A descriptive analysis of Basque hypocoristics

A Descriptive Analysis of Basque Hypocoristics PATXI SALABERRI ZARATIEGI / IKER SALABERRI IZKO F O NT E S L INGVÆ VA S C O NVM stvdia et docvmenta Año XLVI • Número 117 • 2014 SEPARATA FONTES LINGVÆ VASCONVM stvdia et docvmenta Año XLVI Número 117 2014 Xahoren Aitor Hegoaldeko XIX. mendeko narratiban Ana M. Toledo 5 Artzibarko aldaera deitu izanaren inguruan (8 – Elkanoko aldaerarekiko zenbait elkaketa) Koldo Artola 25 Oinarrizko emozioen ezaugarri akustikoez Iñaki Gaminde / Urtza Garay / Aintzane Etxebarria / Asier Romero 101 Euskal hitz-ordenaren norabidea: idealismo ideologikotik pragmatismo komunikatiborantz Julian Maia 121 Juan Arin Dorronsororen «Material Toponímico» argitaragabearen 25. paper-zorroa Luis Mari Zaldua 169 A Descriptive Analysis of Basque Hypocoristics Patxi Salaberri Zaratiegi / Iker Salaberri Izko 187 117 2014 FONTES LINGVÆ VASCONVM A Descriptive Analysis of Basque Hypocoristics PATXI SALABERRI ZARATIEGI*/ IKER SALABERRI IZKO** FOREWORD This paper aims at providing a description of the means available nowadays for hypocoristization in Basque, although it is not our intention to limit our investigation to present-day pet names. We have considered it relevant to go back to the origins in which the modern system is rooted. With this aim in mind, we have analyzed historically common hypocoristics and the patterns that these follow as well. One of our findings is that the historical and present-day patterns for forming hypocoristics are the same, although it is no longer the case that their productiveness and liveliness has remained unaltered. We therefore claim to provide a panchronic view of Basque hypocoristics in this paper. In order to reach our aim, we draw our data from medieval published documents, gathering and analyzing the pet names that are present in these. We also extract additional data from old Basque texts, literary works and other documents found in archives and which are dated from the 16th century onwards. Finally, we have conducted many oral surveys with the aim of finding out the hypocoristics that are used in present-day Basque. Most of the subjects who underwent these surveys were «qualified» speakers, meaning that they had great knowledge of Basque and a great sensitivity toward that language (see Salaberri, 2009:3-6). We would like to thank all of them from here. In the last previous years hypocoristics have been quite common elements of investigation in phonology studies, often from the point of view of prosodic morphology. Thornton (1996:82) claimed the following, along the ISSN 0046-435X, Fontes Linguae Vasconum (FLV), nº 117 (2014), 187-211 187 [1] * UPNA/NUP. ** UPV/EHU. lines of McCarthy and Prince: «Recently McCarthy and Prince have characterized Prosodic Morphology as “morphology that is prosody-governed”, where “phonological constraints take precedence over morphological ones”». A few years later that Avram (2010:47-48) defines this area in the following way: «Prosodic morphology is here understood broadly as the theory of how morphology and phonology interact in the grammatical system of languages». Some other authors write within the theoretical frame of Optimality Theory in order to explain the workings of hypocoristics. Everett (1996:3) claims that «there are only violable constraints» and that this «means that structures cannot be ruled out as ungrammatical in an absolute sense, but only as less optimal than a competing form». Crystal (2008:343), on his side, asserts that «Optimality theory [...] aims to account for a wide range of phenomena by specifying the interaction of a small number of UNIVERSAL constraints, which apply variously across languages in producing phonological representations». Driscoll (2013:76), finally, says that «OT proposes a mechanism for generating a list of candidate outputs, a list of ordered constraints, and an evaluation metric to choose between the candidates based on the constraints. The candidate that violates the fewest highest-ranking constraints is generally chosen». These authors, however, draw only on present-day data; they do not pay much attention to the past1. Our intention is, as claimed above, to investigate not only synchrony but also diachrony, since pet names constitute an indivisible continuum. It is true that a considerable number of names from the past have died off, and mostly as well, that names are used nowadays which would have been unconceivable a few decades ago. However, the means to derive the pet names of said names have remained the same. An undeniable continuity is present in this area, and it is very important, in our view, to portray this continuity in clear terms and to underline that the present hypocoristica have not emerged out of thin air. If we only studied present-day pet names, we would see but the last step of the system, the deadline picture, and not the picture of the whole race. We thus give great importance to the historical development of the Basque hypocoristics system, obviously without leaving present forms and their characteristics aside. In short, we work within the frame of onomastics, and not within the frame of phonology2. Depending on old documents has its problems, since often the administrative language in question prevents us from going deeper into the data, giPATXI SALABERRI ZARATIEGI /IKER SALABERRI IZKO ISSN 0046-435X, Fontes Linguae Vasconum (FLV), nº 117 (2014), 187-211 [2] 188 1A few actually do this, forced by the data: see Van de Weijer (1989). Prieto (1992b: 176) claims that constructing the feminine version of Andrés as compared to other names such as Inés or Carlos «reveals a difference in the status of the final part of each word; while Carlos forms the feminine Carl + a,Andrés forms the feminine Andre + a». Had this investigator taken a look at the mentioned names’ history, he would have noticed that Andreo has often been the masculine version of Andrea, and that Andresa is also attested already by the medieval period. In short, a diachronic perspective would have allowed Prieto to understand present-day data in a better manner. 2It is true that onomastics plays a great role in the study of the history of the language, but only at a diachronic level, not at a synchronic level. Bakken (2002:25) claims that «usually the phonological development of a language is established in language histories, and more often than not, names constitute part of the foundation on which these language histories are built [...]. So the interdependence between onomastics and general phonological history is obvious and important». In the case of Basque, the validity of this assertion becomes obvious just by reading Mitxelena’s work. ven the fact that some linguistic characteristics of Basque appear obscured. This is the case, for example, whenever place and personal names are declined according to the Latin pattern. In many other cases the sibilants of Basque are not properly represented in documents written in Spanish, i.e. they are represented according to Spanish spelling conventions. With regard to present-day data, not the Gascon language that Basque has had as a neighbour for centuries, but the phonetically much more distant French has been the dominant language in the Northern Basque Country for the past two hundred years or so. This has a direct impact on the speech of Basque speakers in that region, whereby even aged local natives pronounce the Basque alveolar trill as a uvular trill, as in French. This is by no means a historical phenomenon: according to one of the informants of the study, who was born in the bordering village of Luzaide3, his grandmother, Mrs. Anita Etxegarai Etxeberri, born in the late 19th century in Arnegi (French Basque Country), could speak only Basque, and she used to pronounce [r], not [R], as did most of her piers in the same area. This last piece of information is very relevant to the analysis of presentday pet names in the French Basque Country, since one might sometimes be lead to think, unless one knew about the history of the language, that the uvular trills of French and the alveolar trills of Basque, regardless of their considerably distinct phonetic articulation, resulted in equal forms in hypocoristics. We do not consider this to have been the case. In our view the hypocoristics that are currently used in the French Basque Country, at least most of them, can be traced back to the time in which the trill was pronounced in the same way as it is in the Spanish Basque Country. That is why, for example, French André [andRé] and Spanish Andrés [andréś] have fallen together in Basque (Andde /Anddex), with respect to the cluster that is nowadays pronounced in two different ways. Another relevant matter is the one that concerns allonyms, especially in bordering villages. What is meant by this is that the hypocoristic in question does not always correspond to a person’s official name, but to one of their allonyms. For the sake of comparison, some of the inhabitants of the above mentioned village Luzaide are known by the hypocoristics Betti,Ge(h)axan, Gaxan,Ge(h)axina,Gexina, whereas Pedro,Gracián,Graciana are their official names. Likewise, a person called Laurent can be called Laurentx in the French Basque Country, taking the original Laurentz as a starting point. 1. TERMINOLOGY ISSUES, DEFINITION AND OTHER MATTERS In Basque hypocoristics can be defined as shortened, palatalized and suffixed variants of neutral personal names that commonly originate in a familiar context, and which later are often used among friends, in most cases because the name bearer himself wants it that way. In this case hypocoristics are easy to distinguish from nicknames, the latter of which are used to call the nicknamee whether it is their wish that it be so or not. It is moreover a well-known fact that some nicknames (which have occasionally been called A DESCRIPTIVE ANALYSIS OF BASQUE HYPOCORISTICS ISSN 0046-435X, Fontes Linguae Vasconum (FLV), nº 117 (2014), 187-211 189 [3] 3That would be Mr. Peio Kamino Kaminondo. PATXI SALABERRI ZARATIEGI /IKER SALABERRI IZKO ISSN 0046-435X, Fontes Linguae Vasconum (FLV), nº 117 (2014), 187-211 [4] 190 behind-the-back nicknames in English) may not be or are usually not used in front of the person being nicknamed, unless one has the intention of creating a quarrel. We have settled the distinction between hypocoristics and nicknames for the simple reason that some investigators, particularly American ones, have included under the label of nicknames what we would call pet names, together with some name-like elements that we would label as nicknames in Basque. Personal names, anthroponyms, are universal. They are found in every single language and culture, and there is no variety that we know of that has not made use of them. This does not mean, however, that the same or a similar system to produce anthroponyms and a similar organization exist in every case. Languages prominently create their own patterns, which then share a considerable number of characteristics with the patterns of other languages4. Regarding the nature of hypocoristics, we can claim that these are endearment variants used during childhood, which change as the bearer grows up, especially when the hypocoristic contains a suffix5. On the other hand, in many cases it is common for the name bearer and the people surrounding them to continue using the hypocoristic, in spite of the growing up of the former. It is even common for pet names to be used in the bearer’s working environment and in other formal contexts, which would a priori be areas from which their use is excluded. We could bring up many definitions of hypocoristics, but let it suffice to quote the one provided by Frank (1975:514): «Die Koseform ist eine “aus Zärtlichkeit abgewandelte Form eines Namens”. Begründet mit seiner Zärtlichkeitstendenz verniedlicht, verkleinert er sehr oft, wofür bestimmte Suffixe symptomatisch sind. Aber auch Namenformen ohne Suffixe, Vollformen, Kontraktionen und Kurzformen können im Sprachgebrauch als Kosenamen fungieren»6. The palatalizations that are so common in Basque are missing from this definition. Moreover, we do not consider forms that lack a suffix to be pet names, unless they undergo shortening or palatalization. Evidently this can potentially change, according to the variety in question. For example, in Akan, which is a language spoken in Ghana and in the Ivory Coast, reduplication and compounding are common morphological processes in forming hypocoristics. So are the morphonological processes of elision, change in tonal pattern, prolongation of syllabic and phonic units and vowel harmony (Obeng, 1997:39, 42). In Hausa, spoken in Nigeria and Niger, the most frequently used resources are suffixation and reduplication, occasionally accompanied by tone (Newman & Ahmad, 1992, see also Salaberri, 2009:34-35). 4«Each language thus has an anthroponymic system but what sub-systems it is comprised of is language –and culture– specific» (Ainiala, Saarelma, Sjöblom, 2012:125). 5Another reason to stop making use of a hypocoristic can lie on disagreement or disapproval: «Disapproval of or anger with the other can lead to a retreat from petname to formal name. This happens routinely in families, as well as in those groups where petnames mark adult relations of intimacy and affection» (Morgan, O’Neill, Harré, 1979:31). 6«A hypocoristic is the form of a name thas has been altered due to endearment. Based on its tendency to be used as a marker of endearment, the hypocoristic is reduced very often, for which specific suffixes are frequent. But forms without suffixes, full forms, contractions and shortened forms can function as hypocoristics in everyday language». In the Nootka or Nuuchahnulth language spoken in Canada the means for hypocoristization is by truncating the base name before the second vowel, changing the remaining vowel to middle and lengthening it if not already long, and adding the affix -Ɂis (Stonham, 1991:119,2004:196; see Kim, 1999 for a different perspective on the matter). On the other hand, in Japanese the most marked hypocoristics are constructed by adding the suffix -[ ʧ ]a[N] to the shortened version of the name, which is usually two moras long (Poser, 1984). Other suffixes can be used in this language, such as (-kun, -san or -sama), in addition to a certain prefix (o-) or a combination of one of the former and the latter (oand -san) (Kozasa, 2000; Avram, 2010). However, Mester (1990) claims that the hypocoristics that bear the suffix -ko require not only a two-mora name, but also a monosyllabic one as a base name, and Avram (2010:52) argues that the truncated version or truncatum must be monosyllabic, be it one or two moras long. Finally, in Korean (Lee, 1991:135) a hypocoristic is created by dropping the last syllable of the base name and adding the suffix -ya/-a, depending on whether the truncated name ends in a vowel or a consonant. In addition to this, the vowel in the first syllable is lengthened with the aim of adding a mora, so that the moraic template required by this language is fulfilled: Sunhi Hi-ya Hi:ya, Yumi Mi-ya Mi:ya, SunchәlChәl-a Chә:ra. In addition to linguistic usage, social usage also can vary: for the sake of comparison, in the above-mentioned Akan language the expressive value of the hypocoristic varies according to the social relationship between addresser and addressee (the decisive factors usually being age and socioeconomic status; Obeng, 1997:39,52-53 and further). A wrong use of the hypocoristic on the part of the addresser «is face-threatening and can result in a confrontation» (ibid.,2001:115). Hypocoristization is a language-specific system, and has usually a specific structuring; this is why how a name is perceived is a matter of language7and within each language it can be related to gender8. At this point we want to make clear that in Basque, as is usual in other languages, not all pet names are used on the same level. For example, Joxe, Patxi or Pello are variants optionally used in formal situations9, whereas the use of Fernanddo or Ixiar might be more doubtful in an identical situation, there being no doubt that hypocoristics of the kind of Kexuxin,Kettuttin, Koxpa,Moxto,Nune,Papax,Ttattin,Ttattan or Eñautiko are appropriately used in familiar or friendly environments, but not in more formal situations. In certain cases a hypocoristic has undergone a process of neutralization; this is what has happened in examples like Johannes Johan /Hans,Konrad Kurt and Nikolaus Klaus in German. We propose that the same thing is taking place in the mentioned examples of Patxi or Pello in Basque. Moreover, in the case of Basque pet names, the usual variant of a name to appear in documents in the last two centuries or so was one that we might call «neuter» or «non-hypocoristic», whereas another variant of endearment and A DESCRIPTIVE ANALYSIS OF BASQUE HYPOCORISTICS 7In any case, it must be taken into consideration that in a language as widespread as English hypocoristic-constructing uses vary regionally, compare e.g. the United States vs. Australia (Wierzbicka, 1992:225 and others, Simpson, 2001, Lappe, 2007:35). 8See Lawson & Roeder (1986) for more on this matter. 9In Plénat’s (2003:79) line of thought, one could say that these hypocoristics are «lexicalized». ISSN 0046-435X, Fontes Linguae Vasconum (FLV), nº 117 (2014), 187-211 191 [5] PATXI SALABERRI ZARATIEGI /IKER SALABERRI IZKO ISSN 0046-435X, Fontes Linguae Vasconum (FLV), nº 117 (2014), 187-211 [6] 192 fondness was used at home, among friends, in town, etc. as a consequence of the diglossic situation undergone by this language. This situation still exists to a certain extent in the Spanish Basque Country, and to a greater extent in the French Basque Country, even though the situation is changing in both areas. In former times, however, things were unlike now, since many documents –which show variation as well, depending on the intention and kind of document and who it was meant for– appear full of pet names, cfr. the following quotes: «Michelco fijo de Chariquo» (Bera, Navarre, 1366), «Chartico de artero e Johanco su cuñado, Johanto fijo de Johan de arzoz; sus fijos Choanco, Choaneto, Chartico» (Betelu, Navarre, 1520). In the present paper we consider only the hypocoristics which are based on first names, and not the ones that are based on surnames (e.g. Lasarte  Laxarte,Salaberri Xala,Susperregi Xuxpe or Zubiri Xubiri). Neither do we consider hypocoristics whose origin may lay in place names, be they common toponyms (Ezkurra Exkurra,Goizueta Goixut, see Salaberri, 2009:86-87) or denominations rooted in oyconyms (what we call «house nicknames–, such as Arrosenea [the house] Arroxene [the owner of the house] in Ituren, Pertalats Pertalatx in Arizkun or Aldúntzìn Aldùntxín in Goizueta, all found in Navarre; see Salaberri & Zubiri, 2009). University names are considered in other languages (in Japanese, see Milam, 2006), as well as names of tribes (in Nootka or Nuuchahnulth, see Stonham, 1991), or place names (e.g. Armas [1974:195] for Guatemalan Spanish, or Simpson [2001] for Australian English)10. For other languages «hypocoristics of common names» are mentioned, in German (Wiese, 2001)11 and English (Simpson, 2001) for comparison12. On the other hand, in order to know whether a hypocoristic is male or female in Basque, one must take the whole neuter name, the non-hypocoristic form in the base into consideration, as is the case in other languages. Suffixes, excluding the few ones which display gender markers13 (i.e. feminine -a, as a way of explanation -nda in the older hypocoristics, -it(t)a in the newer ones, like Otsanda,Pakitta,Pantxita), are generally speaking used to construct both male and female names, as is the case in Czech (Bethin, 2003: 63). By way of comparison: Betri,Petri,Petiri Betriko,Petriko, Petiriko vs. Juana,Mari(a) Juanako,Mari(a)ko, all of which are formed using the suffix -ko. 10 In American English as well; cfr. the examples Cincinatti Cincy,Philadelphia Philly, or the example that Simpson does not mention, San Francisco Frisco. No such phenomena are attested for Basque, that we know of. We collected examples (Salaberri, 2009:8) such as La Rochapea La Rocha (Arrotxapea, a neighborhood in Iruñea/Pamplona) or Portugalete Portu (a town in Bizkaia) among others, but these are common only in Spanish. However this may be, we are not sure whether reduced village names (Ittun ‘Ituren’, Olazti ‘Olatzagutia’ and Otsagi ‘Otsagabia’ in Navarre, for instance) can be considered to be, sometimes at least, hypocoristics of place names. 11 He claims thus in a footnote (p. 135): «Phoni is hypocoristic for Phonologe ‘phonologist’, a formation English speakers are particularly fond of». 12 On the other hand, Thornton (2006) and Halicki (2007) use the term hypocoristic to refer to the first name of a person, and the Italian term accorciamenti to refer to the shortenings or so-called clippings that happen in this language, which in our view is the correct manner to name these elements. 13 In Basque grammatical gender does not exist, but in the field of onomastics male and female names have been explicitly gendered, since the Middle Ages at least. 2. PET NAMES IN BASQUE: FORMATION PATTERNS AND CHARACTERISTICS We have had a well-organized hypocoristics system in our language, and we still have it. By this is meant that throughout the history of the language certain patterns have been used to form pet names, and although some of these patterns have changed to a certain extent, they still apply in the production of hypocoristics, even if some of them are not as productive as they used to be: a few have made their way «safe and sound» to our day (which is the case of most patterns consisting of palatalization) whereas others are not so much in force (e.g. suffixation). In this paper we define the so-called «hypocoristics system» along the lines of the «naming system» that Ainiala, Saarelma and Sjöblom (2012:21) mention: «When speaking of a naming system, we are referring to a system that is formed by certain types of names where certain structural or functional principles are dominant». In the case of Basque pet names, a few names such as Joanes14,Maria, Marti(n),Petri, etc. were commonly used as a base, and there existed a few main pathways that lead to the formation of hypocoristics. Nowadays names have changed, especially among the younger generations in the Spanish Basque Country (see Gorrotxategi, 2000). One initial cause for this change is the naming revolution lead by Arana‘s work during the first third of the 20th century, and a later cause are the renovations supported by Satrustegi. As a consequence hypocoristica have changed as well, since the bases are unlike the former ones, although the patterns for the formation of pet names continue to be the same ones. These are the following four (Salaberri, 2009): 2.1. Palatalization This first pattern is alive and kicking among Basque speakers, although some subpatterns that historically existed have come to disappear. The following are the sounds that can undergo palatalization15: /ś/:Añes Añex,Dolores Dolorex,Nikolas Nikolax,Sante Txante*16,Sinforiano Txifuriano,Sorkunde Xorkun. In some cases we observe that the palatalized sound has changed its quality after palatalization of the alveolar apical has taken place: Joserra Joxerra Kotterra,Sebastián Xaxtian Ttattan. /s/:Anizet Anixet,Bizente Bixente,Gaizka Gaixka,Luzia Lutxi, Luxia;Zipriano Txipano17,Zumar Xumar. /ć/:Alfontso Alfontxo,Alpontxo;Urtsula Urtxula. A DESCRIPTIVE ANALYSIS OF BASQUE HYPOCORISTICS 14 This was the most frequent and extensively used name in Europe during the late Middle Ages and the Renaissance period (Ainiala, Saarelma, Sjöblom, 2012:152). 15 May it be noted here that Basque pronunciation has to be the starting point when inferring palatalized variants. For example, it is necessary to propose Adorazion when explaining the evolution from Adoración to Adoraxon, i.e. it is necessary to propose a middle stage with [s]. 16 If nothing else is specified in the text, we mark hypocoristics that are only historical with an asterisk placed behind. 17 Piano,Chano and Yano are this name’s hypocoristics in Mexico (Boyd-Bowman, 1955:340), Chano in Honduras (Van Wijk, 1964:304), and Cipria and Pano in Bogota (Urawa, 1985:60). Anoher Basque hypocoristic of this name is Xipri, although this can be based as well on the French form Cyprien. ISSN 0046-435X, Fontes Linguae Vasconum (FLV), nº 117 (2014), 187-211 193 [7] PATXI SALABERRI ZARATIEGI /IKER SALABERRI IZKO ISSN 0046-435X, Fontes Linguae Vasconum (FLV), nº 117 (2014), 187-211 [14] 200 2.3.4. Reduction of consonant clusters In the language under study, as is the case with others26, the simplification and even occasional breaking of consonant clusters is no rarity: 1.[drV] > [ɟV]:André Andde,Andrés Anddex. 2.[flV] > [fV] > [pV]:Florencio Florentzio Fontxo,Pontxio. 3.[frV] > *[fV] > [pV],[mV]:François Pantxoa,Frantziska  Maintxika,Pantxika;Frantzisko Prantxito Pantxito,Patxi,Pantxo, Mantziku,Patziku. 4.[grV] > [gV.rV] (> [gV.hV]): Gracianne Gerexina,Gehaxina. 5.[grV] > [gV]:Graciosa,Gracieuse Gaxuxa. Another evolution of this structure is [ʧV], the one we find in the historical example of Grazia  Txaxi. If Xaxi derives from the same name as it seems to do, a further result of the consonant cluster [gr] would be [ʃV]. There may have been a middle stage in the form of *Gazi(a). 6.[krV] > [kV]:Juan Cruz [x]wankutx Kankutx;María Cruz  Marikruz Maikutz. 7.[n.ʧV] > [Ø.ʧV]: (Jwantxo,Jwantxu )Txantxo, *Txantxu Txatxo, Txatxu (see above). This is an old development that is no longer productive. 8.[prjV] > [pV]:Zipriano Txipano. 9.[prV] > [pV]:Prudentzio Proentxio Poentxio. 10.[r.dV] > [Ø.dV]:Benardin Beñadin. 11.[r.lV] > [Ø.lV]:Karlos Kalox. 12.[r.lV] > [Ø.λV]:Erlande Ellande Allande; (Karlos )Karlin  Kallin. 13.[r.nV] > [Ø.ɲV]:Bernardo Beñardo,Berna(r)t >Beñat;Fernan  Feñan. 14.[r.trV] > [Ø.cV]:Bertran(d) Pettan. 15.[r.ʧV] > [Ø.ʧV]:Gartxot Gatxot*, Martxelo Matxelo,Patxelo. 16.[r.tV] > [Ø.cV]:Bartolo Mattolo,Martin Mattin. 17.[r.tV] > [Ø.ʧV]:Marti Matxi. This is old. 18.[r.tV] > [Ø.tV]:Joxemartiñ Joxematiñ,Martina Txartina*  Txatina*. 19.[r.xV] > [Ø.kV]:Bir[x]inia Bir[x]i Biki (Virgi in Italian and Spanish, Urawa, 1985:77; Thornton, 1996:88, even though the pronunciation is different in each of those languages). 20.[śil.bV] > [ʧi.li.bV]:Silvestre,Silvestra Txilibistro,Txilibistra. 21.[śin.fV] > [ʧi.fV]:Sinforiano Txifuriano. 22.[trV] > [cV]:Catherine [katRín] Kattin,Kattina,Katti;Patrizia  Patti;Betri Betti,Tristant Ttittant. 26 An example from English would be Andrew Andy, not *Andry, since the second syllable never displays a complex onset, even if this is the case in the base name. In light of this the pet names André,Andrés Andde,Anddex of Basque come to mind because the process is seemingly the same. For the evolution of consonant clusters in hypocoristics in English see Lappe (2007:245 and successive pages), and for German see Wiese (2001). In dealing with Czech, Bethin (2003:64) claims «that markedness/well-formedness constraints on prosodic structure to a large extent determine the shape of hypocoristics. Constraints on syllable structure enforce the presence of an onset and limit the types of permissible codas», and in a footnote this author adds: «... syllable structure constraints, which in general favor no complex cluster and homorganic codas, although there are exceptions [...]». In any case, reductions are scarce among the examples provided by this author. In other instances, however, consonant clusters are not reduced, but preserved: 23.[frV] > [frV],[prV]:Frantzisko Fraxku,Prantxisko,Prantxito, Prantxo, etc. 24.[m.brV] > [m.brV]:Ambrosio,Ambrosia Anbroxio,Anbroxi. 25.[m.bV] > [m.bV]:Janbatizt (Jean-Baptiste)Janbattit,Janbattitt. 26.[n.tsV] > [n.ʧV]:Benantzio,Benantzia Benantxio,Benantxi. 27.[priV],[prjV] > [prV]:Cipriano,Cyprien Xipri. 28.[prV] > [prV]:Prudentzio,Prudentzia Prudentxio,Prudentxi. 29.[r.dV] > [r.dV]:Benardin Beñardin,Benardine Beñardina. 30.[r.lV] > [r.lV]:Karlos Karlox. 31.[r.nV] > [r.ɲV]:Bernardo Berñardo. 32.[r.sV] > [r.ʧV]:Garze(a) +-ot >Gartxot;Garzio Gartxio;Garzo  Gartxo. This evolution is old. 33.[r.tsV] > [r.ʧV]:Martzelo Martxelo. 34.[r.tV] > [r.cV]:Alberto Albertto,Bartolo Marttolo. 35.[st(.V)], [ś.tV] >[ʃ.tV]:Batizt,Bautista Batixta,Bautixta;Tristan Trixtan. 36.[tV] > [cV], [ʧV]:Antonia Anttoni;Antonio Anton Antton,Antxon. In one case the consonant cluster is not reduced, but it is changed in some way: 37.[flV] > [prV]:Florencio Prontxio. The following being a single example, it could be that the trill is dropped due to a dissimilation and not due to the hypocoristic status of the word, since we would otherwise expect a CV syllable, not CCV: 38.[r.trV] > [Ø.trV]:Gertrudis Ketruxa. In this case the hypocoristic displays a vowel -athat the original form does not, in the same way as happens with Spanish María Jesús (María)Jesusa. This might suggest the starting point from which the hypocoristic is derived to be *Gertrudisa, i.e. for -ato be a gender marker. In some areas it is common for [k] to appear in stead of [x], especially in those areas in which the velar sound [x] from Spanish is perceived as a foreign sound27:Jesús Kexux,José and Jose Kotte (and using this as a starting point, Ttotte), etc.28. We believe that the following is an example of assimilation: 39.[m.bV] > (*[m.mV] >)[mV]:Janbatizt (Jean-Baptiste)Jamattit, Jamattitt. 2.3.5. Consonant dropping It is necessary to investigate, at some point, what the relationship between vowel dropping and accentuation is: in some instances, in the case of Zacarías Xakári for example, the stress seems to have shifted, although this A DESCRIPTIVE ANALYSIS OF BASQUE HYPOCORISTICS 27 Let it be pointed out, in any case, that the change [x] > [k] occasionally also occurs in Spanish (Piñeros, 2000:82), and that there exist a few examples of this change in the Basque spoken in the Northern Basque Country as well. 28 Boyd-Bowman (1955:339) picked up on the occurrence of Augusto‘s hypocoristic Cuxo in Yucatan, México, and Plénat (2003:83) received this occurrence from him and included it in his work half a century later. We do not know, however, what the language environment is in which said pet name is found, and in such a situation it is difficult to write about it without being mistaken. ISSN 0046-435X, Fontes Linguae Vasconum (FLV), nº 117 (2014), 187-211 201 [15] PATXI SALABERRI ZARATIEGI /IKER SALABERRI IZKO ISSN 0046-435X, Fontes Linguae Vasconum (FLV), nº 117 (2014), 187-211 [16] 202 might be a mere illusion if it turns out that the name was pronounced Zakárias. However this may be, dropping of final -sis also well known: Jesus Kexux Ketxu, even if this phenomenon is not necessary (the form Ketxus exists as well). We could also be dealing with dropping of the final sibilant in the historical example Txaperi, if it were derived not from *Juanperi, but from Juanperi(t)z* (which was originally a structure name +patronymic). We often observe variants that have undergone loss of a tap, occasionally next to the form that contains that sound: Dolores Doloex (also Dolorex), Evaristo Ebaixto (also Ebarixto), Juanmari Juanmaiko,Lorenzo Loentxo (also Lorentxo), María Josefa Maixepa (also Mariajoxepa). This phenomenon is very widespread among names that contain María as a first member (see the examples mentioned above). An intervocalic voiced fricative can also be dropped, be it a bilabial (Esteban Extean), dental (Prudencia Proentxi) or velar (Agustin,Augustin Auxtin,Segunda Xeunda,Segundino Xeundino). These consonant droppings often cause vowels (or makes it easier for them) to fuse together: Florencio Fontxo,Pontxio;Lorentza,Lorentzo  Loentxa,Loentxo Lontxa,Lontxo;Prudentzio Proentxio Proontxio  Prontxio. They can also cause diphthongs to arise: Esteban Extwan,Ixtwan. In ancient times the dropping of a consonant could be caused by the addition of a suffix: Miguel Mitxel Mitxeto (but Mitxelko). It is worth noting at this point that in some varieties of Basque it is common for the sounds [ɾ], [δ], [ɣ]to be dropped ([β]considerably less frequently) and, to a certain degree at least, for the dropping of these sounds to be a consequence of the previously mentioned dialectal variation. In order to find out the implications of these phenomena, however, we should be familiar with the varieties of Basque that are spoken in all the villages from which we have collected the pet names. In any case, it is clear that hypocoristics contribute to the loss of certain sounds, even if this does not happen often in common speech. We can think that when both tendencies meet (the dialectal one and the hypocoristic-induced one) the mentioned fricative sounds are dropped more easily in intervocalic position. 2.3.6. Use of certain consonants in hypocoristics The tendency of Basque hypocoristics to use [p] instead of [f] is noteworthy, even in those villages whose local variety does not commonly display such a change in daily speech: Alfontso Alpontxo, Frantziska Pantxika, Frantzisko Patxi (which is attested in Zaraitzu / Salazar in the 16th century), Martin Mattin Pattin; Martzelo Martxelo Matxelo Patxelo. This tendency is present in the Spanish spoken by children as well, according to Boyd-Bowman (1955:356-357): Bonifacio Pacho,Sinforosa Polocha. In any case, it seems that such a change is present in pet names that apparently are not related to the speech of children: Francisca Paca,Francisco Paco29. 29 In dealing with English, Coates (2008:326) mentions some of the names that present a number of phonological changes during and after the Middle Ages (the hypocoristics Kit,Gib,Wat,Heb and Phip, from the names Chistopher,Gilbert,Walter,Herbert and Philip). This author claims that Kit could be «an adoption by adult speakers of juvenile pronunciation», but that this is not certain in the case of the other hypocoristics. Thornton (1996) observes as well the influence of child speech in some pet names in Italian. In the Northern Basque Country we observe the same change: Bertran(d)  Pettan, but this time stemming from [b]. We can consider these developments, following Piñeros (2000) and Plénat (2003), as the consequence of the «optimizing» of the «attaques» or «onsets» of the hypocoristics, since not all consonants have the same value when appearing in the onset of a syllable30. It would seem that [m] gives the same result, i.e. that this sound adds articulatory prominence to the hypocoristic: Francisco Mantziku;Juanes, Juanis Juanex, Juanix Manex, Manix; Nicolás Mikolax. We consider that the variants Ganex,Ganix of this name in the recent past must be explained differently, and the same must be said about the pet names Fanex, Fanix. We sometimes find [l] in place of the original [ɾ]:Bittorio Bittolo, Teresa *Tteresa Ttele. The tendency, on the other hand, to use another palatal sound, [c], instead of [ʃ]or [ʧ]is noteworthy: María Isabel Maixabel, Maxabel Mattel, Patxitto Pattitto (assimilation?), Sebastian  Xaxtian Ttattan. This last name is an example of reduplicating hypocoristic and, in such cases, [c] can appear instead of another consonant: Joxe  Kotte Ttotte, Mattin Ttattin. 2.3.7. Consequences of assimilation and dissimilation Assimilation and dissimilation are also related to occurrences of voweldropping and changes in the quality of vowels: Florencio Florentzio  *Forontzio *Fontxio (cfr. Pontxio)Fontxo. This is also the case in general in relation to consonant loss and consonant change: Jose Fermín  [x]oxepillin;Juan José [x]wan[x]oxe [x]wanxe; Juan Ignacio [x]wan Inazio [x]waninaxio [x]wainaxio [x]waníxjo. The occurrences of so-called «reduplication» must also be included here; the following are some instances of such phenomena in Basque: Allande  Allalle,Dominica *Domi Momi,Edurne Nune,Fernando Menano; Izaskun Kakun;Jean-Pierre Xanpier *Panpier Panpi;Joana Maña Ñaña;Joanes Ñañes,Josune Totune Totu;Maripaz Papax, etc. These forms may be related to the speech of children31. This being said, let us deal with some clear name-shortenings: 2.3.8. Elision of initial syllables, without palatalization Examples of non-palatalized truncated names are extremely infrequent in Basque, since most occurrences present palatalization. Among the few examples that we found, Garbikunde Kunde is worth mentioning. A DESCRIPTIVE ANALYSIS OF BASQUE HYPOCORISTICS 30 The following quote by Plénat (2003:84) in which the author explains the hierarchies established by Optimality Theory can help understand the data provided in this paper: «Prince & Smolensky (1993:129) ont incorporé cette idée [the relative sonority of the elements in the segment chain] dans O.T. en proposant deux sous-hiérarchies universelles de contraintes, la HIÉRARCHIE DES MARGES et la HIÉRARCHIE DES NOYAUX [...]. La HIÉRARCHIE DES NOYAUX pénalise l’association des segments aux noyaux syllabiques en fonction de leur position sur une échelle de sonorité. Plus un phonème est sonore, moins la pénalité qu’il encourt en jouant le rôle de noyau d’une syllabe est sévère. La HIÉRARCHIE DES MARGES [...] utilise la même échelle de sonorité, mais en sens inverse: elle pénalise l’association des phonèmes à l’attaque et à la coda de la syllabe d’autant plus lourdement qu’ils sont plus sonores». 31 The analysis of reduplicated forms in Spanish that Plénat (2003) carries out is very interesting. ISSN 0046-435X, Fontes Linguae Vasconum (FLV), nº 117 (2014), 187-211 203 [17] PATXI SALABERRI ZARATIEGI /IKER SALABERRI IZKO ISSN 0046-435X, Fontes Linguae Vasconum (FLV), nº 117 (2014), 187-211 [18] 204 2.3.9. Elision of name-internal phonological material, without palatalization These are not very frequent either, although they are in fact more frequent than those in the previous section: Eufemia Ufemia Ufi,Francisco Fraisko,Praisko;Jerónimo Jolmo,María Dolores Maloles, etc. 2.3.10. Elision of final syllables, without palatalization These come up considerably more often than those in the two previous sections, although palatalized instances are more frequent in any case. The following are some non-palatalized instances32:Agustin Agus,Begoña  Bego,Estíbaliz Esti,Gabina Gabi,Garazi Gara,Garikoitz Gari, Iñigo Iñi,Izaskun Izas,Iziar Izi. 2.3.11. Elision of initial and final syllables, without palatalization These are very scarce as well, in addition to occasionally presenting some other change: Aitziber Tzibi,Hipólito Poli. 2.3.12. Others Sometimes, in compound names, the hypocoristic seems to originate by taking a piece from each name; moreover, occasionally an additional change is to be seen: Maria Azentzion Mazintzi,Maria Lurdes Malu,Maria Pilar Maripi. 2.4. Pattern combinations 2.4.1. Palatalization and suffixation Suffixes often display a palatalized base. We find many examples in written documents; the following are some old instances: Azeari Axeariko, Grazi(a) Graxiko,Graxit;Joanes Xoanexko,Katalin(a) Txatalingo; Lope Txopiko,Txopin,Txopino;Maria Malliato,Txariako;Marina  Txaringo;Marti Matxikote,Txartiko;Martin Matxingo,Matxiniko; Martina Txartingo,Peru Txeruko, etc. Nowadays we have Felixin,Felixto (Felis),Iñaxita,Iñaxito (Inazio), Jexuxin,Jexuxito,Jexuxto,Kettuttin,Kexuxin (Jesus),Jexuxita (Maria Jesus), Laxarito (Lazaro),Lorentxito (Lorentzo),Patxikin (Frantzisko),Paxita (Paz), Pettitto (Pedro), etc. We find a few cases of so-called «back-formation» or «retrograde formation». This means that the ending of a hypocoristic has been reanalyzed as a suffix (and has consequently been sometimes replaced by another suffix), and then, in a number of cases, it has been elided: Frantzisko Prantxito  Pantxito Pantxo,Patxi or Frantzisko Pantxiko Patxiko Patxi. 32 These can be put on the same level as the so-called «Type-A hypocoristics» mentioned by Piñeros (2000) (Javier Javi,Mauricio Mauri). On the other hand, in the so-called «Type-B hypocoristics» sound elision has taken place in a different manner, and palatalization is often present (Alberto Beto, Cecilia Chila,Federico Fico,Gregorio Goyo,Susana Chana, etc.).These last examples are quite similar to many Basque hypocoristics. 2.4.2. Palatalization and shortening 2.4.2.1. Names are sometimes shortened from the beginning: Anastasio  Taxio, Bonifazio Faxio, Frantzisko Frantxixku Xixku, Gontzalo  Txalo33. 2.4.2.2. Instances of elision of name-internal phonological material are very frequent: Frantzisko Fraxko, Fraxku;Inazio Ixio, José Fermin  Joxermin;Marguerite *Margerita Margitta,Martín José Martioxe. Sometimes, however, it is not clear whether this internal shortening is a consequence of the hypocoristic status of the example or a development of the local variety: Mercedes Mertzedes Mertxedex Mertxex [merʧé∫]. 2.4.2.3. In some other names elision has taken place name-internally and name-finally: Andres María Apalli,José Antonio Joxton,Koxton;María Dolores Maloles *Mallolles Mallo. 2.4.2.4. In a number of cases the final part of the name disappears: Asier Axi, Frantziska Frantxiska Frantxixka Frantxix, Manuel Mañu, Paskuala Paxku, Telesfora Tteles. 2.4.3. Shortening and suffixation Such a development is well known in some names, but it can be said that we are not dealing with a productive pattern in Basque: Arritokieta Arri  Arritxu, Bakarne *Bakar Bakartxo, Estibaliz Esti Estitxu. In languages like Japanese, however, shortenings are frequent, when the hypocoristic takes the suffix34. 2.4.4. Shortening, palatalization and suffixation Fernando Ferrando Ferran(d, t) Txerran35 Txerrantxe. This triple pattern is not common, and we prefer to think that Ferran(d, t)  Txerran is the basis for Txerrantxe. If this were the case we would only have a case of palatalization and suffixation, i.e. a double, and not triple, phenomenon. 2.5. Augmentative pet names In addition to the four patterns mentioned above (palatalization / suffixation / shortening / a combination of two out of the previous three) there exists a fifth pattern, at least in the eastern Basque Country. This pattern is A DESCRIPTIVE ANALYSIS OF BASQUE HYPOCORISTICS 33 Chalo is the hypocoristic of Gonzalo in the Spanish of Mexico (Boyd-Bowman, 1955:339) as well as in Honduras (Van Wijk, 1964:304). 34 This language presents a handful of hypocoristic affixes as shown above. Among others, -chan (colloquial register), -san (general) and -sama (formal register). For example, if we take the personal name Masako we can derive from it the forms Masako-chan,Masako-san and Masako-sama, although the first of them can undergo a number of modifications in its use among the name bearer’s close friends and family members. The following are its possible variants: Masa-chan, Mako-chan, Sako-chan and Maa-chan (Kozasa, 2000:2). 35 Knörr (2007:97) derives the hypocoristic Txerran from Aragonese-Catalan Ferran ‘Ferdinand’, mistakenly in our view, since Ferrando (Ferrando de Badoztain, Pamplona, 1350,Ferrando de Yndo, Deba, 1465), Ferrand (Ferrand Semeneiç, Pamplona, 1267), Ferrant Gomez (Navarre, 1282) and others have long been well known in Basque (cfr., especially, Ordoño Txordon Txorron). Those inhabitants of Luzaide (Navarre) who are named Fernando are called or may be called by means of the hypocoristic Ferranddo. ISSN 0046-435X, Fontes Linguae Vasconum (FLV), nº 117 (2014), 187-211 205 [19] PATXI SALABERRI ZARATIEGI /IKER SALABERRI IZKO ISSN 0046-435X, Fontes Linguae Vasconum (FLV), nº 117 (2014), 187-211 [20] 206 quite special because it is used when conveying a despective meaning or when the hypocoristic bearer presents an outstanding characteristic related to their character or physical looks (e.g. tall, overweight, ill-humoured...). In such cases [s] or [ts] are used instead of [ś],[ʃ]or [ʧ]:Andres Andrez, Basilio Bazilio,Felix Feliz,Fermintxo Fermintzo,Gaxan Gazan36, Isidro Izidro,Jabiertxo Jabiertzo,Jose Luis Joselu Jozelu,Manex  Manez,Paxkal Pazkal;Ximon,Ximun Zimon,Zimun;Xalbat Zalbat, etc.In such cases we find sound-droppings and simplifications as well, exactly in the way they happen in the others: Jexux Ketzu, Juanjoxe  Kankoze. There are also other kinds of shortening: Joxeantonio Jozeantonio Zaton. The depalatalization of other palatal consonants is the same kind of phenomenon (i.e. it is used for the same purpose): [λ] > [l](Pello Pelo), [ɲ] > [n] (Beñat Benat), [c] > [t] (Battitta Batita, Pettan Petan). It would seem that in these cases the closest origin of the depalatalized variants is the form that contains the palatalized element, and not the neutral base name. For the sake of comparison, we consider that in order to get to Izidro, we should not take Isidro as a reference, but its hypocoristic Ixidro. Likewise, in order to get Joze we whould start with Joxe, not Jose. This explanation is encompassing and it comprises all the available data, and we therefore consider it to be the most appropriate. The speakers feel it that way too: in the Navarrese village of Amaiur37 there used to exist the hypocoristic Jezuz, but only because the hypocoristic Jexux (Jezuz Artxekoa / Jexux Barbain) had previously existed as well. Likewise, Zanti is used nowadays, because Xanti was previously used (Zanti Salaberri / Xanti Erdikoborda). In the same line of thought, Paskalttiki used to be in use in Amaiur, apparently because Pazkalaundi was used in the village of Urdazubi, not far away. Therefore, it seems that a prerequisite for there to be augmentative hypocoristics is that common hypocoristics have to be used first, although the inverse is not necessarily implied by this, meaning that there can exist common hypocoristics without there being augmentative hypocoristics. At this point it must be taken into account that the augmentative Mizel is based on the name Mixel in the French Basque Country, and also that the latter form, in spite of its appearance, is no hypocoristic, but a neuter form. The same can be held for Pazkal, since this form reflects nothing more than the Basque pronunciation of French Pascal, at least in most of the cases. It is a well-known fact that the pronunciation of French <s> and Basque <z> is close in articulatory terms. However this may be, it is clear that the Pazkal used in Urdazubi, the one to which -aundi ‘big’, ‘tall’ is or used to be added, is an augmentative when compared to Paskalttiki (ttiki ‘small’, ‘short’). In the French Basque Country as well, [s] can be used to convey a big size, as can be seen in examples such as Xalbat Zalbat. 36 In some cases, unless we know the bearer of the hypocoristic, i.e. whether he or she is big, overweight, etc., it is not easy to determine the development of the hypocoristic in question. 37 We owe these data to Paskual Rekalde. A DESCRIPTIVE ANALYSIS OF BASQUE HYPOCORISTICS ISSN 0046-435X, Fontes Linguae Vasconum (FLV), nº 117 (2014), 187-211 207 [21] 3. CONCLUSIONS The following conclusions can be drawn from our claims, among others: 3.1. In order that a pet name can be considered Basque it is sufficient that its evolution be the product of a Basque pattern. The neuter name, the nonhypocoristic, does not need to be a Basque form (Martie for instance), let alone to be of Basque origin (Haritz for example). 3.2. What produces the hypocoristic can be a phonological process (i.e. palatalization), a morphological process (shortening, suffixation, or, in a few forms, a combination of both) or a morphonological process (i.e. palatalization + shortening / palatalization + suffixation). The matter here is that phonology (prosody) and morphology are closely related, as prosodic morphology clearly shows. 3.3. Regarding the length of pet names, it would seem that hypocoristica of single names, those which contain no suffixes, have a tendency to be two or three syllables long nowadays, as if there were an underlying force (a template) that leads hypocoristica in that direction. However, there are some hypocoristica that are four syllables long, as a consequence of the length of the original name. 3.4. One-syllable hypocoristics have not existed previously, or at least there are no instances of such in the documents that we have been examining. There exist a few monosyllabic hypocoristics at present, whose origin lies in reduplicated forms, but these are extremely infrequent and are used in very familiar environments. 3.5. Nowadays it is quite common for vowel-droppings to take place in order to get dior trisyllabic hypocoristics, or for the vowel to become a glide, even to be absorbed, when there is a palatal consonant lying next to it. Sometimes these phenomena seem to have taken place with the aim of achieving trisyllabic hypocoristics. 3.6. In present-day Basque the simplification of consonant clusters is very frequent, so that the end-product is a syllable with a CV structure (a «light» syllable, in Prieto’s [1992:144] terms). This happens whenever the consonant cluster is tautosyllabic, but also when it is heterosyllabic, i.e. when the consonant belongs to the coda of the previous syllable. This coda, which is usually elided, is always a sonorant consonant, a trill in most of the cases, and a nasal or lateral occasionally. Therefore, the resulting structure is CV.CV. There is much to investigate about this, however. 3.7. Rarely, in order to achieve the same aim, an anaptyctic vowel is inserted, as was the case a long time ago of Latin loanwords (cruce(m) gurutze, libru(m) liburu). 3.8. In any case, in some consonant clusters we have two options: simplification or preservation of the cluster. The sociolinguistic environment of the language presumably plays a role in the preservation of consonant clusters, since Basque is in our days oppressed by the two main surrounding languages (Spanish and French). 3.9. Suffixation has been a very common resource in the creation of Basque pet names in the last centuries, often accompanied by palatalization. The suffixes that were once used were often compound suffixes, i.e. they consisted of two or three subparts. PATXI SALABERRI ZARATIEGI /IKER SALABERRI IZKO ISSN 0046-435X, Fontes Linguae Vasconum (FLV), nº 117 (2014), 187-211 [22] 208 3.10. Nowadays suffixation is quite weakened, only a few suffixes are used. 3.11. At present, palatalization is used above all in Basque to form hypocoristics, often alone and often accompanied by shortening of the name. 3.12. Shortening is also frequent in our days, and it can take place nameinitially, medially or finally, or in more than one place at the same time, especially medially and finally (-ia > -i in female names in the Southern Basque Country) or, when it is a compound name, in both elements. 3.13. Sometimes it is hard to see the reason for the shortening as well as to explain the evolution of the name itself. It is possible that child speech has had a special influence on this area. 3.14. As is the case in many other languages, in Basque there exist reduplicating hypocoristica. It would seem that these, too, originated in child speech. 3.15. Moreover, the «augmentative hypocoristics» used in the eastern Basque Country are quite special and characteristic of Euskara, or Basque. These usually originate due to the size, overweight, tallness or roughness of the name bearer, and they consist of using the non-palatal counterparts of otherwise palatal sounds (usually instead of palatal sibilants), in the same way as happens in common speech (goxoa ‘sweet’ / gozoa ‘very sweet’, ‘too sweet’; xexena ‘small bull’ / zezena ‘common or big bull’). 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