THE KHWARAZMSHAH DYNASTY'S MİLİTARY EXPEDİTİONS İNTO THE NAKHCHİVAN REGİON DURİNG THE 1220s

Norwegian Journal of development of the International Science No 166/2025 53 THE KHWARAZMSHAH DYNASTY’S MİLİTARY EXPEDİTİONS İNTO THE NAKHCHİVAN REGİON DURİNG THE 1220s Aliyev İ. Phd. in History Nakhchivan Branch of ANAS ORCİD İD: 0000-0002-7079-4737 Aliyeva K. Nakhchivan Branch of ANAS ORCİD İD: 0009-0005-7620-3255 https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.17352705 Abstract The article explores the history of Azerbaijan during the 1220s, focusing on the campaign of the Khwarazmians in Azerbaijan, particularly their incursion into Nakhchivan. It examines the position of the political entities existing in Azerbaijan toward the Khwarazmian state, as well as the activities and governance of Khwarazmshah Jalal al-Din. The study also touches upon the role and political activity of Jalaliyya Khatun, the ruler of Nakhchivan. As a result, it is concluded that following the collapse of the Eldiguzid (Atabeg) state, the political processes unfolding in Azerbaijan and the invasions of foreign powers significantly intensified the political tension in Nakhchivan. Keywords: Nakhchivan, Khwarazmshah Jalal al-Din, Jalaliyya Khatun, foreign invasions. Introduction. At the beginning of the 13th century, the Eldiguzid (Atabeg) state of Azerbaijan was already undergoing a period of crisis. During the reigns of Atabeg Abu Bakr (1191–1210) and Özbek (1210– 1225), the Atabeg state weakened even further. As a result, the ruling elite was no longer capable of resisting foreign invasions, leaving the region defenseless against external attacks. Taking advantage of this situation, the Georgians launched plundering raids into Azerbaijan in the early 13th century. Shortly afterward, the Khwarazmians also began military campaigns against the Atabegs. Academician Ziya Bunyadov notes that in the year 602 AH (1205–1206 CE), Taj alDin Ali Shah, the son of Khwarazmshah Tekish (1172– 1200), invaded the territory of the Azerbaijani Atabeg state. In the ensuing battle, Abu Bakr emerged victorious and destroyed the fortress of Heydariyya [1, p. 118]. During the reign of Atabeg Özbek, Khwarazmshah Ala al-Din Muhammad (1200–1220) began to expand his control over the region. He sent his vizier Nasir al-Din Dawlatyar to the Atabeg’s court to negotiate his submission. Following the Atabegs’ acknowledgment of Khwarazmshah authority, Ala al-Din Muhammad also brought Shirvanshah I Garsasb (1204–1225) under his vassalage [1, p. 181; 5, p. 549]. The invasion of Nakhchivan by Qiyas al-Din Pir Shah. Khwarazmshah Ala al-Din Muhammad had previously established diplomatic and commercial relations with Chinggis Khan (1206–1227). However, in 1218, a Mongol trade caravan was plundered in the city of Otrar by its governor, Inal. This event, known in history as the Otrar Catastrophe, provided the Mongols with a pretext to launch an invasion of the Khwarazmian Empire. In the autumn of 1219, the Mongols besieged Otrar and captured it after six months. By the spring of 1220, they had taken Bukhara and then Samarkand. Khwarazmshah Muhammad fled to the island of Abaskun in the Caspian Sea, where he died shortly thereafter. Following his death, his son Jalal al-Din was proclaimed Khwarazmshah. The Mongols went on to capture the empire’s capital, Urgench, and subsequently the city of Merv. The reconnaissance campaigns launched by the Mongols into Azerbaijan did not lead to the establishment of political stability in the region. The aftermath of their invasions continued to reverberate for some time. As a result of the Mongol attacks, the sons of Khwarazmshah Muhammad—who had fled from Central Asia—invaded Azerbaijan in the mid1220s. In 1224, Muhammad’s son, Qiyas al-Din Pirshah, launched a campaign and captured Maragha along with its surrounding areas. Atabeg Özbek, who had previously been unable to resist the Mongol invasions, was likewise incapable of repelling the Khwarazmian attacks. At that time, the ruler of Nakhchivan was Malika Jalaliyya, daughter of Muhammad Jahan Pahlavan and Zahida Khatun, and the paternal sister of Atabeg Özbek [9, p. 99]. Unable to confront Qiyas al-Din Pirshah militarily, Atabeg Özbek arranged for his sister, the ruler of Nakhchivan, Jalaliyya, to marry him. This political marriage brought about a temporary peace between the two sides. Since Nakhchivan was considered Jalaliyya’s personal domain, it consequently fell under the sphere of influence of Qiyas al-Din Pirshah [7, p. 33]. He entrusted the administration of Nakhchivan— “this important frontier province”—to his chamberlain, Sadr al-Milla wa al-Din Abu al-Barakat al-‘Uthmani, a descendant of Caliph Uthman. In the decree issued by Qiyas al-Din to his chamberlain, it was stated: “Recently, we have appointed Abu al-Barakat al- ‘Uthmani, a descendant of Caliph Uthman ibn ‘Affan, as vizier of Nakhchivan so that he may compensate for the damage inflicted upon governance, restore justice, improve the situation, and grant to both Muslims and non-Muslims the due reward for their service. He must collect the established taxes—kharaj from Muslims and jizya from the dhimmis. If any of the inhabitants of the fortress (‘ahl al-qal‘a’) embrace Islam and enter the protection of the Muslims, the vizier shall not question 54 Norwegian Journal of development of the International Science No 166/2025 them regarding any unpaid jizya. The vizier must not prevent Christians from building or repairing churches, or from holding their assemblies, yet he shall not permit them to introduce new and significant customs. Furthermore, regardless of their social standing, the vizier shall ensure that Christians live separately from Muslims and prohibit them from riding horses or bearing arms.” [12, p. 78]. According to the decree, Sadr al-Din was also instructed to safeguard the roads, ensure that none of the dhimmis (non-Muslims under Muslim protection) left Islamic territory, and prevent any tendencies toward disloyalty or apostasy. No merchant was permitted to travel from non-Muslim lands carrying weapons, slaves, or livestock. Should any traveler pass through Muslim territories, Sadr al-Din was to receive him with respect and courtesy but was also ordered not to allow excessive numbers of migrants to settle permanently. [13, p. 97]. Through this decree, Qiyas alDin Pirshah sought to establish justice and order in the administration of Nakhchivan, promote prosperity in the region, ensure the well-being of its inhabitants, and regulate the taxation system and collection procedures. One notable feature of the document concerns the composition of the local population. The decree indicates that, at the time, the population of Nakhchivan consisted predominantly of Muslims. Alongside them lived small numbers of non-Muslims, who were to be treated fairly and justly according to the stipulations of the decree. Regarding migrants, it is evident that those who passed through the region were to be treated with courtesy and respect. If they wished to remain, they were to be permitted to settle to the extent possible. These migrants were primarily individuals displaced by the Mongol invasions. Nakhchivan during the campaign of Khwarazmshah Jalal al-Din.During the 13th century, amid the Mongol invasions, several Mongol–Turkic tribes that entered Azerbaijan settled in the Nakhchivan region and gradually assimilated into the local Turkic population. The presence and activity of the SulduzChupanid clan in Nakhchivan indicate that this group had also established settlements in the area. Tribes such as the Qarakhun, Chaghatay, and the Yayji—of Oghuz origin—were among those who arrived in Nakhchivan during this period [7, p. 49]. According to Ahmad Zaki Validi, Kipchak Turks also migrated to Tabriz and Nakhchivan around this time [8, pp. 67–68]. Despite the destruction of the Khwarazmian Empire by the Mongols and the dispersal of its heirs, Qiyas al-Din Pirshah demonstrated a policy of fairness toward the migrants who had fled to the region during the Mongol incursions. However, the rule of Qiyas al-Din Pirshah in the region did not last long. When he departed for Iraq, Atabeg Özbek seized the opportunity to renounce his allegiance. While Qiyas al-Din was marching toward Rayy with his army, a conflict arose between him and his own atabeg and relative, Ighan-Taisi. Özbek exploited this internal discord and refused to obey him. Having been defeated by Qiyas al-Din, Ighan-Taisi was forced to withdraw with his troops into Azerbaijan [14, p. 368]. According to the research of Academician Ziya Bunyadov, Ighan-Taisi, with Özbek’s permission, began to plunder and devastate the region. After spending the winter in Arran, he again pillaged parts of Azerbaijan and then, following the command of Caliph al-Nasir, advanced toward Hamadan [1, pp. 132-139]. In 621 AH (1224 CE), Khwarazmshah Jalal al-Din launched his campaign into Azerbaijan. Learning of Ighan-Taisi’s raids, Jalal al-Din swiftly marched to Hamadan by night. Ighan-Taisi sent his wife—who was Jalal al-Din’s sister—to negotiate peace with him, after which Ighan-Taisi joined forces with Jalal al-Din’s army [12, p. 131]. Soon after, Qiyas al-Din’s brother, Jalal al-Din Mangburni, invaded Azerbaijan in May 1225. When Tabriz was captured, Atabeg Özbek had already abandoned the capital—first retreating to Ganja and then to Nakhchivan, which was ruled by his sister, Malika Jalaliyya. There, he took refuge in the fortress of Alinja. The historian R. Mammadov notes that Özbek settled in this fortress to organize resistance against the invading forces and that he was killed during the ensuing battle with Jalal al-Din’s troops, being buried within the fortress [3, p. 79]. However, later research, including that of al-Nasawi—Jalal alDin’s personal secretary—clarifies that, according to information obtained from Özbek’s vizier, Rabib alDin Dandan, upon learning that his lands were being conquered piece by piece and that his wife, Malika, had married Jalal al-Din, Özbek fell ill and died a few days later [1, p. 136; 8, pp. 119–120; 11, p. 62]. In the account of Juvayni, there is a notable detail regarding the marriage of Jalal al-Din and Malika Khatun. During the siege of Tabriz, Malika Khatun, who was then inside the city, considered resistance futile. Angered by Atabeg Özbek’s abandonment of her in Tabriz, she sent a letter to Khwarazmshah Jalal al-Din, proposing marriage in Nakhchivan. Shortly thereafter, the marriage between Jalal al-Din and Malika Khatun took place in Nakhchivan. When Atabeg Özbek heard the news in Alinja fortress, he died of grief and sorrow [10, pp. 358–359]. Thus, the Atabeg state of Azerbaijan— which had risen and flourished from its beginnings in Nakhchivan—passed from the stage of history with the death of its last ruler on this very land [2, pp. 42–43]. Nevertheless, unlike the male members of the Atabeg dynasty who had entered the service of the Khwarazmshahs, some of their female representatives continued to retain control over the Eldiguzid estates. Through dynastic marriages with the Khwarazmshahs, they sought to preserve their domains. Malika Jalaliyya, for instance, managed to safeguard Nakhchivan as her hereditary property, while Özbek’s wife, Malika, retained control over Salmas, Urmiya, and Khoy, and Khamosh’s wife, Sulafa Khatun, held the fortress of Ruindiz under her authority [9, pp. 100– 101]. Their rule continued until the subsequent Mongol invasions brought an end to their autonomy. After Jalal al-Din’s troops occupied Azerbaijan, the administration of Nakhchivan remained in the hands of Jalaliyya. Even after Qiyas al-Din Pirshah left the country and went to Iraq, she continued to fulfill her Norwegian Journal of development of the International Science No 166/2025 55 duties as the ruler of Nakhchivan. Living in the luxurious residence of the Atabegs in Nakhchivan, Jalaliyya possessed her own guard detachment, an army capable of defending the city and surrounding districts, and a functioning administrative system, including a palace official who held the title of hajib [8, p. 120]. According to al-Nasawi’s notes, Jalaliyya paid taxes to Jalal al-Din’s court amounting to twice the annual revenue of Nakhchivan [15, p. 202]. This lady ruler was of great importance to the sultan, as she helped preserve his authority in the region. Naturally, the taxes paid to Jalal al-Din were collected from the people, which indicates the heavy burden placed upon the taxpayers. Consequently, although Jalal al-Din had seized control of Azerbaijan, including Nakhchivan, his authority there was not firmly established. Large segments of the population and part of the local feudal lords opposed him. Therefore, uprisings against Jalal al-Din broke out in several Azerbaijani cities—Khoy, Marand, Ganja, and Nakhchivan [3, pp. 79–80]. On the other hand, the revenues from Nakhchivan prompted Jalal al-Din’s vizier, Sharaf al-Mulk, to consider taking the governorship of this region from Jalaliyya. Al-Nasawi writes that the person who incited Sharaf al-Mulk to this idea was Aytughmush, one of the former mamluks of Muhammad Jahan Pahlavan, who had been adopted by Jalaliyya but later betrayed her. Aytughmush persuaded the vizier that after seizing Nakhchivan, they could obtain not only the cash revenues collected from there but also additional annual income. Eventually, Aytughmush succeeded in convincing Sharaf al-Mulk [15, p. 201]. The vizier then sent Aytughmush with his personal guard detachment to Nakhchivan. His plan was to exploit Jalaliyya’s trust in Aytughmush, have him enter the city deceitfully, arrest Jalaliyya, and take over the administration. However, a spy within his own ranks informed the ruler of Nakhchivan about this plot. In 1227, when Aytughmush’s forces attacked Nakhchivan to seize power, the city’s defenders confronted them and fierce fighting ensued. Seeing the defenders as far more numerous than expected, Aytughmush’s men realized they had been deceived and retreated in disgrace [15, p. 202]. By that time, Sharaf al-Mulk had reached the vicinity of Nakhchivan. Upon hearing of the failure, he was deeply disappointed. Jalaliyya’s hajibah (female chamberlain) came to Sharaf al-Mulk on behalf of her ruler and asked why he had acted in such a way—whether it was because the revenues from Nakhchivan were insufficient. She added that the income remitted to the treasury was already twice the amount collected. On Jalaliyya’s orders, the hajibah received Sharaf al-Mulk with great honor, far exceeding what he had expected [6, pp. 123– 124]. Al-Nasawi writes that, in response, Sharaf alMulk merely offered an apology, but did not utter a word of farewell [15, p. 202], indicating that he had not abandoned his ambition to seize control of Nakhchivan. Thus, Sharaf al-Mulk’s plan to seize Nakhchivan from Jalaliyya did not succeed. At that time, an attack on Azerbaijan by Hajib Husam al-Din Ali, the governor of Akhlat on behalf of al-Malik al-Ashraf — the ruler of al-Jazira, Akhlat, and Mayyafariqin — prevented him from realizing his intentions. From the very beginning, relations between Sharaf al-Mulk and Malikah Khatun had been strained. He constantly sought to discredit her and even wrote to the sultan, accusing the Malikah of inciting the supporters of the Atabegs to rise against the Khwarazmians. As a result, Malikah Khatun abandoned Khoy and sought refuge in the Tala fortress near Urmia. While in the fortress, she wrote to Hajib Ali, the governor of Akhlat, requesting military assistance. In Sha‘ban of the year 624 AH (July–August 1227), Hajib Ali launched a campaign into Azerbaijan and captured the city of Khoy. Al-Nasawi reports that after taking Khoy, its surrounding fortresses, and the city of Marand, Hajib Ali advanced toward Nakhchivan, which surrendered to him without resistance [15, p. 204]. Ibn al-Athir likewise records that the inhabitants of Nakhchivan voluntarily handed the city over to Hajib Husam al-Din Ali, and that had he wished, he could have conquered the entire region [14, p. 406; 12, p. 141]. Evidently, by “the inhabitants of Nakhchivan,” Ibn al-Athir was referring primarily to Jalaliyya herself, who sought to free her domains and property from Khwarazmian control [8, p. 121]. Jalaliyya, having witnessed the devastation caused by Sharaf al-Mulk in the provinces under his rule, was determined not to relinquish her authority to him under any circumstances. During Hajib Ali’s campaign in Azerbaijan, Sharaf al-Mulk withdrew to the city of Tabriz, where he gathered troops and marched against Hajib Ali. The latter fortified himself in a place called Barkri. In the ensuing battle, Sharaf al-Mulk’s forces massacred Hajib Ali’s supporters and expelled his troops from the Azerbaijani cities they had seized [16, pp. 276–277; 6, pp. 126–131]. Academic Ziya Bunyadov notes that upon hearing of these events in Azerbaijan, Khwarazmshah Jalal al-Din returned from Iraq. In 625 AH (1227–1228), Jalal al-Din and Hajib Ali met in battle at Barkri, and Jalal al-Din succeeded in regaining the lost territories [13, p. 173]. Consequently, Nakhchivan once again fell under the rule of Khwarazmshah Jalal al-Din. Realizing that Sharaf al-Mulk had not abandoned his ambition to seize Nakhchivan, Jalaliyya sought a solution through diplomatic marriage. In 1229, following the death of Qiyas al-Din Pirshah, she proposed marriage to Sultan Jalal al-Din. After a successful campaign against the Georgians, Jalal al-Din arrived in Nakhchivan, where he married Jalaliyya. During his brief stay, he met with the heads of administration (divan chiefs) from Khorasan, Iraq, and Mazandaran, discussing the regulation of internal affairs within these provinces [15, p. 221; 9, p. 101]. However, in 1231, the Mongols brought Jalal al-Din’s rule to an end. With this event, the dominion of the Khwarazmshahs — and consequently that of Jalaliyya — in Nakhchivan also came to a close. Conclusion. As can be seen, the political situation in Nakhchivan after the first Mongol invasion was highly complex and contradictory. During the periods when Atabeg Özbek’s son Khamush and later Jalaliyya governed the region, the local population suffered greatly under the unstable and chaotic rule of the 56 Norwegian Journal of development of the International Science No 166/2025 Khwarazmshahs. What was particularly tragic, however, was that following such a difficult and tumultuous period, the Mongols once again launched a second attack on Nakhchivan. References: 1. Bünyadov Z.M. Azərbaycan Atabəyləri dövləti (1136-1225-ci illər). Bakı: Şərq-Qərb, 2007, 312 s. 2. Əliyev İ. Monqolların Naxçıvana hücumları və onun nəticələri // Şərqin Qapısı-Qədim diyar. Naxçıvan, Əcəmi, 2024, s. 37-52 3. Məmmədov R.A. Naxçıvan şəhərinin tarixi oçerki. 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