Social capital and transaction costs in Women's Dual Roles: A narrative review

 Corresponding author: I Gusti Ayu Athina Wulandari. Copyright © 2025 Author(s) retain the copyright of this article. This article is published under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License 4.0. Social capital and transaction costs in Women's Dual Roles: A narrative review I Gusti Ayu Athina Wulandari * Department of Economic Development, Faculty of Economic and Business, Warmadewa University, Denpasar, Bali, Indonesia. World Journal of Advanced Research and Reviews, 2025, 27(01), 517-524 Publication history: Received on 21 May 2025; revised on 03 July 2025; accepted on 05 July 2025 Article DOI: https://doi.org/10.30574/wjarr.2025.27.1.2514 Abstract The role of women as homemakers has given rise to the stereotype that women are only capable of performing domestic tasks. This stereotype has become a subject of debate, especially among feminists, because women have been proven to perform dual roles in both the domestic and formal sectors. However, not all women who perform dual roles are able to perform their various roles well. Clear time constraints often lead to role conflicts. Using a narrative review method, this study aims to examine how women's social capital and transaction costs influence their ability to manage their dual roles. The bonding and bridging social capital women possess within their family, workplace, and community provide opportunities for them to allocate more time to paid work. When women face situations where social capital is insufficiently supportive while professional demands at their workplace persist, their choice is to access childcare services or domestic helper services as transaction costs for their decision to juggle multiple roles. This results in longer working hours, increased productivity, and higher income for women with lower socioeconomic status. For women with higher socioeconomic status, the free time they have is not used to increase working hours but rather for a more relaxed lifestyle. Keywords: Women; Dual Roles; Social Capital; Transaction Cost; Trade Off 1. Introduction Women's dual roles navigate complex work patterns that require balancing public and domestic roles. Women with dual responsibilities consistently report higher levels of stress than those who do not have additional domestic roles [1]. This dilemma becomes even more difficult when women are faced with the need to maintain professionalism while performing caregiving and household tasks at the same time. Women who are involved in the professional world of work while also fulfilling their roles in the domestic sector face complex challenges in juggling these roles simultaneously. In developing countries, especially those with strong local cultures, institutional structures and patriarchal cultures have not fully supported the redistribution of domestic roles, so women often become the primary managers of the household even though they also contribute economically [2]. These conditions encourage the emergence of forms of social negotiation and individual adaptation so that women can remain productive and professional in fulfilling domestic and public role expectations. Various studies show that women's ability to navigate dual roles is greatly influenced by the quality of social capital they possess and their capacity to manage the transaction costs that arise as a consequence of these roles. Essentially, married women who work are responsible for their families, jobs, and social environments. The multitude of roles performed by individuals is often referred to as dual roles. Others also identify this as triple roles or multiple roles [3,4,5]. The roles performed by married women with careers have generated various opinions. Married women with careers tend to perform many roles at the same time, each with different responsibilities. The expectations of World Journal of Advanced Research and Reviews, 2025, 27(01), 517-524 518 family and society toward women may differ from their own expectations and conflict with their individual selves, often leading to conflict and stress [4,6,7]. This multi-role phenomenon is often referred to as role dualism, focusing on the contrast between traditional roles as a mother, wife, and homemaker, and modern demands for women to pursue economic independence and social roles in society. Others argue that women's multiple roles have a positive impact on their physical and psychological health and can develop their internal resources, thereby increasing their self-esteem [7,8,9,10,11,12] depending on the social context and the meaning of the role for the individual. The results of these studies provide an overview of two schools of thought regarding the multiple roles performed by women. The first view holds that dual/multiple roles lead to role conflict and increased stress, thereby reducing women's well-being. The second view states that women's involvement in enhancing their roles in the public sector provides access to develop internal resources, thereby improving women's well-being. Building on the understanding of women's dual roles, Junaidi and Sukanti [13] highlight how simultaneous social and domestic roles lead to the accumulation of physical, mental, and emotional burdens for women. It is further noted that women with dual roles in the household tend to experience physical and psychological exhaustion as a direct result of the demands of their various roles within the traditional family structure. Meanwhile, Riswandy and Abdullah [14] in their research in Bandung, Indonesia, emphasize that while women's involvement in the public sphere can enhance empowerment and well-being, this is highly dependent on social support and local economic dynamics. Based on these findings, it is important to look further into how social capital can reduce the transaction costs that arise and, as a result, create a dynamic trade-off between women's domestic responsibilities and professional productivity with dual roles. In the context of institutional economics, social capital can be understood as a resource created from relationships between individuals within a social structure, which has economic and institutional value. The definitions of social capital according to Bourdieu, Coleman, and Putnam [15,16,17] are often combined in institutional economics research topics. Bourdieu's definition of social capital emphasizes that social capital is an actual and potential resource derived from the social networks that individuals possess. Coleman defines social capital by emphasizing its role in facilitating collective action, stating that social capital is an informal institutional mechanism that supports social efficiency. Meanwhile, Putnam emphasizes social capital as a form of social organization consisting of trust, norms, and social networks that can increase social efficiency through coordinated action. Based on these three perspectives, it can be said that social capital functions as a non-economic mechanism that can support cooperation, reduce transaction costs, and strengthen social and economic institutions. Transaction costs are an important component in institutional economics. Transaction costs are costs incurred as a result of transactional activities, or exchanges, such as information search, negotiation, monitoring, and contract enforcement. The concept of transaction costs was introduced by Ronald Coase [18] and later developed by Williamson [19], who added that transaction costs encompass three main elements: information search costs, negotiation costs, and monitoring and contract enforcement costs. Research on the dual roles of women in various countries shows a complex interaction between role demands and wellbeing. Women, especially those who are married and work, juggle dual roles with different responsibilities, making them vulnerable to role conflicts and stress [4]. Work-family-social conflicts arise due to constraints such as time and factors like tension or incompatibility between role performers [20]. Many researchers link women's dual roles to achievable well-being, but this remains a subject of debate. The debate arises because the research findings show varying impacts. Stefanisko [7] found potential benefits such as higher self-esteem. Other researchers found that dual roles can also benefit managerial women by potentially enhancing psychological well-being and managerial skills [21]. Although the topic of role conflict among women is one that has been frequently studied, the debate over research findings makes it an intriguing subject to explore further. The complexity of factors influencing the emergence of role conflict and how women navigate to minimize such conflicts is a strong reason why this topic remains worthy of investigation. Couzy [22] found that role conflict occurs when traditional values, lack of time, and unequal involvement in each role disrupt how women fulfill their different roles at work and at home. Kumari & Rani [23] in their study listed and ranked the sources of role conflict, including overwhelming workloads and expectations, spousal and family support, ambiguity and uncertainty about the dual roles being undertaken, prioritization between family and work, time allocation, inappropriate division of roles/tasks, personality characteristics of the partner, attitudes of superiors and colleagues at work, and differences in background with the partner. Modern and global societies are characterized by successful efforts by women to achieve gender equality in the workplace, made possible by a number of interventions such as education, affirmative action, and economic empowerment policies. However, a large number of working women face conflicts in performing their dual roles. Gowda & Rao [24] found that in India, caste, class, religion, and region play a significant role in contributing to role conflicts. Working women in India face significant role conflicts in balancing domestic tasks and the demands of their paid work World Journal of Advanced Research and Reviews, 2025, 27(01), 517-524 519 in three different sectors: information technology, retail/shopping centers, and public transportation departments. Working women experience role conflicts and struggle to balance their responsibilities at work and at home. Gender expectations from society and culture significantly contribute to the role conflicts experienced by working women, leading to dissatisfaction in both their professional and personal lives. The role conflicts experienced by working women have a negative impact on their overall well-being [25]. Role conflicts resulting from the dual roles performed by women do not seem to dampen their spirits. Various studies conducted in many countries have found that support from family, colleagues, and institutions can help women with dual roles achieve work-life balance. This narrative literature review attempts to examine how social capital and transaction costs become trade-offs for women in performing their dual roles. Stefanisko [7] emphasizes that women's experiences with dual roles require a phenomenological approach to understand how women interpret their various responsibilities and navigate potential conflicts. This research highlights the need for a deeper understanding of women's experiences with dual roles and their impact. This study was written with the intention of filling this gap. However, due to time constraints, this study was written using a narrative review method, which involved collecting previous research literature to examine the role of social capital and transaction costs arising from women's dual roles. 2. Methods This study uses narrative literature review as a research method. Narrative review is a classic/traditional method that is commonly used to synthesize and interpret theoretical and empirical works without following strict procedures, unlike systematic reviews. Green et al. [26] state that the purpose of a narrative review is to provide a comprehensive and integrative understanding of a topic in a flexible manner by selecting, organizing, and analyzing relevant literature. In this study, national and international journal articles, as well as books relevant to the issue raised, were collected and reviewed. The selection of sources was based on relevance, conceptual contribution, and suitability to the focus of the study without applying strict inclusion-exclusion criteria. 3. Results and discussion This study used 35 journal articles indexed nationally and internationally based on the method used. Twenty of these articles were published in Scopus-indexed journals, seven were published in nationally accredited journals, and eight were published in international journals with an ISSN. Therefore, all articles are credible sources fot this study. The study examines social capital and transaction costs influence women`s dual roles. Therefore, the discussion is divided into two main categories. 3.1. Social Capital in Women`s Dual Roles Social capital is a network of social relationships that individuals or groups have that can provide access to resources and support. This includes relationships built within families, friends, and associations/groups. Bourdieu categorizes capital into three main forms: economic, cultural, and social. Social capital focuses on the potential that individuals have to benefit from social relationships. Social capital contributes to social reproduction, where individuals from certain backgrounds tend to maintain the same social position. The access that individuals have to social networks is inseparable from trajectories or factors such as social class and family background. Social capital is used to adapt to the environment, meaning that having good relationships and strong networks can be an important strategy for achieving success in various fields. In the context of women's dual roles, social capital plays an important role. Po & Hickey [27] in their research in Kenya on women's participation in decision-making in the agricultural sector noted that women use bridging social capital to access various sources of information and training. Furthermore, women's participation in decision-making in the agricultural sector has a positive correlation with bonding social capital but a negative correlation with bridging social capital. The correlation between capital and women's participation in decision-making is influenced by the level of poverty in the region. Neneh [28] took as her research object the role conflict of women entrepreneurs in South Africa. The results show that work-family role conflict has a negative impact on women's performance in their businesses. Social capital bonding and bridging in this context can mitigate the negative impact of work-family role conflict on women's business performance. When faced with work-family conflict, women typically seek support from their families [29,30]. Support from family and close friends manifests as bonding social capital, which tends to mitigate the prevalence of work-family conflict among female entrepreneurs [31]. Bonding social capital is particularly useful when World Journal of Advanced Research and Reviews, 2025, 27(01), 517-524 520 facing high levels of work-family conflict. One such resource may be the availability of unpaid labor from family and close friends [29]. Another study that looked at married women working in rural households, migrant households, and urban households in China found that bonding social capital influences how women allocate their time to paid work. Urban men showed that husbands with higher education (more than 12 years) spent significantly more time doing household chores than husbands with lower education. Higher education appears to change urban men's attitudes toward gender roles. The wives of these more educated men also spend more time on paid work than wives whose husbands are less educated. The gender gap in total work narrows in these households. Higher-educated urban women significantly reduce their unpaid work time and increase their paid work time. This implies that better education for women will reduce the burden of part-time work and narrow the gender gap in time use in households. Among migrant men, higher education levels have a significant impact on women's total work mix. Migrant wives' time spent on unpaid work decreases and paid work increases dramatically, leading to a narrowing of the gender gap in total work [32]. Rural men in the higher education category significantly reduce their time spent on unpaid work. Although acknowledging that their education levels are much lower than those of urban men (median 6.3 years or about half that of urban men), the lower contribution of unpaid work indicates that the time use patterns of Chinese couples, especially rural couples, remain conditioned by gender norms in deeply rooted patriarchal traditions. The ratio of household workers in high-income urban households is 6.84% compared to only 1.99% in low-income households, indicating that with higher household income, urban women are able to afford household workers, formal childcare facilities, and outsourcing household work to compensate for their extra time for paid work. However, their time for self-care also decreases significantly. If this decrease in self-care time comes at the expense of lost sleep time, it could potentially indicate a decline in the well-being of urban women. The impact of higher household income on rural and migrant women is an increase in unpaid work. For rural women, this increase in unpaid work is more than offset by a reduction in their time for paid work and an increase in time for self-care. Higher household income provides rural women with the opportunity to return to traditional gender norms that have been previously socialized and internalized. Men in rural areas increase their time spent on paid work as income rises. Despite rising household income, couples in rural areas continue to allocate their time in traditional gender roles. Migrant women, through the breakdown of unpaid work, show that migrant women in higher-income households spend more time on caregiving work. The presence of grandparents in households, especially grandmothers, significantly reduces childcare costs. This dramatic gender-based effect of grandparents generally allows for more paid work and less unpaid work, especially for women, and this is particularly significant for migrant mothers. However, the presence of maternal and paternal grandparents, and significantly paternal grandparents, in migrant households is also associated with a reduction in women's leisure time. In Indonesia, several studies have highlighted the importance of husbands' support in women's dual roles. Rahayu [33] emphasizes that a good relationship between husband and wife increases happiness because of the emotional support in facing various problems in life. Husbands' support, such as involvement in household affairs, is very important for working women. Rini [34] states that spousal support significantly influences the happiness of working women. Spousal support for working wives greatly assists women in managing their roles, particularly in household affairs and their careers, enabling working women to feel more comfortable and secure at work when their husbands actively participate in household responsibilities. In Bali, women's dual roles are exacerbated by the presence of traditional religious roles in society. Several studies highlight the importance of family support in women's ability to manage their time across the roles they undertake [35, 36, 37]. Support from husbands and children helps women balance their dual roles. This study also found that support from in-laws and siblings-in-law is crucial in fulfilling traditional and religious roles. This underscores how social support from the immediate environment plays a vital role in the context of women's dual roles, enabling them to manage work, family, and social responsibilities. World Journal of Advanced Research and Reviews, 2025, 27(01), 517-524 521 3.2. Transaction Costs in Women`s Dual Roles Transaction costs are often referred to as costs that should not arise but do arise due to certain situations and conditions. In institutional economics, transaction costs are related to the costs of arranging, supervising, and executing economic transactions. Transaction costs arise from market failures caused by asymmetric information and market participants not using all the information they have obtained or are unable to obtain. This concept is important because it acknowledges that not all costs in the economy are monetary or quantifiable; there are also costs related to the time, effort, and resources required to carry out a transaction. Mburu (2002) in Yustika [38] states that transaction costs can be categorized as search and information costs, negotiation and decision-making costs in entering into contracts, and costs for negotiating, measuring, and enforcing exchanges. Transaction costs in the context of women's dual roles focus more on the additional burdens that arise when they must fulfill their responsibilities in both the domestic and public sectors. To avoid conflicts between these roles, women are faced with the obligation to balance work and family, often requiring them to make decisions that entail sacrifices of time, effort, and additional costs. As a trade-off for balancing responsibilities across their roles, transaction costs arise, particularly in the form of seeking childcare solutions, negotiating domestic roles, and adapting to prevailing social norms. For married women who work and have children, if their social capital bonding is insufficient—social capital from their immediate environment—they may be forced to make decisions to choose daycare services or hire domestic help, which incurs additional costs both financially and emotionally. Understanding the dynamics of transaction costs in women's dual roles is crucial to explaining how practical choices are made in response to time constraints, physical limitations, and the lack of social support from the immediate environment (family). In this context, the decision to use daycare services or a domestic helper is not merely a technical solution but also an adaptive strategy reflecting mechanisms to reduce transaction costs. Various empirical studies confirm that access to such services can enhance the stability of women's domestic and professional roles while also increasing their capacity to maintain productivity in fulfilling their dual roles. Several studies confirm the role of day care services on women's performance at work. Choosing to use day care or domestic help services involves a trade-off between increased performance and career development and income growth. Research shows that access to child day care has a positive impact on women's labor market participation and career outcomes. Childcare friction hinders women's career development and their allocation of human resources in the labor market. In Quebec, government-subsidized day care services increase labor force participation among new mothers, particularly those who were previously unemployed, leading to higher income and productivity. Earlier access to childcare increases the reallocation of new mothers' careers to higher-paying jobs in male-dominated companies, which leads to higher income and productivity. Companies that are traditionally unattractive to women with children benefit from this reallocation, experiencing higher growth and performance. In the Netherlands, childcare has a positive effect on female labor force participation [40]. Research by Nandi et al. [41] was conducted in rural India. The findings revealed that providing access to community-based childcare reduces the time spent on childcare and increases the likelihood of women engaging in paid work. Jenkins [1] found that women who juggle multiple roles, including childcare, consistently report higher stress levels. Therefore, in addition to access to childcare, working and married women navigating potential role conflicts have the option of accessing domestic help. Domestic helpers assist in reducing the burden of household tasks such as cleaning, cooking, washing, ironing, and childcare, allowing women to focus more on their professional work. The support of domestic helpers helps women balance work and family responsibilities and provides flexibility in time management. These factors can improve work-life balance for their well-being. Several studies have shown that domestic helpers play an important role in supporting women's dual roles. In Hong Kong, hiring foreign domestic helpers increases the labor force participation of married women, working hours, and reduces the proportion of household chores [42]. The presence of live-in domestic workers significantly increases the likelihood of mothers being economically active (but not for women who do not have the role of mother). The impact of domestic workers on the likelihood of married women working varies over time and differs according to household income and the wife's educational level. These findings support the symbolic function of domestic workers and the role of lifestyle preferences in women's employment. It is even believed that the function of domestic workers plays a role in the social reproduction of family and gender roles. He & Wu [42] add that the effects of domestic workers vary across socioeconomic groups. Women with lower socioeconomic status work longer hours to meet family needs. The positive impact of hiring domestic help on working hours is most significant among those with a high school education, living in subsidized housing, and married to men with relatively low incomes. For women married to men with higher socioeconomic status, the impact of hiring domestic help on working hours is not significant, indicating that their liberation from household chores is not to increase working hours but because they can enjoy a more relaxed lifestyle. An interesting finding by Groves & Lui World Journal of Advanced Research and Reviews, 2025, 27(01), 517-524 522 [43] is that when men view hiring domestic help as a contractual service and a gift for their wives, women often increase their contributions to the domestic helper and feel responsible for the emotional needs of the domestic helper. The transaction costs of women's dual roles are not only economic but also involve social, emotional, and structural aspects. Women's decisions to use day care services or hire domestic helpers reflect their negotiation of role imbalances both within the family and at work. 4. Conclusion Women's dual role is a woman's dual responsibility in life, namely carrying out a domestic role (taking care of the household, taking care of children, and other family members) and carrying out her public/professional role at work or in her independent business. The bonding and bridging social capital possessed in the family environment, workplace, and community provides opportunities for women to increase their portion of time in paid work. Help from family, friends, and neighbors can provide greater opportunities for women to develop their careers or independent businesses. Help from grandparents in helping to care for their grandchildren minimizes transaction costs that would otherwise arise. Transaction costs arise as a result of the trade-off of women's dual roles. When women are faced with a situation of less supportive social capital while there are demands for professionalism in their workplace, accessing child care services or household assistant services then becomes an option, which can be said to be a trade-off compared to maintaining the dual role conflict faced. This has been proven to provide them with longer working hours, increased productivity, and income for women with lower socioeconomic status. For women with higher social status, the free time they have is not for increasing working hours but for a more relaxed lifestyle. This research is a narrative review of the results of previous studies. Therefore, for further research, it is expected to be able to conduct empirical studies to fill the gaps in previous studies. 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