Sexting and Sextortion Among Czech Adolescents: A Case-Based Qualitative Analysis

Sexting and Sextortion Among Czech Adolescents: A Case-Based Qualitative Analysis Voráč, Dominik; Kopecký, Kamil; Hrdinová Petra, Ziburová Karolína Faculty of Education, Palacký University Olomouc Czech Republic Abstract The rise of digital communication has fundamentally reshaped adolescent social interactions, bringing new risks alongside new forms of intimacy. This study investigates the psychosocial dynamics of sexting and sextortion among children and adolescents aged 10 to 17, drawing on 416 anonymized case reports submitted to the Czech E-Bezpečí online counseling service between 2013 and 2025. Using qualitative coding and thematic analysis, the study explores patterns of behavior, underlying motivations, relationship dynamics, and psychological consequences associated with consensual sexting and coercive sextortion. Findings indicate that sexting is most prevalent between ages 15–17, often driven by romantic motivations, peer influence, or emotional exploration. A statistically significant association was found between gender and type of case, highlighting divergent risk profiles. The majority of perpetrators were strangers or online acquaintances, although ex-partners and current friends also played a role, reflecting both opportunistic and relational abuse dynamics. Psychological impacts were profound. Victims reported anxiety, shame, suicidal ideation, and social withdrawal, often in response to breaches of trust or public humiliation. The emotional toll was compounded by fears of legal repercussions and the irreversible circulation of explicit content. Notably, many victims reached out preemptively, fearing potential dissemination, illustrating how anticipated harm can drive distress even without actual exposure. Introduction The digital era has ushered in unprecedented opportunities for communication and self-expression, particularly among children and adolescents, yet this increased connectivity also presents novel challenges, notably in the realms of sexting and sextortion. Sexting (the sharing, sending, or receiving of sexually explicit messages, photographs, or videos via digital communication tools, particularly mobile phones, social media platforms, and messaging applications) is increasingly recognized as a common behavior among adolescents, particularly in the context of online romantic interactions, and may in some cases be misused and lead to coercive practices such as online sextortion (Döring, 2014; Kopecký, 2017; Kopecký & Szotkowski, 2018; Radebe & Njenga, 2024). Sextortion, a more insidious phenomenon, involves the exploitation of these intimate images or information through threats, coercion, or blackmail. This can lead to severe psychological distress and potential long-term consequences for victims (Hong et al., 2020). Understanding the psychosocial dynamics, motivations, and consequences surrounding sexting and sextortion is crucial for developing effective prevention and intervention strategies. This qualitative study delves into case reports from an online counseling service to explore the patterns, motivations, and consequences of sexting and sextortion among children and adolescents aged 10 to 17. By examining real-life scenarios documented by victims, this research aims to provide a nuanced understanding of the experiences of young people involved in these behaviors. Previous studies have noted that certain methodological constraints — such as survey environments that do not guarantee privacy — may lead to underreporting of sexting behaviors (Lenhart, n.d.; Mitchell et al., 2012). Unlike large-scale surveys that may rely on parental reports or retrospective accounts, our analysis is grounded in the authentic and immediate testimony of a child confronting a personal problem, thus avoiding this particular limitation. This perspective allows for a more nuanced understanding of the child's lived experience and offers valuable insights for more targeted prevention and intervention strategies. This clearer understanding of psychosocial motivations and contextual risk factors is crucial for prevention and education strategies (Madigan et al., 2018; Mori et al., 2020). Motivations and Patterns of Sexting The prevalence of sexting among young people is increasing, with studies indicating that a significant proportion of adolescents have sent, received, or forwarded sexts (Molla-Esparza, Losilla, et al., 2020; Szotkowski et al., 2020). The patterns of sexting can vary widely, ranging from consensual exchanges between romantic partners to non-consensual dissemination of images or messages. The anonymity afforded by online platforms can contribute to a sense of disinhibition, leading adolescents to engage in behaviors they might otherwise avoid in face-to-face interactions. The lack of immediate feedback and the potential for delayed consequences can also diminish perceptions of risk, making young people more vulnerable to engaging in sexting without fully understanding the potential ramifications (Howard et al., 2023). The motivations behind sexting among adolescents are multifaceted, spanning social, emotional, and psychological domains. Some adolescents engage in sexting as a means of sexual expression in online interactions and as part of their exploration of emerging sexuality (Sharma et al., 2019) In many cases, peer pressure – especially via social media platforms - plays a critical role in initiating such behavior. The drive to conform to group norms and maintain social status can often outweigh awareness of risks and consequences. Additionally, sexting may serve as an expression of autonomy, particularly among youth navigating restrictive cultural norms surrounding sexuality (Chege & Lumala, 2020). Theoretical framework Understanding the emergence and dynamics of sexting and sextortion among adolescents requires a multidimensional theoretical approach that reflects the complexity of contemporary digital socialization. These behaviors do not occur in isolation but are embedded in a broader sociocultural and technological context where risk-taking, identity exploration, and peer influence intersect. The convergence of interpersonal communication technologies and adolescent development has transformed traditional patterns of social interaction, demanding new analytical lenses for examining behaviors such as sexting and the increasingly prevalent phenomenon of sextortion (Morelli et al., 2025). A foundational lens for understanding sexting is social learning theory, which posits that behavior is acquired through observation and imitation of others, particularly within peer networks (Sesar et al., 2019). Adolescents often look to their social environment for behavioral cues, and when sexting is perceived as normative or even desirable—reinforced by peer approval or romantic attention - it becomes more likely that individuals will engage in it (Dodaj & Sesar, 2023). This aligns with findings that adolescents exposed to peers who engage in sexting are significantly more likely to adopt similar behaviors themselves, especially in the absence of critical media literacy or adult guidance. Complementing this is developmental vulnerability theory, which suggests that early adverse experiences - such as neglect, abuse, or unstable family dynamics - can impair emotional regulation and lead to increased susceptibility to risky or exploitative behaviors later in adolescence (Yoder et al., 2018). For some adolescents, sexting may serve as a maladaptive coping mechanism or a form of seeking validation in response to earlier emotional wounds. The influence of technology is further reflected in the concept of digital natives - young people who have grown up immersed in digital technologies. Their lived experience with instantaneous communication and online sharing often shapes a more fluid understanding of privacy and permanence, sometimes leading to underestimation of the risks associated with sharing intimate content (Mori et al., 2020). From a different angle, social control theory (Hirschi, 2017) emphasizes the protective role of strong social bonds, attachment to institutions (e.g., school, family), and internalization of norms in deterring deviant behaviors such as sexting. When these bonds are weakened—for instance, due to lack of parental involvement or social alienation—adolescents may be more prone to experimentation with risk-laden digital behaviors. This notion is reinforced by self-control theory, which posits that individuals with lower self-regulation are more likely to act impulsively without fully considering long-term consequences (Lee et al., 2013). In adolescence, the search for social adaptation and approval often heightens these tendencies, particularly when peer pressure promotes sexually expressive behaviors. Even when aware of potential risks, many teens still choose to engage in sexting as they navigate intimate relationships and social hierarchies (Perry et al., 2022; Tamarit et al., 2021). Applying social exchange theory, as suggested by Wright & Wachs (2024) offers a compelling lens for understanding the differential outcomes of consensual versus non-consensual and pressured sexting. While consensual sexting may enhance intimacy and emotional connection (i.e., relational “rewards”), coerced or non-consensual exchanges often yield psychological “costs”, thereby contributing to mental health issues and sexual risk behaviors. Routine activity theory further explains how sextortion opportunities arise from the convergence of three conditions: the presence of a motivated offender, a suitable target, and the absence of capable guardians (Kitteringham & Fennelly, 2020). The online environment often amplifies these factors, offering both access and anonymity to perpetrators. Research has also shown that victims with histories of trauma, sexual abuse, or chaotic domestic lives exhibit greater vulnerability to cyber victimization (Hong et al., 2020; Radebe & Njenga, 2024). Methods This study is based on data collected through the E-Bezpečí online counselling service, which has been operating in the Czech Republic at Palacký University in Olomouc since 2010 and has documented over 5,000 cases of risky online behavior among children and adolescents. For the purposes of the present research, we analyzed case reports submitted between 6 June 2013 and 13 February 2025. In accordance with the platform’s terms of use, respondents were informed that anonymized data might be used for research purposes. All personal information was removed in line with ethical standards for data protection and the privacy of individuals. The study received approval from the Ethics Committee of the Faculty of Education, Palacký University in Olomouc. Case Selection From the full dataset of 5,001 cases, we selected those involving children aged 10 to 17 years and categorized them based on the type of risky online interaction. While the primary focus of our study was on sexting, we also included sextortion cases in the quantitative analysis to explore gender differences between these two forms of online sexual risk behavior. However, for the purposes of the qualitative analysis, we focused exclusively on cases involving sexting without any explicit elements of extortion. After this filtering process, a total of 133 relevant cases were retained for in-depth qualitative examination. Each case entry contained multiple variables: a unique case ID, the date of submission, the respondent’s gender and age, a free-text narrative (typically written by the child or adolescent), and a series of researcher-assigned thematic codes. All cases were anonymized prior to analysis to ensure the ethical handling of sensitive content. Coding Strategy The study employed a qualitative content analysis approach, grounded in an open, inductive coding process. The primary researcher manually reviewed each case narrative line by line and assigned codes based on recurring semantic themes. These themes were not predefined but rather emerged from the data itself, in line with principles of grounded theory. All coding procedures were conducted in Microsoft Excel, which enabled systematic documentation and cross-case comparison of thematic categories. The final codebook included a diverse range of concepts grouped into psychological, social, behavioral, and contextual dimensions. Commonly applied codes included: • Psychological states: fear, psychological deterioration, self-reflection. • Social dynamics: former partner, recent partner, unknown perpetrator, friend, cross-border element. • Behavioral and response patterns: non-consensual dissemination, avoidance of reporting, bribery, prank. • Technological context: platform-specific dissemination (Facebook etc.), general modes of sharing (direct messaging, web posting etc). • Platform-specific dissemination: (e.g., Instagram, Facebook, Pornhub, Ask.fm, Omegle) or general modes of sharing such as zprávy (direct messaging) and web (public web posting). Each case could be assigned multiple codes to capture the complexity of the situation. For example, a case coded with fear, unknowb, and sharing would indicate a victim experiencing fear, targeted by an unknown perpetrator, and affected by the unauthorized distribution of intimate content. Illustrative Example "Hello. My ex-boyfriend sent my naked photos to everyone at school. I really regret sending them to him when we were together, but it's too late now. When I asked him why he did it, he said someone had accessed his phone. But I gradually found out that he did it himself. I can't understand why he did that to me. I have his photos too. I was angry and completely devastated. Under pressure from my friends, who forced me to do it, I sent his photo. I started to regret it terribly. It didn't do me any good anyway. Because everyone in the whole school has my naked photos. I want it all to disappear. But I feel like there's nothing I can do about it. So I'm writing to you to ask for advice. I can't tell anyone because he's so mean to me that he would use it against me. He probably did all this because I broke up with him. He didn't treat me nicely and gradually started swearing at me. Then he sent the photos everywhere and still does. Thank you. Goodbye." Assigned codes: former partner; non-consensual dissemination; psychological deterioration; direct messaging Intercoder Reliability and Collaboration Although the initial round of coding was conducted by the lead researcher, the coding framework and assignments were subsequently reviewed and refined collaboratively by a team of three researchers with academic backgrounds in education, psychology, and media studies. Through iterative discussion and joint calibration, the research team ensured consistency in interpretation and classification. While formal metrics of intercoder reliability (such as Cohen’s κ) were not calculated— due to the exploratory and interpretative nature of the dataset—the collaborative approach contributed to conceptual rigor and reliability across the coding process. Results The final sample included 416 relevant cases, of which 133 were categorized as sexting and 283 as sextortion. Gender distribution revealed a higher proportion of female victims in both categories. Figure 1 Observed counts of sexting and sextortion cases by gender Category Girls Boys Not specified Sexting 103 26 4 Sextortion 180 98 5 Proportionally, girls accounted for approximately 77 % of sexting cases and 65 % of sextortion cases, whereas boys represented 20 % and 35 %, respectively. Figure 2 Observed vs. expected counts of sexting and sextortion cases by gender Gender Type Observed Expected Girl Sexting 103 89.70 Girl Sextortion 180 193.30 Boy Sexting 26 39.29 Boy Sextortion 98 84.71 To examine whether this gender distribution significantly differed between the two categories, we conducted a chi-square test of independence. The results indicated a statistically significant association between gender and type of case (χ² = 8.78, p = 0.003, df = 1), suggesting that the observed distribution is unlikely to be due to chance and reflects meaningful differences in how these behaviours manifest across genders. Across the dataset, sexually related cyber-incidents concentrate in mid-adolescence and have intensified in recent years. Sextortion reports cluster most strongly at ages 16–17, with these two cohorts accounting for nearly one-half of all such cases, whereas consensual sexting is more evenly spread across ages 15– 17 and remains uncommon outside that range, as shown in Figure 1. Figure 3 Number of sexting and sextortion cases by age When the data are viewed longitudinally, sextortion appears to be accelerating: annual counts remain marginal until 2019 but rise continuously thereafter, reaching a five-fold increase by 2024. In contrast, sexting fluctuates modestly—never exceeding five cases per year—and shows only a brief uptick in 2023. Taken together, the evidence points to mid-adolescence as the primary risk window, with sextortion emerging as a rapidly growing threat that now outpaces sexting incidents year-on-year. This pattern is visualized in Figure 2. Figure 3 Number of sexting and sextortion cases by year Qualitative Findings Motivations for Seeking Help The most commonly cited reason for contacting the counselling service was the non-consensual dissemination of intimate materials, even when no explicit blackmail was involved. A total of 76 victims reported that their private content—often photographs or videos—had been shared with others without their permission. This frequently occurred despite the initial exchange being perceived as consensual, highlighting a significant breach of trust and a common trajectory from consensual sexting to victimization. One 14-year-old respondent described their experience as follows: „A nude photo was being shared at school and I don’t know if it has been deleted or not. I need to talk to someone about it because people at school keep looking at me and it’s really uncomfortable.“ In 27 responses, participants reported that the intimate material had not yet been disseminated, but they were afraid that it might be. As a result, they contacted the counselling service for advice on how to proceed. As noted by a 12-year-old boy: “I sent nudes and now I’m afraid they might be shared. It’s been about three days and nothing has appeared on my Facebook, but I deactivated it. A girl from Slovakia was contacted by a boy who said he had my videos. I blocked him and have not been in contact since.” This example illustrates the anticipatory anxiety that can arise even in the absence of actual circulation, and the perceived loss of control that prompts children to seek support. A smaller subset of respondents (20 cases) described situations in which they were subjected to pressure or explicit requests for intimate content, but ultimately did not comply. These cases demonstrate the psychological burden that coercive behaviour can impose on minors, even in the absence of actual compliance. Illustrative of this discomfort, one adolescent shared (age 14): “Someone contacted me on Facebook and asked to be friends. I accepted the request, and about an hour later, he started asking for ‘fingering’ and then for pictures. He asked me if I had ever done it and asked about other sex-related things. He also contacted several of my classmates and girlfriends and asked them for the same. I’m not friends with him, but I think he could hurt someone, so I’m writing to you.” Another group (7 cases) contacted the counselling service to inquire about the legality of sending or possessing sexually explicit materials involving minors—these were typically individuals who had shared such materials themselves and were uncertain about the legal consequences of their actions. In some instances, concern was expressed on behalf of others, particularly peers or romantic partners, reflecting an awareness of potential criminal liability even in ambiguous or peer-to-peer contexts. As described by a 15-year-old respondent: “Hello, I have a problem. I know a friend (15 years old), and I’m a bit worried about him. He had a girlfriend (13 years old), and she sent him a few nude photos (breasts, buttocks). One of the photos was seen by his female friend, and later some others by another male friend. The girlfriend found out and broke up with him. Her father found out about it after half a year. Do you think he could face legal consequences? If so, what kind? Thank you.” Modes of Dissemination The methods by which intimate materials were disseminated varied considerably. In most cases (49), the content was shared via direct messaging, often through social media or private chat applications. However, in 11 particularly serious cases, materials were made publicly accessible on widely used platforms such as Facebook, Ask.fm, Pornhub, or Instagram Stories. One illustrative case involved a 17-year-old girl who reported the following situation: “Hello, I would like to turn to you with the following problem. About a year ago, I sent a semi-nude photo to my then ex-boyfriend, and yesterday it appeared on the social network Ask.fm along with anonymous comments threatening to send it to my current partner. 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