Dėl prūsų Enchiridiono vertimo

LITHUANIAN LANGUAGE QUESTIONS XXXVI (1996) LITHUANIAN LANGUAGE: RESEARCHERS AND STUDIES From the archives From Archives From archives Mr. Jurgis GERULIS Leipzig ON THE EVALUATION OF THE PRUSIAN ENCHIRIDION* It is known and understandable that the Prussian Enchiridion language is evaluated quite differently. After all, it is not possible to prove mathematically exactly how much the poor language of this text conveys the spoken language of the time, or how much its untidy form is attributable to the inability of Abel Willi. Leskien, Brūckner, Bernecker, Endzelynas and others strongly condemned Willy. Bezzenberger, Trautmann and perhaps van Wijk hold a more moderate position, but in essence the two opinions are not as different as it seems at first reading the works. The aforementioned scholars would probably subscribe to what Bezzenberger says in KZ** 41,67: "So that... I am not misunderstood, I want to make it clear once and for all: I also think that his Prussian language is horrible, and the translation often very careless. It is important for me to correctly reproach her and her speech. " As has been said, there is no agreement on the degree of reproach alone. Eduard Hermann thinks differently. In its article KZ 47, 147 et seq. he declares that Abel Willis is a good Prussian speaker who has done his job honestly and orderly. In other words, it probably means that Willis did his job as well or as badly as his contemporaries Mažvydas or Vilentas; actually even better, because, I think, Mažvydo translations are sometimes at least poor and simply incomprehensible without the original. After all, how can one single statement or one single form, which Hermann considers to be correct, i.e. the one used by all in the Pobethen area about 1560, be proved to be false? This can easily be done, for example, in the Latvian Catechism of 1586, based on the living language. Even if I knew the place, I would still think it unnecessary to calculate and more or less convincingly justify what I think is unprussian in Enchiridion, and thus Will's fault. I will confine myself here to a few essential or purely historical remarks, gathered from sources which are partly not so easily understood. I will touch the translation itself only occasionally. * Translated from: Georg Gerullis, Zur Beurteilung des altpreussischen Taira —Streitberg-Festgabe, Leipzig: Markert u. Petters Verlag, 1924, The authors of this LKK volume sincerely thank Prof. Ikuo Murata (Tokyo) for giving you the above-mentioned book. 0 KZ = Journal of Comparative Linguistics in the Field of Indo-European Languages. Begr. von A. K u h n. Berlin, 1952 t.t. - Red. 199 When examining the ar advantages and disadvantages of Enchiridion, there are important du questions: 1. ar Willis spoke Prussian well? ; if he paid, 2. then the mixed ją text language ar is accurate 1560 m. image of the Prussian ar language, because Will's inability as an interpreter? 1 As is known, Abel Willis was Sembos (Samland) Pabėčių, near "Sudauischer Winkel", pastor. He was first mentioned there in., but probably 1554 worked there earlier, because the predecessor jo Michaelis Willis left Pabécius 1540 m., D. H. Arnoldt, short description News from all since the Reformation... in Preachers of East Prussia, p.29 1777, (Samland). Ta the fact that both have the same ta surname, and, of that, be 1527 m. kazkokiam Mathijui Will was assigned Kulmo" right mill Pabėčiuose (AltpreuB. Monthly publications 11, 536), allows many= ti that Abelis Willis came from a local German iš family and, since he was entrusted with the translation of Enchiridion, was probably known for his fluency in the spoken jį Prussian language. Aš I will present the documents ir immediately. - But how Abelis Did Willis speak Prussian? Often mentioned here Abelium Willio A letter written to Funk in which he complains that iš jo removed translator (New PreuB. Prov. sheets, other Sequence VII, t.), every 396 objectively deciding would cause the same thought as tą Leskieno, Die Declination im Slav.-Lit.u.Germ., p. 60., note: "This text probably does not need any comment: the pastor did not know Prussian at all or knew it very badly." ją 'Cause every Sunday is a translator's day (nowadays this man had to work his own or the landlord's land), he, of course, is not able to preach jo himself in Prussian etc. ir But I do not understand that Hermann, also Bezzenbergeris ir Trautman isn't upset about the interpreter! After all, the letter in this case is worthless, compared to that, both sides did not su notice. ko Iš of the aforementioned Arnoldt work, op. cit., p. 30, it turns out that The parish of Pabėčiai had another pastor for be a while because of its size. "deacon" (auxiliary priest), under the o po heading "Diaconi" Arnold declares: 'At first they had an interpreter'. We certainly know that Paulius Sunderis, Abelio Will's deacon when he 1558 m. arrived į St. Lorenz to pastorate, performed his official duties as an interpreter su (Arnoldt op. cit., p. 27, 28), o iš 1569 m. iSummons (OstpreuB. Foliant 1277, State Archives) shows that There was no interpreter in Pabėčiai at the time (p. 68)". Only in that case 1 K.N. Later OstpreuB. Foliant 1271, p. 187", po 1543 (ar 15417)m. aš I found this note: "P 0 but h e n. Inter Parochum et Molitorem Meister Mats Būbisch or Will Loui Domini Michaelis frater est) discordia I'm not sure... Vault Maximum Molitor domain Michaelis filium habere parochum Pobethensis Ecclesiae Accusabat parochum Quod... Item das Er Not through Einen The interpreter preached”. /” Oh, yeah. Pastor the ir Millworker Matas Beebish or Willis (he is Mr. Michael's brother) disagreed for quite a long time... For the miller wants the lord Michael's son would be Pastor of the Church. Accused the pastor of... He also interprets sermons.”/ be Ar Abelis Willis preached in poor Prussian? However, it was considered an honour to do be without an interpreter. This is clearly emphasized by the bishop op. cit., p. 189“ during the visitation Heiligenkreutze (in the corner of Suduvius): "S. Crux, Parochus est diligens in Officio. Exact Nouit Prutenice. Nec eget Interpreter Or one The interpreter”. /*S. C r u x. Pastor carefully performs his duties. He taught Prussian well. He does not need an interpreter.- Be ”/ since this priest attracted the visitor’s 1543 (15417) m. attention with his knowledge of the Prussian language, he contributed to the 1545 m Prussian Translation of the Catechism. It was probably Casparas Sander, who, according to Arnoldto, op. cit., p. 6, was the first priest in Heiligenkreutze known by name. He could have ! | i 200 been employed as an interpreter if Abel Wlli's successor did not speak Prussian (p.43Y)%. The fact that he was helped by a former translator, "who probably knew the language už better than others", "corrected the translation", due to the difficulty of the text, does not allow any conclusions to be drawn about the lack of language skills. Also Hermann's reproach KZ 47, 149 means that Duke Albrecht had more Prussian-speaking clergymen, and he did not have to choose someone "who did not even distinguish the Prussian vowels and numbers". The choice of the translator was taken care of by the manor preacher Funk, to whom Willis also turns as his "godfather". Funck had gained the greatest favour of the Duke, but with the barons and almost with the court clergy he lived in the greatest disagreement. sa Only a few clergymen were Osianderists and at the same time members of Funk's party. There were only three of them in Sembo, among them Abel Willis (Ch. Hartknoch, PreuB. Church history 1686, p. 366). Willis savo Enchiridion used an ir 1558 m. agenda that many rejected as Osianderist- *. When Funke was overthrown by his enemies and even executed in 1566, Willis was thrown into prison (Arnoldt op. cit., p. 29). With the fanatical hatred that divided the Osianderists and the Neosianderists in that year, it could not be that Funke would have given the task to one of his enemies rather than to a comrade, even though the latter might have refused to take as a basis the 1558 agenda that Funke and Duke Albrecht tried to push through. On these ugly religious disputes, see C. A. Hase, Herzog Albrecht von Preufen und sein Hofprediger, p. 205 et seq. Only on the basis of direct evidence can we try to answer the question of whether Willis knew the Prussian language well or only poorly, which is not yet possible. The only thing that is now established is that Willis performed the Prussian service himself. So the only criterion is still the language. Of course, she is extremely confused. Funny, limbs, figures change almost any way. Who, like me, has grown up in a bilingual country, will remember well many German pastors, who in similar Lithuanian potter’s language speak sermons on Sundays. The parish does not understand much of the meaning of this vaping. (Forgive the strong saying, but it unfortunately sometimes applies). Did the Prussians who visited the church understand the content better? My sense of language, which is, of course, entirely subjective, suggests to me that they, especially from this Enchiridion, could understand even less… Hermann is, of course, also firmly convinced of the contrary. His translation, without paying attention to details, is successful and at the time was really Prussian. In order to make this seem convincing, he makes various claims about the Prussian language of that time, which have already been made in part by others, but not without limitation. Based on current works, let's check how much he is right! So far, not only Hermann, but we all say that around 1560 the Prussian language was dying or almost dying. This is true only of time 1575 m. 3 Of the Semba churches listed in this volume, in 1569 only one, Judittys near Karaliaučius, did not need an interpreter. In Rūdava (Rudau), Pabėčiai, St. Lorenz, if the pastor did not speak Prussian, such an interpreter had to be there; so the pastors of that time knew Prussian. In Wargen, Schaken, Postnicken and Caymen, the interpreters were paid salaries. : 3 Afsl Ph XXXIX, 66 I mention the agenda “inspired by Osiander- ”, but I do not notice that Osiander was already dead in 1552. 201 but not exactly the way we imagine it. In fact, there can be no doubt that around 1700 the Prussian language, in general, was dead (cf. Trautmann, AltpreuB. Sprachdenkmäler VII t.). However, even after 1700, it could have survived in some remote place for several decades as a home language, as today in another Curonian (Latvian) family in the Curonian Spit, where Latvian is spoken only at home, otherwise Lithuanian, or mutatis mutandis in some former Vilnius Governorate-sub-Belarusian Lithuanian villages. The remains of such a village are often not noticed by contemporaries. The Prussian language probably died out very quickly, because it was still relatively common around 1625, so it finally disappeared after 75 years! Until now, it has been relied on the words of David's 1625 preface to the Psalter, that then only in places along the Semba coast was spoken Prussian: "the old Prussian language, which still in Prussia, j In Fischhausen, Žiogai and Labguva (Labiau) coast and at the Curonian Lagoon some people use it." However, Mr. Dr. Krollmann from Karaliaučius* found in the archives of the house of Prince Dohna an inscription from about 1620, in which the Prussian Burggrave Christoph Dohna (born 1583) notes: In his childhood, the housewives had to speak three languages in order to communicate with the mercenaries: German, Polish and Prussian. His uncle, Burggraf Fabian Dohna, told him that when Melchior, Baron von Rodern (see Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie 29, 23), visited Dohna in Moronge (Mohrungen) in 1581, he was surprised by his Prussian language. As he learned languages very quickly, he later wrote several letters to the young count's mother in Prussian. Thus in 1581 even in the western part of the Prussian language area, in Pomesanien, the Prussian language was still alive, and if in the childhood of the Count, around 1590, the Prussian mercenaries were not yet bilingual, then around 1620 the Prussians used their old language, although in addition to German. This is confirmed by Arnoldt op. cit., p. 28, stating that in St. Lawrence, on the straightest road 7 km from Pabėčiai, until 1602 sermons had to be given with an interpreter. Thus, only after 1600 were the Prussians of Semba bilingual and did not need an interpreter during the services. We should not be misled by the names of the inhabitants of the Prussian villages at that time (in the visitation registers). Almost all of them are Christian and Germanic, while the 1404 Semba farm and plot books and subsequent deeds are mostly written in Prussian. This is the strictly enforced order of Bishop Michael of Semba (1425). pasekmė (H. F. Jacobson, History of the Sources of Church Law I, 1, p. 127, preface): "ut pueros suos per corum plebanos baptizatos nec in flumis: nibus nec alias rebaptisent aut alia nomina imposant quam eis in baptismo sunt imposita- ". /"that you baptize your children by priests, but do not re-baptise them in rivers or other places, or give them other names than those given to them at baptism- ". Remove the arrow However, already in Willi’s time it was possible to speak about the dying Prussian language just as reasonably as about the present-- day Lithuanian language in East Prussia, south of the Nemunas. But what Hermann and others mean by saying "dying", it cannot be admitted until evidence is provided. Of course, in this period of the language all this could be what the otherwise uneducated reader considers the biggest mistakes of the translator. For example, "Therefore we must fear his wrath" in Abel Willi's Prussian translation reads as follows: "Stesse paggan turrimai me noūmas biaiwi per tennčison nertien (Trautmann op. cit. x 4 Let there be again thanks for the good news. 202 29,11). In Latin it would be... debemus nos timere per eorum iracundiam. Or "For hosts and hostesses" Steimans (dgs. naud.) Buta Rikians (dgs. gal.) bhe Buttas waispattin (vns. gal.). The pronoun stas "kuris" mot. family vns. is particularly varied. kilm. In Willi's translation, it may take the following forms: steises, stesses, steisei, steisei, steise, stessei, stesse, steison, steisan, stetson. Where in the living language does this happen!? The same situation should be repeated in the southern part of Prussian Lithuania today, but there the Lithuanian language is dying in a very different way: po 1750 m. Donelaitis wrote his hymns in the wonderful Lithuanian language in Tolminkiemis, where Lithuanian language was no longer spoken around 1850. Abel Willis translated it between 1550 and 1561, about 100 years before the language died out. To the south of the Nemunas you can still find villages where grandparents still speak fluent Lithuanian, of course, not confusing forms like Willis, but using many Germanisms in the dictionary, even in everyday sayings. Their children still understand their mother tongue, some also speak it fluently, but very reluctantly. The grandchildren speak only German. Hermann says that around 1560 Prussian was a mixed language. In addition to German, it was also influenced by Polish, Lithuanian, Latvian and Suevian languages. There was no influence of Polish and Lithuanian languages in the Semba delta; The latter never penetrated through Deime to the west, except for a few settlements of political refugees or prisoners from the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. And the Curonians (already melted?) lived around 1550 in Semba, especially in the coastal area, but only Vagi, Non diu Uno in loco Manentes /Vagabonds, not staying long in one place/ (Bezzenberger, Kur. Nehrung, p. 264/104/). Anyway, in Willi’s Prussian language I can find neither Lithuanian nor Latvian, and the polonisms are old. All that's left are the sweets. For almost 300 years they lived near Pabėčiai and even in Pabėčiai parish they could be found (see below). But let’s listen to what the former rector of the Leipzig Thomaner School and the then Prutenis et populus et regio Sudawen vocatur,- ... habetgue supra XXXII vicos... /Prussians are called both the people and the region of the Sudawen- ... and they have more than 32 villages.../ (A. Aurifaber, Succini historia /Amber history/ Königsberg 1551, chapter 2 mentions only 20) Sunt autem indigenae, quorum pauci admodum germanicam linguam novere, sed suam quandam linguam habent barbaram, qua etiam reliquum fere Prutenorum vulgus utit ur. Pertinaciter semper studuit haec gens maiorum suorum -vestitum, rituum et cultum servare, nec iunxerunt cum finitimis Prutenis matrimonia...Haec, inquam, et alia id genus multa perti- * nater servaverunt illi, donec cum vicinis Prutenis tandem ab annis vingt, instantibus praefectibus, coniugia contrahere coacti sunt. He is also known for his ability to steal the hearts of people, and for his ability to make them believe that he is the only one who has the power to change the future, and that he is the only one who has the power to change the past, and that he is the only one who has the power to change the present, and that he is the only one who has the power to change the future. When Praetorius in Acta Borussica II, 82 writes that the Prussian language in Semba because of ”Silesia and Poland wininky became confusum Chaos”, Bezzenberger applies this remark broadly to port relations (Kur. Nehrung 266(106)). In the very Semba ”vytininamg "there was no room. | In Festschrift A. Bezzenberger, p. 44 et seq., I unfortunately omitted this remark by accident. 203 the inhabitants, of whom only a few knew German, but spoke some kind of their own barbaric kali ba, which is used by almost all other Prussians. ir Si The tribe always persisted in maintaining their ancestors' dress, religious customs, way of life, ir did not marry neighboring su Prussians... I would say that this and many other ir things the family persisted in ši preserving until finally, after twenty years, they were forced to marry | neighboring Prussians, with the intervention of the su prefects. It happened that from the old of their customs gradually moved away, but to date hardly from the old paganism of the old superstitions abstains. ir Many have jų neither willingly obeyed the pope before, nor now sincerely endorse the gospel, but secretly continue to adhere to their old religious customs.” (P. Tschackert, = Certificate Book to History of the Reformation Herzogthums Prussia II, t.). 335 So years ago 10 before I ir II The Prussian catechism printing only a few of the Suduves speak German. They are generally so closed, that the authorities had to force them to | become even Prussians, about this is written in the preface su of the Catechism: I ir II = But the Sudovians, although jų their language is a little worse, understand this Prussian language, as the printed catechism, and probably use it to understand all the words. ir 4 Ir C. Hennenbergeris (Erclerung der Preiissischen gréssern Landtaffel * 1595, p. 445) tells us when the amber Joh. Fuchsias (į 1567) Merteno | Windtmiillerio (1564 m. was Knypavos (Kneiphof) member of the city council) in honour ordered 10 to invite Sūduvai dancers, neither one iš jų did not speak German. š Iš of these two records we learn things. du Firstly, that the Suduvic language could not corrupt the Prussian language. Ji itself was only a dialect of the Prussian languageAr ." this concerns ir Mr. Pastor Heiligenkreutze, in the middle of the marshes (Ostpreußen. Speak. 1271, p. 189“): "Exactly. Nouit Prutenice. Nec eget Interprete" Or one The interpreter”. / "He knew Prussian perfectly. There is no need for a translator."/ Po to: at least the Sõmeru language could not be Germanized in any way. This is contradicted by both of these reports. Bet The refugees were limited su Sūduva, ir even in the middle In the village there lived a pastor. Kai 1520m. ir again 1531 m. six" eight ar The Prussian villages of Pabėčiai Parish held a pagan sacrifice festival” (Lucas David, PreuB. Chronik ed. E. Hennig I, 117 t.t. ; C. Hennenberger op. cit., p. 353), one sucker played a priest, who is all" už In 1531, a public repentance was required in the Pabėčiai church (OstpreuB. Foliant 186, B" fol. 284"). Invited Laigyčių (Legitten) pastor had to rebuke sinners with thunder. The sermon, of course, had to be delivered in Prussian. 3 Under these circumstances, is it likely that po 30 1999-2000 ty The language of mankind has been so degraded that Hermann ją describes it as a mixed language? As far as ji Germanization was o concerned, the dictionary probably did a great deal; could only be affected by ji German Samogitian language. Bet Lutheran German prevails in Enchiridion! The riddle of this translation is memorized by itself, if we agree with it, every objective su reader of ką this text first of all" Al 7 Also Girmavos (Germau) parish, so even In 1571 and 1572, about 40 1546 Prussians were punished for participating in such a sacrifice (Preufl. Chronik. des Joh. Freyberg fol. 113, handwriting of the city library of Karaliaučius). The case was in Tapiau (Toppen, Neue Preuß$. Prov. Bl. /1846/ January: the translator knew too little Prussian for such , . . | 204 a job. Aš I would like to add that he was able to speak fluently, roughly as a Baltic German nobleman understands Latvian. But this is not enough to be able to speak grammatically correctly or to put something in writing, especially when the text is so confusing. Here even a good interpreter could not help much, because he did not understand the meaning of the difficult places. Willis ar jo the translator only heard the intonation well. The Prussians of the refugees spoke probably very clearly. But how to combine it su "distorted" language? Of course, for those who have to describe Willi’s translation as poor, not everything is false non-Prussian, which does not ir match Lithuanian Latvian language. ar Be Furthermore, the Prussian language has too many distinctive features that are not present in Lithuanian and Latvian. All the more unfortunate that Willio Enchiridion remains so ambiguous; yuk iš Willy's poor work will hardly be able to ar satisfactorily explain what is a purely Prussian feature, which differs from Lithuanian and Latvian, or what is to be attributed to the influence of the German, German Samogitian language. t. y. Value The library of the Lithuanian Institute of Literature and Folklore (F 52—199) holds a letter dated November 29, 1922, written by J. Gerulis to J. Jablonskis. The letter is interesting because of J. Gerulis's opinion on the common Lithuanian language. spelling issues and on his own language. The language and punctuation of the published letter have not been corrected (only a couple of obvious proofing errors have been corrected). A. Sabaliauskas 29. XI. 22 Very dear Tamsta, thank you very much for sending "Lithuanian language grammar". Wouldn't it be good to sell Tamsta's books and a few others, like Bogga's "Language and Senove" and so on, in Germany as well? The Lighthouse and the Publishing Commission could set up a "commission" for such books at Winter's in Heidelberg. It is not enough to write good books, propaganda is also needed! Apparently not for the honor of the authors but for Lithuania it will have to be done. Svietas had experienced that there was quite serious work in Lithuania, but he did not know it. Such dilettantes as ans Basanavičius are a shame to us! (I know that B. worked harder for Lithuania than a hundred others, but the world reads his writings about Thracians and laughs at such a "Litauischer Sprachforscher- "). As for spelling, I sharply swore to Bogus, when he visited my house, to publish a short spelling manual after meeting with Tamsta. My opinion is this: a spelling book and imperfect is much better than one, which shows without decision! * Quote from the Latin translation by Kazys Eigminas. 205