкі Дзятлаўскі р.* Cel. — Целокаўшчызна Іўеўскі р.* Cham. — Хамі́чы Зэльвенскі р.* Čech. — Чэхі Астравецкі р.* 10 The article is based on a paper delivered at the IV All-Union Conference of Balticists, held in Riga in 1980. 200 Čyč. — Čyčėliai, Švenčionys District Č. Sel. — Чырвонае Сяло, Zelva District* ДАБМ — Дыялекталагічны атлас беларускай мовы. — Мінск, 1963. Dain. — Дайнава, Voranava District Dak. — Дакудава, Lida District Dan. — Данілавічы, Dziaržynsk District Dang. — Даўгялі, Voranava District Dub. — Дубнікі, Astravets District* Dubr. — Дубаройка, Smarhoń District* Dziag. — Дзегенева, Astravets District Dzian. — Дзяніскавічы, Hantsavichy District Dzmit. — Дзмітравічы, Kamianets District ЭСБМ — Этымалагічны слоўнік беларускай мовы. — Мінск, 1978, т. 1. ЭСЯРЯ — Фасмер М. Этимологический словарь русского языка. Перевод с немецкого и дополнения О. Н. Трубачева. — М., 1964—1973, т. 1—4. Gal. — Галубы, Mastow District* Gaz. — Газа, Astravets District* Gem. — Gemžai, Šalčininkai District Gl. — Галоўні, Voranava District* Gol. — Гольні, Berastavitsa district.* Golm. — Гольманцішкі, Voranava district.* Grauż. — Граўжышкі, Ashmyany district. Grik. — Grikėnai Vilnius district Gruz. — Груздава, Pastavy district. Gur. — Gurshchyna, Iŭjeŭski district* Gut. — Huta, Dziatlava district* Ind. — Indra Krāslava district, Latvian SSR Jan. — Janavičy, Navahrudak district* Juod. — Jodlavičy, Brasłaŭ district Kad. — Kadzishki, Lida district* Kalan. — Kalantai, Vawkavysk district* Kales. — Kaleshniki, Byarozava district* Kar. — Karalin, Zelva district* Karob. — Karobchytsy, Hrodna district* Kasc. — Kasianova, Shchuchyn district* Kat. — Каты, Smarhon district* Kaun. — Каўняны, Hrodna district Kir. — Кірапі, Shchuchyn district Kem. — Кемёны, Voranava district Klad. — Кладнікі, Іўе district* Krab. — Карабы, Ashmyany district* Krap. — Крапіўніца, Svislach district* Krb. — Каробчыцы, Hrodna district* Krev. — Kreva, Smarhon district Kuch. — Кухары, Mosty district* Kud. — Kudelionys, Šalčininkai district Kur. — Кураполле, Pastavy district la. — Latvian Lag. — Лагадзі, Shchuchyn district* Laip. — Laipuškės, Švenčionys district 201 Lap. — Лапічы Асіповіцкі р. Laum. — Laumane B. Zvju nosaukumi latviešu valodā. — Rīga, 1973. Laz. — Лаздуны Іўеўскі р. le. — Polish LEW — Fraenkel E. Litauisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. — Heidelberg–Göttingen, 1952–1965. lie. — Lithuanian Lisn. — Ліcha Верхнядзвінскі р. Lit. — Літвінкі Гродзенскі р.* Liub. — Любянцы Воранаўскі р.* LKA — Lietuvių kalbos atlasas. — V., 1977, t. 1. LKG — Lietuvių kalbos gramatika. — V., 1965, t. 1. Loz. — Лозк Дзятлаўскі р.* LT — Lithuanian Terminology. — LKK. V., 1975, vol. 16. Mač. — Мачаск Бярэзінскі р. Mag. — Магуны Пастаўскі р. Mak. — Макі Астравецкі р.* Mal. — Малі Астравецкі р. Malach. — Малахоўцы Барысаўскі р. Malk. — Malkūnai, Ignalina district Mas. — Масілавічы Слонімскі р. Masc. — Мастяны, Astravets District* Maš. — Машэвічкі, Karelichy District* M.Asc. — Малыя Аўцюкі, Kalinkavichy District Meg. — Мягуны, Voranava District* Mer. — Мярэцкія, Hlybokaye District Met. — Метраполь, Navahrudak District* Mich. — Міхнічы, Smarhon District* Michail. — Міхайлоўшчына, Ashmyany District* Mik. — Мікалкі, Svislach District* Mir. — Міратчы, Karelichy District Miš. — Мішневічы, Shumilina District M. Pug. — Малыя Пугачы, Shchuchyn District* Msc. — Мсцібава, Vaŭkavysk District Navas. — Навасёлкі, Svislach District* Nek. — Некрашы, Iŭje District* Nepok. — Непокунный А. П. Балто-севернославянские языковые связи. — Киев, 1976. niek — derogatorily Nist. — Ністанішкі Смаргонскі р. Niz. — Нізок Уздзенскі р. NL — Народная лексіка. — Мінск, 1977. NS — Народная словатворчасць. — Мінск, 1979. Pa. — Панара Смаргонскі р.* Pac. — Пацаўшчына Дзятлаўскі р. Padv. — Падвялікае Дзятлаўскі р.* Pag. — Пагародна Воранаўскі р.* Pal. — Папяшкішкі Воранаўскі р. Pan. — Панарцы Астравецкі р.* Par. — Парэчча Гродзенскі р. Parch. — Пархімаўцы Бераставіцкі р.* Pas. — Пасека Старадарожскі р. 202 Per. — Перачанцы Voranava district.* perk. — перекільне рейкшме, перекільне рейкшме. Pl. — Палік Baranavichy district. Pr. — Пероўцы Voranava district.* Priv. — Прывалкі Hrodna district.* Psn. — Пасіене Ludza town, Latvian SSR Pug. — Пугачы Shchuchyn district.* r. — Russian Rag. — Raguliški Daugavpils town, Latvian SSR Rak. — Ракавіна Shchuchyn district.* Rakaus. — Rakauskai Švenčionys district Ryb. — Рыбчына Vileyka district Rym. — Рымшаки Shchuchyn district.* Rud. — Рудня Cherven district Rud. Astr. — Рудня Астравітая Cherven district Rudn. — Rūdninkai Šalčininkai district Sal. — Саланове Vileyka district Salen. — Саленікі Karelichy district.* Sam. — Самаравічы Zelva district.* Sap. — Сапоцкіна Hrodna district. СБГ — Dictionary of Belarusian dialects of north-western Belarus and its borderland. – Minsk, 1979, vol. 1; Minsk, 1980, vol. 2; 1982, vol. 3. S. Dal. — Сухая Даліна Hrodna district.* SEJP — Sławski F. Etymological Dictionary of the Polish Language. – Kraków, 1958–1965, vol. 2. Sem. — Семежава Slutsk district. SGP — Dictionary of Polish Dialects, compiled by Karłowicz J. – Kraków, 1901, vol. 2. Sin. — Сінкі Smarhon district. Sinš. — Сіняўшчына Ivye district.* Skrud. — Skrudaliena Daugavpils, Latvian SSR. Sl. — Слязкі Voranava district.* Sol. — Солы Smarhon district. S. Sel. — Старое Сяло Zelva district. S. Smilg. — Старые Смільгіни Voranava district. S. Trak. — Senieji Trakai Trakai district Stral. — Стральцы Hrodna district.* Stuk. — Стукалы Mosty district.* Sur. — Сураж Ivye district.* Šiaul — Šiauliai Šalčininkai district Šč. — Шчаўец Shchuchyn district.* Šil. — Шылавічы Slonim district.* Šved. — Švedai Vilnius district Šveil. — Швейляны Astravyets district.* tarm. — dialectally Tuch. — Тухавічы Lyakhavichy district. Tur. — Турэц Karelichy district.* Uchv. — Ухвала Krupki district. Ug. — Угляны Smarhon district.* Urb. — Urbutis V. Lithuanianisms in modern Belarusian. – Baltistica, 1969, vol. 5(1), pp. 43–68, vol. 5(2), pp. 149–162. 203 Uš. — Уша Караліцкі р.* Ušat. — Ушацкі р. Vais. — Вайстром Смаргонскі р.* Vait. — Вайцяны Астравецкі р.* Val. — Вальынцы Верхнядзвінскі р. Var. — Варакі Шчучынскі р.* Vas. — Васілевічы Гродзенскі р. Vav. — Вавёрка Лідскі р.* V. Baj. — Вялікія Баяры Шчучынскі р. Vec. — Вецярэвічы Пухавіцкі р. V. Nest. — Вялікія Нястанавічы Лагойскі р. Vostr. — Вострава Мастоўскі р. Vug. — Вугальнікі Шчучынскі р.* Zb. — Збляны Лідскі р. Zd. — Zdańcewicz Z. Litewskie elementy słownikowe w gwarach polskich okolic Sejn. – Lingva Posnaniensis. Poznań, 1960, t. 8. Žid. — Zhidzevichy, Hvyeyetski district. Žil. — Zhyli, Hvyeyetski district. Žod. — Zhodishki, Smarhonski district. ŻS — Жывое слова. – Мінск, 1978. LEXICON OF LITHUANIAN ORIGIN IN BELARUSIAN DIALECTS OF THE LITHUANIAN BORDERLAND Summary This article examines about 300 words and word forms of Lithuanian origin currently used in northwestern Belarusian dialects. In addition to indicating their distribution and illustrating their use in sentences, the article identifies and substantiates their Lithuanian correspondences, presents the etymologies of some lexemes, and discusses how they entered the Belarusian language system. Most of the lexemes examined in the article are presented here for the first time. 204