Lietuvių kalbos ypatybės turėtojų pavadinimų su afiksu „*-io-“ darybos raida

LITHUANIAN KALBOTYROS QUESTIONS XXXVIII (1997) Saulius AMBRAZAS LITHUANIAN LANGUAGES FEATURES HOLDERS DESCRIPTIONS SU AFIKSU *-;0ACTIVITIES RAIDA §1. Be previously discussed derivatives su *-ko- (aut. 1996), names of persons with Lithuanian language characteristics (nomina attributiva, hereinafter —NAtt) are also made from adjectives afriksy *-jo-, *-no-, *-en-, *-lo-, *-to-, *-uo-, *-isko-, *-lo-, *-lo-, *-lo-, *-lo-, *-lo-, *-lo-, *-lo-, *-lo-, *-loIn this article we will discuss derivatives with the affix *-70-. "The 2nd Amendment to the Constitution" (PDF). §2. The number of names of persons with this verb ending in Lithuanian is considerable (Urbutis 1961: 45-47; This type 364-365). of Vedas can be found in the writings of the 16th-17th centuries. It is especially common in the night. Others are recorded in separate texts. Vedic ga/vis "arrogant" SD! 35, black Lex 69a, cliche SD* 124, humpback SD" 66, humpback "what a humpback" Lex 50a, 69, dumb Ch. 8X, the plane "plane" SD? 299, rare "abandoned field" Lex 24a, rare SD? 85, 124, old SD' 174, 176; SD' 422, cheese BB Job 10,10, winter "northern wind" Lex 65, Zilis "grey man" BP I 120; still used today. The writings of Lesser Lithuania were also characterized by NAtt kuršys „Kuršių Neringos arba Lesser Lithuania gyventojas“ Lex 21a; KB II 66; Sch 192 (cf. Kurzis „Jatvis“ K II 25; J; M.Valanč; PPr 406, while „Kursiski zavezatas knot“ Žvr; VI — LKŽ VI 972-973), blue „blue-red cabbage“ Lex 18a; C II 232; R II 228; MŽ II 101; K II 135; "blue or red turnip" Lex 71a (see mélynis/- mélynis "blue color" K II 50, 196; LC 1884,4; See; "blue garment" Krsn; Kp; ‘blue or red cabbage’ R; MŽ; [K]; ‘plant of the chard family’ O 95 — LKŽ VII 1032). §3. The names of the possessors of the attribute with -/5/-ys(-e) have correspondences in Latvian, Prussian, Slavic and Germanic languages, cf. lie. Béris go there. béris ‘still horse’ (BKGF 66), pr. malkis ‘stinta’ (Stint) E 597 (cf. lat. smalks ‘fine’, see PKEŽ III 105), serb.-croat. m/off (<*mold’- s), left. now, nowiu „new moon“ (Martynov 1973: 22), go. hairdeis ‘example’ (cf. lit. kefdžius LEW 242), asneis “day laborer” (Kubrjakova 1963: 78; Polome 1974: 109). 122 This type of vedic occurred when nouns became adjectives su *-70- (aut. 1991: 16-17). Vedic su verb ending -/us(-es) §4. In contemporary Lithuanian, derivatives of the -/us(-ė) verb ending, which are productive, usually denote a profession, there are fewer derivatives of this type with the meaning of the possessor of a categorical characteristic (Urbutis 1961: 55-56; DaiktvDr 365-366, 410). Iš XVII a. Names of the owners of the feature recorded in the Lexicon 6 Lithuanicum of Lesser Lithuania su -you also 5 mark the profession (balnius "who works saddles" 73, furs ‘kailiadirbys’ 56a, 104a, boiler "boiler worker", tub "tub master seller" ar 56a, 19, 34, pots only 88) ir leads fools 64, 87a has retained the net value of the property holder. $5. K. Sirvydo dictionary 4 contains only endings -/us derivatives denoting be profession: mentioned Natt pots SD" 33, 214; SD’ 67 (this derivative is common in many jų ancient writings), katilius SD' 125 (but R; MZ II 296; K; J; BZ 213, see. but Country 1985: 204), cubile SD? 301 (but DP 1073; N; K; J), here we still find a derivative Dičius ‘beekeeper’ SD’ 7 (but R; N; K). Meanwhile, this type of derivatives, having the categorical meaning of the possessor of the attribute, are much more in this dictionary: barzdžius „barzdyla“ SD’ 22 (also Alk — LKZ I“ 676), grynius (grinius?),- neturtélis, nugius“ SD’ 91 (cf. grynius A 1885,274; J; S, grinius Rod; L§ —LKZ II 612), kerscius,kersytojas“ SD’ 181 (also [K]; J), niekius,niekadarys, įkyrus žmogus“ SD? 61, 198, 301 (also C II 1034; Krz 154; [K]; Tat; Skr —LKZ VII 783), pinigius „who has money“ SD’ 292 (also J; VŽ 1905,256; „expensive man“ Upt —LKZ IX 1043), sekmius „who speaks nonsense“ SD’ 5 (also Sut; N; „who follows the sayings“ N; [K]), smalscius „smaguris“ SD’ 148 (also SP I 212; MP 325; NdŽ), utėlius „who has come up with lice“ SD' 191; SD’ 490 (spread in dialects, mainly in eastern Highlands —LKŽK) and only from K. Sirvydas’ dictionary known NAtt: burnius „having a big mouth“ SD! 34, kytrius "kytruolis" SD" 13; SD' 347. K. Sirvydo dictionary probably records an older state than Lexicon Lithuanicum and the present Lithuanian language. For it is likely that the ending -jus originated from -is/-ys due to the mixture of the roots (7)u and (7)o (cf. DaiktvDrR 35-36 and lit.), while noun derivatives with -; /5/-ys(-e) usually have the categorical meaning of the possessor of the property. "Spider-Man 6". In Lithuanian there are names of possessors of the ending -€, denoting conjugated objects and not having the corresponding masculine forms with -/5/-ys and -jus (Urbutis 1961: 54-55; DaiktvDr 366-367). 123 Such Vedic we find already XVI-XVII a. writings, e.g.: graikstc ‘jewelry’ BB Pat 11,22 (plg. Grapefruit ‘t.p.’ Kel 1881,22; G 84 ir greek, -1 "beautiful, beautiful" BB 1 Moz 3,6; Vln' 144; M. Valanč; Nz; Klp — LKŽ Cliché III 502), ‘scissors’ SD* 227 (but D. Mail; N; [K], plg. k/i ‘creiva, kliša koja’ J), bald DP 17135; SD" 73; SD’ 160, "right hand" AK 13, 16; SP II 166; SD’ 343 (but Sut; Kos 56; [K]; Shred; Kt; Ar; Klt; Sdk; Mlk — LKŽ XVI This type 188). of Vedic appeared by specifying the name of the property holders su -is/-ys(-ė), cf. klisé ir klišé(-ė), pliké ir plikis(-ė) ir etc. §7. Features of holders of titles su *-épaoccurs in ir other Baltic languages, cf. la. spike ‘spikes; top’ (MLLVG I 163); V. Mažiulis (PKEŽ I 420— 421) this type of activity includes ir pr. good (Pushing) E 586 : *good- ‘curved’. Iš adjective suffix *-jo appeared ir some derivative suffixes, which make su names of property holders. Vedic su prepositions -ojas/-ojis/-ojys/-ojus, -oja, -ienojas/-ienojis/-ienojys/-ienojas §8. The most common derivative is vasardjus, which in Žemaičių and some southern and eastern Highland dialects has the older form „vasarėjas (in some places there is also a variant of the 77o stem vasarojis, see LKA III Map No. 15), already presented in K. Sirvydo dictionary (SD' 44; SD' 85) and Lex 80a. It corresponds exactly to la. Summer (ME IV 484-485). The derivative siendjas (with variants siendjis, sienojus, cf. LKA III Zemél. No. 13) is also used in a considerable area of the Altay dialect, as recorded already in K. Sirvydo dictionary (SD' 181; SD' 6, 445), S.B. Chilinskio New Testament (Mt. 7:3; Luke 6:42),,,In the Summary of the Gospels“ (174s). In M. Dauksos Postilé (9X) and in Zietelos dialect (Vidugiris 1969: 160) we find the lead word rytdjas. Now the usual form of the trunk tomorrow here much rarer (DP 3184). §9. In dialects and some writings we find NAtt augojas "wild currant" StngZ 76, avižojys "oat straw" Rdš; Mrk; Lš; Kb; Lp (LKZ I" 532), /apojai "vegetable leaves" Lšk (ŽD 85), raitojas "knight" (common in folk songs), rugojai „rye straw“ Kč; Nmn (LKŽ XI 893), seedling "May month" B 765; N; [K]; KZ, housed in Zem; 1960: The 12th Annual International Conference on the History of the World (IWC 12th Anniversary Conference, 1960) – 602 participants. Grnk; Rs; 1997. pp. 794–795. In some (mainly southern) dialects, the suffix -ojas (with the variants of the ijo and u stems, respectively) has been used to make the names of plant stems, e.g. bu/bojas „bulb grower“, uogojas „fruit grower“, etc. (LKA III Map No. 14). They have equivalents in Latvian, e.g. brūklėnaji "brucnienojai", uog(ul)aji "jaogienojai" (LVG 285; BKGF 69). 124 810. On suffixes -treasure (with the latter in dialects also occasionally made stem names) ir -ojas mixture appeared compound suffix -ienojas (also with stem jo ir u variants), typical of mainly eastern dialects (LKA III. No. 14, p. 29). Hydrogen bean (see para. pupinaiey SD’ 19, pupinoiey SD’ has 16) already been recorded K. In the dictionary of Sirvydas. ir In some other dialects of Lithuania Minor, some of the suffixes -renojas derived from the word have a completely different meaning, e.g.: avižienojai ‘oat straw’ Lex 46; B 679; R; K; Lp (LKŽ I“ 531, plg. oats), rye ‘Rye straw’ Lex 71a; O 305, 418; B 815; R II 294; Krz 124; N; J; ‘Rugenos’ K; Glv (XI 987, pg rugojai), but plg. Beans ‘bean stalks’ B 279; N; K. Mat with trim -/enojas siejasi ir su Appendix -fena, su which in Lithuanian language is often used to make vedas, marking the growing places of cultural plants (aut. 1995: 186). Perhaps in the past, besides the suffix -ojas, there were also names of the possessors of feminine gender features with -0ja, cf. goddess name Sėnoja “goddess of the house foundations” (Greimas 1990: 444) and water names Kamoja Ad, Lankoja Ob, Lapoja Zls (Vanagas 1970:185), as well as -toja: -tojas, -ėja: -ėjas (aut. 1993: 38-39). $11. In Latvian dialects, adjectives with -js have also survived, for example: miglėjs rits "misty morning- ", mėjJajs kalninš "clay hill" (LVG 284-285; BGKF 69). In Lithuanian, they are all conjugated. 1996. pp. 812. "I-II-III-IV-- V-VI-VII-VII". In the 16th and 17th centuries, the word ga/vija was already common. The old scriptures were also characterized by NAtt prekijas "merchant", fisherman (about the latter see DaiktvDrR 153), cf. also media BB 1 Mos 10, 9; 25, 27; Ps 91, 3; B, media C I 998, media "hunter" Lex 51a; O 622; J, medié, poacher" Lex 106; C II 984; "wood thief" N; [K], madness “fool” J as well as dialectal treinijas, treinija (recorded already in Lex 57, 69; C I 1151), trainijis, trainijas, trainija, trainijus “part of a carriage, traininis” (LKA I 191; LKZ XVI 529, 735-736). §13. In Latvian dialects, adjectives with -ijs have survived, e.g. salijs "sour", malijs "moist", vidijs "medium" (LVG 276-277; BKGF 68). In Lithuanian they have almost disappeared, cf. at least the adjective vienatijas/vienatijis „the only one“ (if it is not the nominative form of the adjective, cf. Parenti 1996: 69) and /aukijas(- -a) „he waited“ End (LKZ VII 180). Vedic with suffix -eja/-eja $14. Initially, the name was also used for the bridge. For example, NAtt medėjas- /medėjas MZ made from mėdė "forest, meadow- "; [K]; Sch 88; BsMt II 37; A 1884, 19; S I 345-346; S. Dauk; V. Kudir; J. Bil; Plv; Snt (ŽD 84; LKŽ VII 983-984), woodcutter "hunter" N; Jn, from cried —NAtt merchant BB 3 Mos 25,50; NIV Mt 13,45; Rev 18,11; [K]; S. Dauk; Mr. Va125 lunch; A 1884,409; V. Kudir; J. Bil; End, the merchant ‘shopper’ S. Stan (ŽD 83; LKŽ X 598). Perhaps here the Vedic ir mol/ejs belongs ‘malay’ Ds; Rod (LKŽ VIII 335) : mole "malis", cutter ‘cutter’ BB Ruth 2,3; 2,4; Mt 13,30; O 495; MKr 74; N; (d)Vs (ŽD 83; LKŽ X 45) : saw “harvest”, talkey ‘talkininkas’ S. Dauk; NdZ talk. : 815. Noun adjectives found in Latvian dialects su -ejs, e.g. could ‘final’. Noun derivatives su *-io existed in ir Slavic languages, e.g.: piet. sl. breejp "fast river flow" : breeze ‘fast’ (Stawski 1974: 87).W.P. Schmid (1960: 24-26) finds correspondencir es in the Mesapi language, pg. mesapů polaidehias lie. ir paldidas, la. the killer. Pro-Baltic suffix *-was added to the į paradigm of character names. Be therefore, historically, the names of the noun possessors in the verb ending are su corresponding to the *-;0 suffix *-fjoir (<*-ta+ *-jo-) derivatives (DaiktvDrR 112-117). Several suffixes of the names of the owners of the characteri- *-70stics appeared by joining the affix to some adjective suffixes, originated iš *-f0-. 2014-15: 16th place (1st division). First of all mentioned NAtt ears „Winter hat with ears“ Vrd; Kal (LKŽ I? 504), ovžytis „such fabric, woven over 8 or 10 knots“ Grg (I“ 532), blakytis „fabric, whose embroidery is double-stitched“ Skdv; Grg; Prk; I. Simon (I? 878), spruce "woven fabric with spruces" Dr, Lkv; Lnk (IT? 1052), lamstytis, ribbed woven fabric“ Kos 151; J; Klp; KlvžŽ; Kl; Brs; Vvr; Sint (VII 114), slakytés ‘potatoes of this variety’ Rt, slakytis(- -€) ‘slaked cattle’ Kal; KI (XIV 1001). Most of these derivatives may still be related to the adjectives of the suffix -yfas(-a) (i.e. they can be considered derivatives of the ending -is(-€)), e.g. ausytas (-a) „with ears (about a hat)“ J; Kal (LKŽ I’ 503), bleached ‘with perforations’ BzF 100; Prk; Rdm (I* 878), eglytas(-- a) „with eglutémis, spruce“ I. Simon; Vlkv; Mrj (II? 1052), /amstytas/lamstytas(-a) "Jamstuotas" BzF 33; Ms; Slnt; TV; Brs (VII 114), stripped ‘stripped’ Sts; Plt (XIV 1000). 817. In the Žemaičių dialect the Vedic vokiteis/- vokytis „vokietis“, siaulytis „šiaulietis“ are used (LKA III Map No. 10, 110). From Lexicon Lithuanicum (20) we know the derivative seseryčiai “children of brothers” (cf. seserycia, see § 21). La has a similar meaning of belonging. /atvitis "Jatvis", vacitis "German- ", fautitis "young man from abroad" (LVG 387; DL 239-240). It may also be found in Prussian personal names (e.g., Moldite, Bludit, Waikitte, cf. Trautmann 1925: 1 LVG 280; Vulane 1986; Laumane 1989. 126 182) and place names (e.g., Lankiten, Pelitte, Pelkyten, see Gerullis 1923: 257 tt. ). Because there are no deminutives in Prussian texts su *-/f/0-. §18. A. Nepokupnas (1985), based on a suffix found in Prussian place names -owiten, -awiten, even suggests that the compound suffix *-ouitio- (<*-ouo- + *-itjo-), which is su used in Slavic languages to make patronymic nouns, was a common innovation of the Slavic West ir Baltic languages. However, the suffixes -owifen, -awiten in Prussian placenames may have arisen from the conjugation of Prussian forms (plg. left. -owicy)’. All the more so that in the Baltic languages the adverbs * -ouobdjectives are very rare. For example, Lithuanian adjectives /shoes „leaf colours“, /inavas „flax flower colours“ probably made according to the example of Slavisms ruZavas, vyšniavas (ŽD 397). In Prussian, the suffix *-ouo-/-euo is most commonly used in other suffixes, e.g. acc. sing. drúktawingiskan ‘strict, hard’ (gestrengen) III 119;;, nom. sing. ginnewings ‘friendly’ (gewaltige) III 85,2 etc. (SV 44). And these Vedic words do not have the old meaning of belonging, of origin, which the Slavic adjectives with *-ouo have retained (cf. s. sl. Petrovs: Petr and s.ind. Visnavah: Visnuh, see Meje 1951: 275). §19. In Slavic languages, the Vedic with *-itjo—also usually has the meaning of belonging, origin, e.g.: piet. sl. BoZit’s “son of God”, bratit’s “brother’s son”, etc. (Stawski 1976: 55 t.t.) In addition, here with this suffix from the old times often made personal names, tribes, place names." In Baltic (especially Lithuanian) languages, another variant of the suffix * -/fjo * -ertjo (see $24) was more commonly used for this purpose. §20. In Latvian and Slavic languages (as in Lithuanian) there are several Vedic verbs with *-itjo-, which have retained the pure meaning of the possessor of the attribute, e.g.: /ėnitis "warm southern wind": /éns "warm", jaunite "marti; young; the young mother; ‘stepmother’: young ‘young man’ (DL 240); Piet. sl. golit’s „naked, poor man“: go/s „naked“ (Stawski 1976: 57-58). This type of derivative may have its equivalent in Germanic languages, cf. s. w. height. jungidi "beast cub" (Mezger 1953). Thus, the names of the possessors of the suffix *-itio-(<*- -ito-+*-jo-) are probably an innovation of the Baltic, Slavic and Germanic languages. These language groups and with the suffix *-joimta make names of property holders (see $3). 1953) and the 1953 discovery of the 1953 asteroid 1953 DF. * -fj0 is questionable. Later in the Baltic languages this suffix was used to make deminutives (aut. 1994: 146-147) and more rarely to make group names (aut., 1995, 187-188). : Plg. Gerullis 1925: 212-13; Gérnowicz 1974. * Vondréak 1924: 598-599; Rospond 1937; Taszycki 1946: 27 tt; Cufin 1964: 9-92; Lindert 1967: 40-45; Vaillant 1974: 333 pp. 127 Vedic with suffix -ycia 821. There are several su vedas with this suffix in the ancient scriptures, e.g.: brolyčia "brother's daughter" Lex 20; C I 402; O 103 (n.p. B; N; K; „pusserē“ JR 69), pigeon „pigeon female“ SD' 37; SD? 72; SP I 369 (n.p. N; [K]), meskerycia/meskerycia ‘meškerykotis’ C I 98 (n.p. MZ II 28; [K]; SI; Ps; Srv; Paj — LKZ VIII 89), seserycia "sister's daughter" Lex 78; C II 527; O 474 (n.p. MZ; K; L; Rtr; “cousin” plg. N; Serbian sėstrič, see Mezger 1953: 118). This type of derivative is found in ir dialects, e.g. darklyčia "strangely dressed man" J I 296, bones "Very skinny man" J; Ms; ‘Equine foot disease’ Grz; Kp; Lk; Ms (LKŽ V 432), sponge "dry man" J II 75, kerycias ‘burtai’ R II 370; N; K; J; Žm (LKZ V 609), logging ‘Eaters’ Lp; Mrk; ‘girnalovis’ Out; Vdn; Kb (VII 667), mazgycia “the table used for knitting the net” N; [K]; J, bullying "bull's daughter" G 122; A. Baran; Ds (LKŽK). 822. A large number of high-rise buildings. su -ycia are made of unmarried women's surnames, e.g. : Baltrušaityčia, Jankyčia, Pakalkyčia (LKA III Map No. 112, p. 121-122). Such names are already recorded in 17th-century sources (Macijauskienė 1991: 263 etc.). The suffix -ycia is also used in water names in two non-connecting areas: in the very southern part of Lithuania and in Žemaitija, e.g. : Ylyčia Smn, Šarkyčiai Lbv, Kalnyčiai Krž (Vanagas 1970: 141-142, 402). In some Latvian dialects, married female surnames are made with the appropriate suffix -iza (e.g., Bergmanisa "Bergman's wife"), there is one ir other common female name, e.g.: delverisa "noisemaker", véverisa "weaver's wife" (LVG 377; DL 316-317). 823. J. Otrebskis (GJL II 258) suggests that the suffix -ycia appeared iš -yté because of the miSimo of the ja and (in)ė stems and because of the sl. -ica influence. However, the data provided suggest that the suffix -ycia may be old. Since in the past in Baltic languages with the ending *-2-(later displaced by the ending *-(7)é-) they were made nomina feminina (aut. 1993: 38-39), it is quite possible that the suffix -yčia is even older už -ytė (i.e. *-itia- : *-itio-kaip *-taja- : *-tajo-). It should be noted that the suffixes -aité, -ute, -ūtė in the dialects also have the ja stem variant -aicia, -ucia, -ūčia, with which unmarried girls' surnames are made, which have already entered the 17th century sources (Maciejauskiené 1991: 262 etc.), cf. also the suffix -écia (see §39). On the other hand, the mixing of the fa and (7)é roots and the Slavic suffix -ica and Slavism -inyčia (see author 1995: 192 and the hybrid brolickas „brother’s son“ N) may have had a conservative effect, or perhaps because of this suffix -yčia remained and spread more in eastern Lithuania. 128 Vedic su suffix -ietis/-ietys(-ė) 824. Vedic in this su suffix usually has the meaning of belonging origin. ar Especially old is the derivative vokietis/vokietys(-€), which is widespread throughout the area of the Altai dialect (LKA III. No. 10), recorded In the a. XVI-XVII writings (DP) 45743; SD"'94; Lex 23a; CI 460) ir exactly corresponding to la. vacuétis (ME IV 492). In a large part of the Altai dialect su suffix -ietis(-¢) is now widely used as personal mi names according to place of residence or place of origin, e.g. jonisi kiétis, panevėžiėtis, vilniėtis etc. ir (Lenkevičiūtė-Norkaitienė 1983; LKA III. No. 110, p. 115). This type of Vedic may also be quite old, cf. galileite "The Inhabitant of Galilee" Bt Jn 7,52; ApD la. 1,11, raūnėniėtis "The Resident of Rauna" (LVG 388; BKGF 98). 825. In the ancient scriptures we find Vedic prasalietis “non-local, foreign person” DP 8X (e.g. M. Valanč; A 1884,380; “an outsider” Cf. “passenger” NdŽ —LKŽ X 561), the prašalniet “man of another country” SE 2159; KN 117; Ch 2 Ex 12,43; Ruth 2,10; Bt Luke 17,18, cf. the still later “stranger, foreigner” Saline man" Zem; Jnšk; „from elsewhere, non-native person“ Skr (LKŽ IX 553). In dialects (mostly Eastern Highlands) are used also NAtt apylinkiétis Trgn, aplinkiétis "inhabitant of the neighborhood" Grž; Trgn; Svn (LKZ I? 245), kin „kin“ Bt Mr 6,4; Ds (III 310, cf. la. savietis „etc.“ LVG 388), kaimiétis J, laukiétis Brz, laukiniétis,Jaukininkas, ūkininkas“ Zg; Skn (LKZ VII 180, 181), seseriéte "sister" Mrk; Prn (ZD 360), sodiétis "farmer" Brz (LKZ XIII 274), šeimynietis "houseman" Str; Lkm; Name; Tvr; Prng; ‘mercenary’ means A. Baran; Ds; MI; Krns; Ad (XIV 609). Vedic with suffix -eitis(-€) 826. NAtt prasaleitis „svetimšalis“ (e.g. S.Dauk; in the meaning of „an inhabitant, a non-local person“ it is common in the Northern Žemaičių dialect, cf. LKŽ X 561, cf. prašalietis, cf. §25) has already been recorded in B. Vilento Evangelies (109). In the Žemaičių dialect we find more derivatives with this variant of the suffix -ietis(-€), which has retained the old diphthong ei, e.g.: pasaleitis “uninvited guest” Sd (LKZ IX 552, cf. pasaliétis), treineitis “triangle” S. Dauk; Sint, treineitė „važimo dalis, treinis“ Gršl (XVI 735), cf. also farneite (aut. 1994: 148) and the surnames Gineitis, Kiauleitis, the place name Vyžeičiai „Rokiškio valsčiaus kaimas“ (ŽD 361), pr. Muntileitis, Swanieyten (Būga 1958: 427) Vedic with suffix -aitis(-€) §27. There are very few names with this suffix in the Lithuanian language. Especially the old derivative Zemaitis/- Zemaiciai (about his history Zr. Zinkevičius found 129 already 1993), Russian a. historical sources of the early XIII century (Salys 1930: 6-9), common XVI-XVII in a. Lithuanian writings. | 828. In the ancient scriptures noticed NAtt prašalaitis/prašalaitis "alien, foreigner" BB 2 Moz 12,19; 12,48; 20,10; Joz 8,23; BP II 383; Lex 37a; C I 98, 996 (available in ir dialects), fevykstaitis ‘successor’ DP 57526, 61117, 620,5; SD? 57 (but Sut; N; Gmz), Easter "Easter egg" Lex 66a; C II 186 (common in dialects) and nearby naš/žitis/našlaitis jų DP 30735, 33533, 33655; SD' 165; SD’ 402; Ch' Jn 14,18. Tarmése (mostly zemaites) we find also Vedic brolaitis/brolditis "brother's son" Rs; ‘pajaunys’ SI; Klk; Sk; Sml; Lnkv, brother/sister ‘Sister’ Lz; "brother's daughter" Rs; ‘maiden’ Grk (LKZ I? 1068), cousin/relative(- €)S. Stan; J I 432; Kv; Ldvn; Rtn; Ds (ŽD 359; LKŽ III 309), girinaitis/girinaitis ‘the inhabitant of the forest; an uneducated man" J; Kv; Rs; LI (LKŽ III miner 341), "blacksmith son ar daughter" J(Kv), forge "hill dweller" king J, "King's Son ar Daughter" N; J; D 101; Dks; Smn (LKŽ V 258), quaternary "who has a fourth part of the wealth" Grv (V 670), /wilderness/- wilderness The Snake of Lures J; Kv; Vdk; Ore; Krtv; Gr; ‘žemaitis’ Shmk (VII 180-181), miskinaitis ‘forest ar forest dweller’ CN; Pp; Krtv (VIII 289), housewife "Farmer- 's Daughter" J; (d)Grk (VIII 537), passage(-€) "an outsider, a stranger" Rs; Pdn; Užv; Krš (IX 551), preamble "a man living in the outskirts of the country, cornerman" J; Jrb; VI; other's „į affairs interfering Zmogus’ Grš (X 688), savjitis ‘relative’ Prng; Dv (XII 233), seserditis 'sister's son' Neck, serous "sister's daughter" Neck; Ms (XII 437), sonjit ‘grandson’ Ashb; I. Simon; Grv; Lz (XIV 150), tévynditis/tévynaitis/tévynaitis (common in the Northern Samogitian dialect), feėvūnžitis/tėvūnaitis/tėvūnaitis "farmer's son, heir of property “ (common in the southern Zemgale dialect). §29. As these examples show, the suffix -aitis(-€) of most property-- holder su names has the meaning of a possessive origin. Skardžius 1954: 29, etc.), which were once widespread in a large area of western Lithuania approximately to the Nevėžis river (Zinkevičius 1977; Maciejauskienė 1990; Skardžius 1990: 29, etc.). 1977: 160-161). The latter were later renamed. Today, in the north-western region of the Žemaičių and the western area of the Southern Altaičių dialects, the suffix -aitis is used to make unofficial male surnames for unmarried men, e.g. : Galdikaitis, Kervaitis, Šimkaitis, etc. (LKA III Map No 111, p. 119). In a larger area of the Žemaičių dialektas, the suffix -aifė is used for unmarried female surnames, e.g. : Liutkdité, Budrdité, Kėvišaitė, etc. (LKA III. No. 112, p. 120). The names of the owners of the characteristic helped to lay the foundation for the deminutives with -aztis(-¢), which are now very common in Lithuanian (aut. 1994: 147-148). 830. Another name of the possessor of the attribute with -asfis is also found in Latvian, e.g.: fautaitis „countryman“, cakaraitis „sniper, killer“, puskaitis,,0z130 THE DEVELOPMENT OF Appointment ATTRIBUTION WITH THE AFFIX *-yoIN LITHUANIAN Summary The adjective affix -jowas introduced into the derivative category nomina attributiva of long time ago, maybe a when the Baltic, Slavic and Germanic languages had not yet been separated from the northern dialect of Indo-European, cf. Lith. béris, Latv. beige „bey horse“, Serb.-Croat. m/ify „new moon“, Goth. hairdeis shepherd”. The compound suffix *-itjo (< *-it- + *-jo-) has equivalents the in Baltic, Slavic and Germanic languages as well, cf. Lith. vokytis, Latv. vacutis "German", South Slav.bratif 5 'brother's son', OHG jungidi ‘cub’. The suffix *-itjohas the apophonic variants *eit-jo-, *-oit-jothe in Baltic languages, cf. Lith. vokytis and german, Latv. vacutis and vdcietis "German", Lith. giminaitis and giminiétis, Lith. savditis and Latv. saviet ‘relative’. Earlier the suffix *-é-jo having equivalents the in Baltic, Slavic, maybe Messapic languages (cf. Lithu. medéjas "hunter", South Slav. byzėjs "a quicke stream of a river", Massap. polaidehias) were used for nomina attributiva and later came into the to derivative category nomina agentis. of In Lithuanian and Latvian there are some nomina attributiva with the another related suffix *-4-jo-, cf. Lith. vasardjas and Latv. vasarajs, summer-corn’. In Latvian dialects the suffixes *-4-jo-, *-é-jo are still used form not only nomina attributiva but also adjectives to (cf. miglajs misty“, galéjs last“) which completely disappeared in Lithuanian. Lithuanian nomina attributiva with the other suffixes originated from *-jo-(cf. -ijas, -otis, -uotis, -étis a.0.) and with the derivative flexion -ius(-€) have no equivalents in related languages. 137